HISTORY  OF  MEXICO 

E HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


EX-LIBRIS 


RICARD?  DE  R9BINA 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO 


BEING 


A POPULAR  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE  FROM  THE 
EARLIEST  PRIMITIVE  CIVILIZATION  TO 
THE  PRESENT  TIME 


BY 

HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 


NEW  YORK 

THE  BANCROFT  COMPANY,  Publishers 
1914 


Copyright,  1914,  by 
The  Bancroft  Company 


Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 


THE  COMPLETE  WORKS  OF  HUBERT  HOWE  BANCROFT 


HISTORICAL  SERIES  IN  39  VOLUMES 
Vols.  I-V  The  Native  Races  of  the  Pacific  States 
Vols.  VI-VIII  History  of  Central  America 
Vols.  IX-XIV  History  of  Mexico 

Vols.  XV-XVI  History  of  the  North  Mexican  States  and  Texas 

Vol.  XVII  History  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico 

Vols.  XVIII-XXIV  History  of  California 

Vol.  XXV  History  of  Nevada,  Colorado  and  Wyoming 

Vol.  XXVI  History  of  Utah 

Vols.  XXVII-XXVIII  History  of  the  Northwest  Coast 

Vols.  XXIX-XXX  History  of  Oregon 

Vol.  XXXI  History  of  Washington,  Idaho  and  Montana 

Vol.  XXXII  History  of  British  Columbia 

Vol.  XXXIII  History  of  Alaska 

Vol.  XXXIV  California  Pastoral 

Vol.  XXXV  California  Inter  Pocula 

Vols.  XXXVI-XXXVII  Popular  Tribunals 

Vol.  XXXVIII  Essays  and  Miscellany 

Vol.  XXXIX  Literary  Industries 

The  Book  of  the  Fair ; The  Book  of  Wealth ; Resources  of  Mex- 
ico; The  New  Pacific;  Retrospection;  Popular  History  of  Mexico. 


PREFACE 


This  volume  was  written  and  printed,  in  part,  in  1887 
under  title  of  “A  Popular  History  of  the  Mexican  People,” 
the  term  “people,”  in  the  absence  of  an  intelligent  middle 
class  as  the  mainstay  of  the  body  politic  essential  in  every 
properly  ordained  republican  government,  applying  to  the 
upper  element  rather  than  to  the  lower  or  menial  order  of 
society. 

As  here  presented,  in  clear  and  condensed  narrative  form, 
a complete  history  of  this  fascinating  region  in  all  its  parts, 
from  the  indigenous  civilization  of  the  opaque  past  to  the 
mad  doings  of  to-day,  is  given,  let  us  hope,  in  sufficient  de- 
tail to  meet  the  requirements  of  the  scholar  as  well  as  of  the 
general  reader. 

As  to  the  earlier  questions  herein  involved,  although  in- 
vestigation has  continued,  no  new  facts  not  here  presented 
have  come  to  light  since  the  author  first  began  his  study  of 
the  subject  now  some  sixty  years  ago.  Of  the  origin  of  the 
Indians,  the  occupation  of  Anahuac  by  the  Halm  a nations, 
and  the  migrations  of  the  Aztecs  nothing  more  is  known 
than  when  Garcia  summarized  in  his  Origen  de  los  Indios 
de  el  Nuevo  Mundo,  in  1729,  the  then  existing  forty  and 
more  antagonistic  theories,  or  when  Lord  Kingsborough 
wrecked  mind  and  fortune  in  the  production  of  his  nine 
folio  volumes,  or  when  Brasseur  de  Bourbourg,  at  the  end 


IV 


PREFACE 


of  twenty-five  years  of  speculation  left  in  manuscript  and 
print,  confessed  that  he  could  make  no  further  progress  in 
these  insoluble  questions. 

All  that  follows,  the  Spanish  Conquest,  Viceregal  Rule, 
the  Revolution,  and  the  development  of  the  Republic  is  well- 
defined  and  open  history  which  ho  who  runs  may  read. 

What  is  best  for  tbe  peons  and  mixed  races  of  low  de- 
gree, whether  to  lift  them  up  as  Porfirio  Diaz  would  do 
or  kill  them  off  as  Huerta  and  Villa  and  Zapata  have  done 
and  as  a dozen  others  will  do,  foreign  intervention  assisting, 
time  will  determine.  Some  of  them  may  yet  be  saved. 
Time  was  when  it  was  deemed  a disgrace  for  the  offspring  of 
European  parents  to  be  born  in  America ; but  now  we  see 
high  in  office,  military  and  civil,  and  high  upon  the  honor- 
rolls  of  literature,  science,  and  art,  lords  aboriginal  who  boast 
the  purity  of  their  ancestral  blood  uncontaminated  by  any 
European  intermixture. 


/ 


CONTENTS 


PART  I— ABORIGINAL 

Chap.  Page 

I Geography,  Climate,  and  Race 1 

II  The  Toltec  and  Chichimec  Periods 10 

III  The  Aztecs 22 

IV  Mythology  and  Tradition 30 

V Government,  Royalty,  and  Royal  Palaces 43 

VI  Nobles  and  Slaves 56 

VII  Land  Tenure,  Taxation,  and  Laws 63 

VIII  Industries  and  Commerce 68 

IX  Food,  Feasts,  Amusements,  and  Dress 76 

X Language,  Hieroglyphics,  Education,  and  Calendar 87 

XI  War  and  Weapons 104 

XII  Antiquities 109 

XIII  Cities,  Dwellings,  and  Temples 122 

PART  II— THE  SPANISH  CONQUEST 

XIV  Outline  of  Spanish  History 133 

XV  Early  Discoveries  and  Conquests 137 

XVI  The  Hero  of  the  Conquest 148 

XVII  The  Expedition 152 

XVIII  The  Campaigns  in  Tlascala  and  Cholula 159 

XIX  The  Spaniards  Enter  the  Capital 170 

XX  La  Noche  Triste 177 

XXI  Capture  and  Destruction  of  Mexico 185 


VI 


CONTENTS 


PART  III— VICEREGAL  OR  COLONIAL  PERIOD 

Chap.  Page 

XXII  The  Last  Days  of  Hernan  Cortes 195 

XXIII  Audiences  and  Viceroyalty 202 

XXIV  Spanish  Cruelties  and  the  New  Laws 209 

i 

XXV  The  Conquest  of  Yucatan 214 

XXVI  The  Sack  of  Vera  Cruz 224 

XXVII  Flood,  Famine,  and  Riot. 234 

XXVIII  Society  during  the  Viceregal  Period 246 

PART  IV— THE  REVOLUTION 

XXIX  Outline  of  European  History  at  the  Close  of  the 

Viceregal  Period 260 

XXX  Causes  of  Disaffection  in  Mexico 268 

XXXI  Opening  of  the  War  of  Independence 278 

XXXII  Fall  of  Guanajuato 287 

XXXIII  Hidalgo’s  March  toward  Mexico 298 

XXXIV  Progress  of  the  Revolution 309 

XXXV  Capture  and  Death  of  Hidalgo 324 

XXXVI  Morelos  and  his  Campaigns 333 

XXXVII  Further  Progress  of  the  War 341 

XXXVIII  Downfall  and  Death  of  Morelos 356 

XXXIX  Close  of  the  Revolutionary  War 364 

PART  V— UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO 

XL  Agustin  de  Iturbide 376 

XLI  Dethronement  and  Death  of  Iturbide 388 

XLII  The  United  States  of  Mexico 400 

XLIII  Foreign  and  Domestic  Affairs 410 

XLIV  Politics  and  the  Pastry  War 420 

XLV  Misrule  and  Overthrow  of  Santa  Anna 435 

XLVI  War  with  the  United  States ' 444 

XLVII  The  Dictatorship  and  the  Struggle  for  Liberty 451 

XLVIII  Foreign  Intervention 466 

XLIX  The  Emperor  Maximilian 481 

L Downfall  of  the  Empire 493 


CONTENTS 


vii 

PART  VI— THE  GROWTH  AND  CONDITION  OF  THE 


REPUBLIC 

Chap.  Page 

LI  Administrations  of  Presidents  Juarez,  Lerdo,  Diaz, 

Gonzalez,  and  Diaz  again 507 

LII  Fall  of  Diaz  and  Anarchy;  Madero,  Huerta,  Villa, 

Carranza,  Zapata,  and  American  Intervention 528 

LIII  Mexico  Past  and  Present 550 


HISTORY  OF  MEXICO 


PART  I— ABORIGINAL 

CHAPTER  I 

GEOGRAPHY,  CLIMATE,  AND  RACE 

The  portion  of  North  America  which,  before  the  date  of  the 
Spanish  conquest,  was  the  home  of  civilization  lay  between 
latitudes  11°  and  22°,  extending  from  the  north-west  toward 
the  south-east.  On  the  Atlantic  side  it  reached  from  the 
modern  Mexican  state  of  Tamaulipas  to  Honduras,  and  on 
the  Pacific  from  the  seaboard  of  Michoacan  to  Nicaragua. 
Few  parts  of  the  globe  embrace,  within  equal  limits,  so  great 
a variety  of  temperature,  soil,  and  vegetation.  In  this  region, 
which  lies  entirely  within  the  northern  tropic,  are  found  all 
gradations  of  climate  between  the  torrid  and  the  temperate, 
the  difference  in  the  products  of  which  the  soil  is  capable 
being  caused  by  altitude,  and  not  as  elsewhere  by  latitude. 
Thus  on  the  lowlands,  for  instance,  of  Vera  Cruz,  tropical 
fruits,  as  the  banana  and  date,  are  cultivated;  on  plateaux  of 
moderate  elevation,  but  in  the  same  latitude,  are  produced 
the  olive,  orange,  and  grape;  and  on  the  higher  plateaux, 
maize,  wheat,  and  even  the  hardier  kinds  of  grain. 

The  variations  in  the  climate  of  this  country  are  caused  by 
its  cordilleras,  or  mountain  chains.  The  Sierra  Madre  enters 
it  from  the  north  in  two  principal  ranges,  one  stretching 
1 


2 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


along  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  and  the  other  trending  toward 
the  Atlantic,  though  they  again  unite  before  reaching  the 
isthmus  of  Tehuantepec.  Between  latitudes  18°  40'  and  20’ 
30',  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Sierra  opens  out  into  a table- 
land, with  an  area  of  about  15,000  square  miles,  and  an  alti- 
tude of  from  6,000  to  8,000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea. 


Summit  of  Popocatepetl. 


This  broad  plateau,  or  rather  series  of  plateaux,  is  known  as 
the  tierra  fria,  or  land  of  cold,  while  the  lower  valleys,  be- 
tween the  two  branches,  are  termed  the  tierra  templada,  or 
temperate  region.  From  the  surface  of  the  upper  table-land 
rise  several  ridges  and  isolated  peaks  of  volcanic  origin,  the 
latter  being  the  highest  in  North  America;  and  the  perpetual 
snow  which  covers  their  summits  tempers  the  climate  of  the 
fertile  tracts  that  lie  at  their  base. 


GEOGRAPHY,  CLIMATE,  AND  RACE. 


3 


Centrally  located  on  this  table-land,  and  surrounded  by  a 
wall  of  lofty  volcanic  ridges  and  peaks,  is  the  valley  of  Mex- 
ico, or,  as  it  was  called  by  the  natives,  Anahuac,  that  is  to 
say,  ‘country  by  the  waters,’  the  name  being  suggested  by  the 
lakes  that  formed  one  tenth  of  its  area.  With  a circuit  of 
more  than  160  miles  and  an  elevation  of  about  7,500  feet, 
the  valley  of  Anahuac  may  be  taken  as  fairly  representing 
the  tierra  fria;  and,  as  will  presently  appear,  its  inhabitants 
gradually  overspread  the  entire  series  of  plateaux  between  the 
branches  of  the  Sierra  Madre. 


Summit  of  Iztaccihuatl. 

This  valley  has  a mean  temperature  of  62°,  and  a climate 
resembling  that  of  southern  Europe,  though  with  a smaller 
rainfall.  The  term  ‘cold’  can,  therefore,  only  be  applied  to 
it  by  comparison  with  the  lowlands  of  Mexico.  The  soil  was 
in  former  days  fertile  and  productive,  though  now  presenting 
a bare  and  parched  aspect,  its  forests  being  destroyed  and  its 
surface  exposed  to  the  excessive  evaporation  caused  by  a 
tropical  sun.  Oak  and  pine  are  the  most  prominent  trees  of 
native  growth,  and  wheat,  barley,  and  all  European  grains 
and  fruits  grow  side  by  side  with  maize,  the  maguey,  and  the 
cactus,  the  three  last  being  indigenous.  From  May  to  Octo- 
ber, or  during  the  hot  season,  rains  are  frequent,  but  seldom 
occur  in  the  remaining  portion  of  the  year.  For  ten  months 


4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


out  of  the  twelve,  deciduous  trees  retain  their  leaves,  and  are 
never  entirely  destitute  of  foliage. 

As  we  travel  from  the  valley  of  Mexico  toward  the  south, 
the  vegetation  becomes  more  dense,  and  the  greater  heat  of 
the  sun,  as  we  approach  nearer  to  the  equator,  causes  a 
higher  temperature  at  equal  altitudes.  The  same  gradations 


Summit  of  Orizaba. 


of  tierra  fria  and  tierra  templada  are,  however,  continued, 
blending  into  each  other  at  an  elevation  of  5,000  to  G,000 
feet. 

On  the  coast  of  the  gulf  of  Mexico  is  a broad  extent  of  level 
plain  and  marsh,  and  farther  inland  is  a gradual  ascent  to 
the  interior  highlands,  the  former,  in  common  with  the  low- 
lands on  the  Pacific  coast,  being  called  the  tierra  caliento,  or 
warm  land.  In  the  neighborhood  of  Vera  Cruz  are  barren 


GEOGRAPHY , CLIMATE,  AND  RACE. 


5 


Culture  Hero  — Relief  ln  Stucco  — Palenque,  Chiapas. 

and  sandy  tracts  of  desert  land ; but  elsewhere  the  tierra  cali- 
ente  is  covered  with  a dense  tropical  growth  of  trees,  shrubs, 
vines,  and  flowers,  forming  in  their  natural  growth  an  almost 
impenetrable  thicket.  The  cocoa-palm,  cotton  plant,  sugar- 


6 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


cane,  vanilla,  and  banana  are  among  its  flora,  while  the  fauna 
includes  birds  with  every  variety  of  plumage,  and  myriads  of 
insects  and  reptiles.  The  climate  is  dangerous  to  all  except 
natives,  for  the  surface,  covered  with  decayed  vegetable  sub- 
stances, breathes  forth  a deadly  malaria.  Southern  Vera 
Cruz  and  Tabasco,  through  which  flow  several  large  rivers, 
their  sources  being  in  the  mountains  of  Guatemala,  Chiapas, 
and  Tehuantepec,  exhibit  the  most  luxuriant  display  of  na- 
ture’s prodigality.  The  river-banks  are  crowded  with  forest 
trees,  and  in  the  broad  savanas  there  is  a net-work  of  canals 
and  streams,  serving  not  only  for  irrigation,  but  for  the  con- 
veyance of  the  many  native  products,  which  form  a consid- 
erable item  in  the  commerce  of  the  world. 

Notwithstanding  the  general  similarity  of  the  native  Amer- 
ican nations  in  form,  feature,  color,  hair,  and  speech,  they 
were  widely  separated  in  culture.  On  the  table-lands  of 
Mexico,  Central  America,  and  Peru  lived  nations  which,  as 
compared  with  the  rest  of  the  world,  may  be  properly  termed 
civilized.  North  and  south,  and  all  around  the  border,  the 
people  were  savages;  while  in  New  Mexico  there  was  a class 
between  the  two. 

The  civilized  nations  of  Mexico  may  be  called  the  Nahua 
family,  the  members  of  which  were  of  good  stature,  well  pro- 
portioned, rather  above  medium  size,  of  a light  copper  color, 
with  long,  black,  obliquely  pointed  eyes,  regular  white  teeth, 
glossy  black  hair,  thin  beard,  prominent  cheek-bones,  thick 
lips,  large  aquiline  nose,  and  retreating  forehead.  A gentle 
expression  about  the  mouth  was  blended  with  severity  and 
melancholy  in  the  upper  portion  of  the  face.  They  were 
brave  and  intelligent,  but  blood-thirsty. 

The  terms  ‘savage’  and  ‘civilized,’  as  applied  to  races  of 
men,  are  relative,  and  not  absolute.  At  best  they  mark  only 
broad  and  shifting  stages  in  human  progress;  the  one  near 
the  point  of  departure,  the  other  approaching  a distant  and 
almost  unattainable  end.  There  are  degrees  in  savagism  as 


GEOGRAPHY,  CLIMATE,  AND  RACE. 


7 


there  are  degrees  in  civilization,  and  though  usually  placed 
in  opposition,  one  is  hut  a degree  of  the  other.  The  Haidali, 
whom  we  call  savage,  was  as  much  superior  to  the  Shoshone, 
the  lowest  of  the  natives  of  America,  as  was  the  Aztec  to  the 
Haidali,  the  European  to  the  Aztec,  and  the  ancient  Greek  to 
the  modern  European. 

We  all  know  what  savages  arc:  how,  like  wild  animals, 
they  depend  for  food  and  raiment  on  the  spontaneous  prod- 
ucts of  nature,  migrating  with  the  birds  and  the  beasts,  bur- 
rowing beneath  the  ground,  hiding  in  caves,  or  throwing  over 
themselves  a shelter  of  bark,  skins,  branches,  or  boards,  and 
eating  or  starving  as  food  is  abundant  or  scarce.  Neverthe- 
less, all  of  them  have  made  some  advancement  from  their 
original  naked,  helpless  condition.  Primeval  man,  the  only 
true  savage,  does  not  exist  on  the  globe  to-day.  Be  the  man 
never  so  low,  lower  almost  in  skill  and  wisdom  than  the 
brute,  less  active  in  obtaining  food,  less  ingenious  in  procur- 
ing his  abode,  the  first  improvement  on  his  houseless,  com- 
fortless condition,  the  first  fashioning  of  a tool,  the  first 
attempt  to  cover  his  nakedness  and  wall  out  the  wind,  is  the 
first  step  toward  civilization.  That  which  we  call  civilization 
is  not  an  adjunct  nor  au  acquirement  of  man,  for  no  isolated 
man  could  by  any  possibility  become  civilized.  It  is  rather 
the  measure  of  the  world’s  progress  or  progressional  force, 
the  general  fund  of  the  wealth,  learning,  and  refinement 
of  the  nations  of  the  earth,  the  storehouse  of  accumulated 
results,  the  essence  of  all  that  is  best  worth  preserving  from 
the  distillations  of  good,  not  untinctured  with  the  distilla- 
tions of  evil.  In  the  brute  creation  this  element  of  progress 
is  wanting.  The  bird  builds  its  nest,  the  bee  its  cell,  the 
beaver  its  dam,  with  no  more  skill  or  care  to-day  than  did 
the  bird  or  beast  or  beaver  a thousand  years  ago. 

The  savage  nations  of  the  Pacific  states  of  North  America 
may  be  divided  into  six  distinct  groups;  namely,  the  Hyper- 
boreans, living  at  the  extreme  north;  the  Columbians,  whose 
lands  are  drained  by  the  Columbia  River;  the  Californians; 


8 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  New  Mexicans;  the  wild  tribes  of  Mexico;  and  the  wild 
tribes  of  Central  America. 

The  classification  of  man  into  species  or  races,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  designate  by  his  organism — that  is  to  say,  form  and 
features,  size  and  shape  of  the  skull,  color  of  the  skin  and 
texture  of  the  hair — the  family  to  which  he  belongs,  as  well 
as  the  question  of  his  origin,  has  been  the  subject  of  great 
diversity  of  opinion,  from  the  fact  that  the  various  forms  so 
graduate  into  each  other  that  it  is  impossible  to  draw  exact 
lines  of  partition. 

One  ethnologist  divides  the  human  family  into  two  parts, 
according  to  the  facial  angle;  others  into  three,  four,  five,  and 
six  parts,  according  to  color;  one  makes  three  divisions  ac- 
cording to  hair,  and  others  various  divisions  according  to 
language.  All  nations  may,  however,  be  brought  into  one 
or  another  of  the  following  geographical  classes:  American, 
European,  African,  and  Asiatic;  that  is  to  say,  the  copper- 
colored  Indian,  the  white  Caucasian,  the  black  negro,  and  the 
dark  and  yellow  Malay  and  Mongolian. 

From  the  time  when  the  different  parts  of  the  world  first 
became  known  to  each  other,  men  have  never  ceased  to  won- 
der and  try  to  tell  where  they  all  came  from.  The  people  of 
each  part  have  a theory  as  to  origin  which  they  firmly  believe 
to  be  true;  but  what  is  the  origin  of  the  others?  Some  con- 
tend that  America  was  peopled  from  Europe,  some  from 
Africa,  some  from  Asia;  while  others  attempt  to  prove  that 
Asia  was  settled  by  Americans,  and  Europe  by  Asiatics. 
Many  believe  that  the  Mexicans  were  originally  Jews,  de- 
scendants of  the  ten  lost  tribes  of  Israel. 

It  was  obvious  to  the  Europeans  when  they  first  beheld  the 
natives  of  America,  that  these  were  unlike  the  intellectual 
white-skinned  races  of  Europe,  the  barbarous  blacks  of  Africa, 
or  any  nation  or  people  which  they  had  hitherto  encountered; 
yet  all  except  the  Eskimos,  at  the  extreme  north,  closely 
resembled  each  other. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  nations  of  America  are  of  a 


GEOGRAPHY,  CLIMATE,  AND  RACE. 


9 


remote  antiquity.  This  is  proved  by  their  traditions,  their 
ruins,  and  their  moral  and  physical  uniformity.  The  action 
of  a climate  peculiar  to  America,  and  of  natural  surroundings 
common  to  all  the  people  of  the  continent,  could  not  fail  to 
produce  in  time  a similarity  of  body  and  mind. 

Among  the  most  advanced  of  these  nations  were  the  Aztecs 
or  Nahuas  of  Mexico,  the  Mayas  and  Quiches  of  Central 
America,  and  the  Peruvians  of  South  America.  These  may 
be  called  the  civilized  nations  of  America,  while  nearly  all 
the  rest  must  be  classed  among  the  savage  nations  of  the 
world.  The  Aztecs,  who  were  also  called  Mexicans,  lived 
upon  the  table-land,  extending  along  the  continent  between 
the  two  great  oceans,  their  territory  being  a portion  of  Ana- 
huac. 


1 


White  Marble  Vase  Found  Near  Vera  Cruz. 


10 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE  TOLTEC  AND  CHICHIMEC  PERIODS. 

During  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries  of  the  Christian 
era  we  must  imagine  Anahuac  and  the  adjoining  territory  on 
the  north  and  west  gradually  occupied  by  many  Nahua 


Basaltic  Column  — Tula. 

nations  of  varying  numbers  and  various  degrees  of  civiliza- 
tion. Some  were  wild  hunting  tribes,  powerful  but  rude,  and 
the  terror  of  their  neighbors;  others  lived  by  agriculture, 
settling  in  the  fertile  valleys,  and  retaining  much  of  their 
original  culture.  I he  three  most  powerful  nations  established 
themselves  in  and  around  the  valley  of  Mexico,  where  their 
capitals  soon  became  flourishing  cities,  and  the  people  were 
called  Toltecs,  a word  probably  derived  from  toltecas,  ‘artifi- 
cers,’ but  one  which  afterward  became  synonymous  with  all 
that  is  skilful  and  excellent  in  art.  The  first  period  of 
Nahua  occupation  was  one  of  strife,  during  which  the  united 
hands  became  masters  of  the  entire  region  south  and  east  of 
the  lakes. 


THE  TOLTEC  AND  CHlCHIMEC  PERIODS. 


11 


Meanwhile  other  bands  of  Toltecs,  from  the  regions  toward 
the  north,  settled,  after  a long  pilgrimage,  on  the  banks  of 
the  river  Quetzalatl,  founding  there  a city  named  Tollan,  on 
the  site  of  the  present  village  of  Tula,  about  thirty  miles 
north-west  of  Mexico.  During  the  first  six  years  of  their 
stay,  these  tribes  gave  their  attention  to  the  building  of  the 
new  city  and  the  cultivation  of  the  surrounding  lands,  all 
acting  under  the  guidance  of  their  prophet  Hueman,  though 
each  tribe  was  ruled  by  its  own  chieftain.  But  in  the  seventh 
year  the  chiefs  convened  an  assembly  of  the  leading  men  for 
the  purpose  of  establishing  a monarchy,  offering  to  surrender 
their  power  in  favor  of  the  king  whom  the  people  might 
choose.  It  was  finally  decided  to  send  an  embassy  with  pres- 


Section  of  Column  — Tula. 


ents  to  the  king  of  the  Chichimecs,  asking  that  one  of  their 
sons  or  near  relatives  be  allowed  to  rule  over  them.  The 
choice  fell  on  the  second  son,  whose  name  is  unknown,  but 
who  wras  crowned  at  Tollan  under  the  title  of  Chalchiuh 
Tlatonac,  or  ‘shining  precious  stone.’  After  a prosperous 
reign  of  fifty-two  years  this  monarch  died,  and  was  succeeded 
by  his  son,  and  he  in  turn  by  others.  Of  Quetzalcoatl,  whose 
reign  began  in  873,  mention  is  made  elsewhere. 

In  the  year  994  Huemac  II.  ascended  the  throne  of  Tollan, 
the  city  being  at  this  date  still  the  foremost  in  the  empire. 
At  first  the  new  monarch  enjoyed,  in  a remarkable  degree, 
the  confidence  of  his  people,  ruling  with  great  wisdom,  and 
attending  strictly  to  his  religious  duties,  and  to  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice.  But  soon  he  gave  himself  up  to  evil  prac- 
tices, indulging  in  the  pleasures  of  the  wine-cup,  and  dealing 
treacherously  with  his  subjects.  Thus  the  lords  of  various 


12 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


provinces  were  incited  to  revolt ; and  now  disasters  in  quick 
succession  befell  the  empire  of  the  Toltecs.  A sorcerer 
named  Toveyo  gathered  a vast  crowd  near  Tollan,  and  kept 
them  dancing  to  the  heat  of  his  drum  until  midnight,  when, 
by  reason  of  the  darkness  and  their  intoxication,  they  crowded 
each  other  over  a precipice  into  a deep  ravine,  where  they 
were  turned  into  stone.  A stone  bridge  was  also  broken  by 
the  necromancer,  and  thousands  precipitated  into  the  river. 
From  one  of  the  neighboring  volcanoes  poured  forth  a flood 
of  glowing  lava,  and  in  its  lurid  light  appeared  frightful 
spectres  threatening  the  capital. 

In  the  hope  of  appeasing  the  angry  gods,  a sacrifice  of  cap- 
tives was  ordered ; but  when  a young  boy,  chosen  by  lot  as 
the  first  victim,  was  placed  upon  the  altar,  and  the  knife 
plunged  into  his  breast,  there  was  found  no  heart  in  his  body, 
and  his  veins  were  without  blood.  The  fetid  odor  exhaled 
from  the  corpse  brought  on  a pestilence  which  caused  the 
death  of  thousands.  Then  the  Tlaloc  deities  appeared  to 
Huemac,  as  he  walked  in  the  forest,  and  the  monarch  im- 
plored them  not  to  deprive  him  of  his  wealth  and  his  royal 
splendor.  But  the  gods  were  wroth  at  his  petition,  and  also 
at  his  selfishness  and  impenitence,  and  they  departed  from 
him,  declaring  that  they  would  bring  plagues  upon  the  proud 
Toltecs  for  six  years. 

The  winter  of  1018  was  so  cold  that  all  plants  and  seeds 
were  killed  by  frost,  and  it  was  followed  by  a summer  of  in- 
tense heat,  which  parched  the  entire  surface  of  the  country, 
dried  up  the  streams,  and  melted  the  solid  rocks.  The 
plagues  began  with  heavy  storms  of  rain,  which  lasted  a hun- 
dred days,  destroyed  the  ripening  crops,  flooded  the  streets 
and  towns,  and  caused  fear  of  a universal  deluge.  Furious 
gales  followed,  and  toads  in  immense  numbers  covered  the 
ground,  consuming  every  green  thing,  and  squatting  in  the 
dwellings  of  the  people.  The  next  year  there  was  a terrible 
drought,  which  put  a stop  to  all  agricultural  labor,  and  thou- 
sands died  of  starvation.  The  frosts  of  the  following  winter 


THE  TOLTEG  AND  GHICHIMEG  PERIODS. 


13 


destroyed  the  little  that  the  heat  had  spared,  not  even  the 
hardy  maguey  surviving.  And  now  there  came  upon  the 
land  great  swarms  of  locusts  and  other  destructive  insects. 
Lightning  and  hail  completed  the  work  of  devastation,  and  it 
is  related  that  during  these  visitations  nine  tenths  of  the 
people  perished. 

After  the  plagues  had  ceased,  Hucmac  abandoned  his  evil 
ways,  and  gave  his  whole  attention  to  promoting  the  welfare 
of  his  people ; hut  he  was  resolved  to  place  on  the  throne  an 
illegitimate  son,  named  Acxitl,  in  whose  favor  he  was  about 
to  abdicate.  The  consequence  was  a new  revolt  under  two 
leaders,  who,  after  some  negotiation,  promised  to  support  the 
royal  cause,  on  condition  of  being  raised  to  the  highest  rank, 
and  allowed  a share  in  the  management  of  the  kingdom. 
The  new  monarch  ascended  the  throne  in  1029,  and  for  sev- 
eral years  ruled  wisely;  but,  like  his  father,  he  yielded  to 
temptation,  giving  way  to  all  manner  of  dissipation  and 
riotous  living.  His  example  was  followed  both  by  the  nobles 
and  priests,  and  vice  took  possession  of  all  classes  of  society. 
Public  affairs  were  left  to  the  management  of  the  royal  favor- 
ites; crime  remained  unpunished;  robbery  and  murder  were 
of  frequent  occurrence;  and  for  all  these  iniquities  the  king 
was  held  responsible. 

In  the  midst  of  other  troubles  came  the  news  that  llue- 
huetzin,  the  ruler  of  one  of  the  Atlantic  provinces,  in  league 
with  two  other  lords  who  had  refused  to  acknowledge  the 
power  of  Acxitl,  was  marching  toward  Tollan,  at  the  head  of 
the  rebel  forces.  Unable  to  resist  them,  the  Toltec  monarch 
sent  ambassadors  with  rich  presents,  suing  for  peace,  and 
thus  a truce  was  obtained.  Meanwhile  many  of  the  nations 
in  and  around  Anahuac  declared  their  independence,  and 
numerous  Chichimec  tribes  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
to  secure  a foothold  in  the  lake  region. 

It  was  evident  that  the  gods  were  very  angry,  and  to  avert 
their  wrath,  a meeting  was  summoned  at  Teotihuacan,  the 
sacred  city  of  the  Toltecs,  of  all  the  wise  men,  priests,  and 


11 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


nobles.  But  while  in  the  midst  of  their  feasts  and  sacrifices, 
a demon  of  gigantic  size,  with  long,  bony  arms  and  fingers, 
appeared,  dancing  in  the  court  where  the  people  were  assem- 
bled. Whirling  through  the  crowd  in  every  direction,  he 
seized  upon  all  who  came  in  his  way  and  dashed  them  lifeless 
to  the  ground.  Multitudes  perished,  for  all  were  spellbound, 
and  could  not  move  from  the  spot.  A second  time  the  dread 
monster  appeared,  in  a somewhat  different  form,  and  again 
the  Toltecs  fell  by  hundreds  in  his  grasp.  At  his  next  ap- 
pearance he  took  the  form  of  a beautiful  child,  seated  on  a 


Monolith  from  a Teotiiiuacan  Mound. 

rock,  and  gazing  from  a neighboring  hill  on  the  holy  city. 
When  the  people  rushed  forth  to  observe  this  strange 
visitation,  it  was  found  that  the  child’s  head  was  a mass 
of  corruption,  exhaling  a stench  so  fatal  that  all  who 
approached  were  stricken  with  sudden  death.  Finally  the 
demon  appeared  in  a form  not  recorded,  and  warned  the  as- 
sembly that  the  fate  of  the  Toltecs  was  sealed,  that  the  gods 
would  no  longer  listen  to  their  petitions,  and  that  the  people 
could  only  escape  annihilation  by  flight. 

Many  of  the  Toltec  nobles  had  already  abandoned  their 
country,  to  seek  refuge  in  other  provinces,  and  this  movement 
was  constantly  on  the  increase.  Meanwhile,  in  the  year  10G0, 
the  forces  of  Huehuetzin  were  again  threatening  Tollan.  By 


THE  TOLTEC  AND  CHIC  HIM  EC  PEEIODS. 


15 


great  effort  an  army  had  been  raised  and  equipped  for  the 
defence  of  the  city,  and  the  aged  Iluemac  had  come  forth 
from  his  retirement,  striving  to  ward  off  the  threatened  de- 
struction. It  is  even  related  that  the  king’s  mother  enrolled 
bands  of  Amazons  from  the  women  of  Tollan,  and  placed  her- 
self at  their  head.  Acxitl,  who  commanded  the  forces, 
formed  his  troops  in  two  divisions,  one  of  which,  under  his 
most  able  general,  marched  forth  to  meet  the  enemy,  while 


The  Fainting -Stone  at  Teotiuuacae. 

the  other,  under  the  king  in  person,  lay  intrenched  at  Tulti- 
tlan.  For  three  years  the  Toltec  general,  supported  by  the 
Amazon  bands  and  a detachment  under  Huemac,  waged  a 
doubtful  war  with  the  Chiehimecs,  but  was  finally  driven 
back  on  Tultitlan.  Here  a desperate  stand  was  made,  and 
for  many  days  the  battle  raged,  until  the  Toltecs,  sorely 
weakened  in  numbers,  were  compelled  to  retreat  on  Tollan. 
After  a final  encounter,  the  remnant  of  their  army  was  scat- 
tered among  the  mountains  and  the  marshes  of  Lake  Tezcuco. 
Otompan,  Tezcuco,  and  Culhuacan,  the  other  principal  cities 


16 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


of  the  Toltecs,  also  fell  before  the  invaders,  and  all  of  them 
were  plundered  and  burned,  with  the  exception  of  the  last, 
which  appears  to  have  escaped  destruction  by  admitting  the 
conquerors  within  her  gates,  the  inhabitants  becoming  their 
allies  or  vassals. 

Such  is  the  story  of  the  rise  and  fall  of  the  Toltec  empire, 
as  related  in  the  annals  of  this  period.  According  to  some 
authorities,  the  population  was  reduced  to  a few  thousands, 
most  of  whom  abandoned  the  country,  leaving  only  a few 
chiefs  with  a handful  of  followers  in  their  desolate  territory, 


Terra-Cotta  Head  — Teotiuuacan. 


from  which  even  the  invading  hordes  were  compelled  to  with- 
draw. This  theory  cannot  be  accepted  as  the  truth.  Admit- 
ting that  their  numbers  were  greatly  diminished  by  war, 
pestilence,  and  famine,  it  is  almost  certain  that  the  majority 
of  the  people  remained  in  Anahuac,  and  became  subject  to 
their  conquerors.  Although  the  records  speak  of  a large 
Toltec  migration  in  various  directions,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  historic  annals  of  the  Nahuas  deal  only  with 
the  deeds  and  fortunes  of  priests,  kings,  and  nobles,  the 
masses  being  regarded  as  useful  merely  to  fight  and  pay 
taxes,  and  altogether  unworthy  of  a place  in  history.  It  is 
indeed  probable  that  the  word  ‘Toltec,’  which  was  a title  of 
distinction  rather  than  a national  name,  was  never  applied  to 


THE  TO L TEC  AND  CHICHIMEC  PERIODS. 


17 


the  common  people,  and  that  the  downfall  of  the  empire  was 
the  overthrow  of  a dynasty,  and  not  the  destruction  of  a 
nation. 

Many  years  before  the  downfall  of  Tollan,  a border  warfare 
had  been  carried  on  between  the  Toltecs  and  Chiehimecs; 
but  when  the  troubles  of  the  former  began,  their  troops  were 
recalled  from  the  frontier  to  defend  the  capital.  Erelong  the 
Chichimec  monarchs,  Acauhtzin  and  Xolotl,  who,  after  the 
death  of  their  father,  had  divided  the  kingdom  between  them, 
began  to  wonder  at  this  sudden  cessation  of  hostilities,  and 
in  order  to  ascertain  its  cause,  sent  forth  spies  into  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  Toltecs.  Soon  these  men  returned  with  the 
startling  news,  that  for  a distance  of  200  leagues  from  the 
Chichimec  frontier  the  enemy’s  country  was  deserted,  and 
the  towms  abandoned  and  in  ruins.  Thereupon  Xolotl  sum- 
moned his  vassals  to  Amaquemecan,  the  capital,  told  them 
what  the  spies  reported,  reminded  them  that  more  territory 
was  needed  for  their  increasing  numbers,  showed  them  how 
easy  it  would  be  to  avenge  on  their  fallen  enemies  the  inju- 
ries of  many  years,  and  bade  them  prepare,  within  the  space 
of  six  months,  to  join  in  an  expedition  against  them. 

It  is  related  that  no  less  than  3,202,000  men  and  women, 
besides  children,  answered  his  summons,  and  thus  the  expe- 
dition should  be  called  rather  a migration,  for  only  1,600,000 
remained  as  the  subjects  of  Acauhtzm. 

Arriving,  after  frequent  halts,  at  Tollan,  Xolotl  found  the 
place  deserted,  its  streets  overgrown  with  vegetation,  and  its 
temples  and  palaces  in  ruins;  but  as  the  site  was  too  impor- 
tant to  be  abandoned,  some  families  were  left  there  to  form 
the  nucleus  of  a future  population.  The  main  body  then 
continued  its  journey  as  far  as  Lake  Xaltocan,  where  the 
people  dwelt  for  a long  time  in  the  caves  of  that  region,  and 
afterward  founded  the  town  of  Xoloc,  or  Xolotl,  which  in  time 
became  a prominent  city  of  Analiuac.  Parties  were  now  sent 
forth  to  explore  the  country,  and  on  their  return  it  was  de- 
2 


18 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


cidcd  that  the  neighborhood  of  Tultitlan  was  the  best  site  for 
a capital.  Xoloc  was  therefore  left  in  charge  of  a governor, 
and  opposite  Tezcuco,  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake,  was 
founded  in  the  year  1120  the  town  of  Tenayocan. 

To  Xolotl  succeeded  a chieftain  named  Amacui,  or  Amacui 
Xolotl,  whom  we  will  call  Xolotl  II.,  one  of  his  first  acts  being 
to  remove  the  capital  from  Tenayocan  to  the  foot  of  the 
mountains  of  Tezcuco.  Calling  his  chiefs  together,  he  took 
formal  possession  of  the  country,  and  soon  afterward  made  a 
partition  of  the  lands.  To  each  lord  was  assigned  a section 
of  territory  and  a certain  number  of  dependents,  with  instruc- 
tions to  build  a town  to  be  called  after  its  founder.  Toltec 
cities  were  to  retain  their  original  names,  and  orders  were 
given  that  their  inhabitants  should  not  be  molested  by  the 
Chichimecs.  Settlements  were  also  established  on  the  coast, 
the  entire  extent  of  the  lands  thus  appropriated  being  esti- 
mated at  more  than  200  leagues  in  circumference,  and  Xolotl 
II.,  as  supreme  ruler,  now  assumed  the  title  of  Great  Lord  and 
King  of  the  Chichimecs. 

Hitherto  the  invaders  had  met  with  no  opposition  from  the 
Toltecs  who  remained  in  Anahuac.  Favored  by  the  peaceful 
policy  of  Xolotl  I.,  the  latter  had  increased  rapidly  in  wealth 
and  numbers,  more  especially  at  Culhuacan,  where  reigned  a 
monarch  named  Nauhyotl.  Xolotl  II.,  however,  resolved  to 
assert  his  authority  throughout  Anahuac,  sent  word  that  he 
must  do  homage  and  also  pay  a small  tribute,  as  a token 
of  submission.  To  this  demand  Nauhyotl  haughtily  made 
answer  that  Toltec  kings  acknowledged  no  superiors  but  the 
gods,  and  paid  tribute  to  no  earthly  sovereign. 

Xolotl  determined  to  crush  his  rival  before  he  became  too 
strong,  and  for  this  purpose  ordered  his  son,  Nopaltzin,  to 
advance  without  delay  upon  Culhuacan.  In  the  mean  time 
Nauhyotl  was  not  idle.  Setting  forth  at  the  head  of  a force 
greatly  inferior  to  that  of  the  enemy,  he  attacked  them  with- 
out hesitation,  and  fought  them  valiantly  until  set  of  sun. 
Gradually,  however,  numbers  began  to  tell  until  at  length, 


THE  TOLTEC  AND  CIIIC IIIM EC  PERIODS. 


19 


their  commander  being  slain,  the  Toltecs  were  routed,  and 
the  Chiohimecs  gained  possession  of  Culhuacan.  Nopaltzin 
then  gave  orders  that  the  dead  monarch,  whose  death  was  re- 
gretted by  the  conquerors  no  less  than  by  his  subjects,  should 
be  buried  with  honors;  and  leaving  a garrison  in  the  town, 
set  forth  to  announce  his  victory. 

During  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries  a number  of 
Nahuatlaca  tribes,  or  wild  tribes  of  central  Mexico,  settled  in 
Anahuac,  their  original  home  being  named  Aztlan,  the  exact 
location  of  which  is  unknown.  The  causes  that  led  to  their 
migration  are  also  matters  of  conjecture;  but  it  is  probable 
that  they  w’ere  driven  out  by  their  enemies,  since  Aztlan  is 
described  as  a fair  and  fertile  land.  After  several  years  of 
wandering,  we  find  a number  of  them  assembled  at  a place 
called  Chicomoztoc,  or  ‘the  seven  caves,’  an  ancient  home  of 
the  gods.  These  were  the  Xochimileans,  Chalcans,  Tcpa- 
necs,  Acolhuans,  Tlahuicans,  Tlascaltecs,  and  Aztecs  or  Mexi- 
cans, to  which  some  authorities  add  several  others,  most  of 
them  being  so  called  after  the  localities  where  they  afterward 
settled,  in  and  around  Anahuac. 

At  Chicomoztoc  the  Aztecs  separated  from  the  remainder 
of  the  tribes,  and,  as  tradition  relates,  for  the  following  reason: 
While  the  people  were  all  seated  at  their  meal,  beneath  the 
shadow  of  a great  tree,  a terrible  noise  issued  from  its  sum- 
mit. An  idol,  placed  upon  an  altar  at  its  foot,  then  called 
the  Aztec  chiefs  aside,  and  commanded  them  to  ask  the  other 
tribes  to  set  forth  in  advance,  leaving  their  people  at  the  seven 
caves.  After  their  separation  Huitzilopochtli,  the  leader  or 
deity  of  the  Aztecs,  — for  the  exact  date  of  his  death  and 
deification  cannot  be  ascertained, — told  them  that  they  were 
selected  by  the  gods  as  a peculiar  people,  and  one  before 
whom  lay  a glorious  future.  He  then  ordered  them  to 
abandon  their  present  name  for  that  of  Mexicans,  and  to 
wear  upon  their  ears  and  foreheads  patches  of  gum  and 
feathers  as  distinguishing  marks. 

After  many  wanderings  and  wars,  the'  story  of  which  is  too 


20 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


tedious  to  relate,  the  Aztecs,  as  we  shall  still  call  them,  built 
on  an  island  amid  the  marshes  of  the  western  shore  of  Lake 
Tezcuco  the  city  of  Mexico,  originally  termed  Mexico"  Tenoch- 
titlan,  paying  to  the  king  of  the  Tepanecs,  to  whom  the  lands 
belonged,  a tribute  in  fish  and  other  products  of  the  lake. 
Of  this  city  a brief  description  will  be  given  in  a later  chap- 
ter. Meanwhile  the  other  wild  tribes  of  Central  Mexico  set- 
tled in  various  parts  of  Anahuac,  founded  cities,  and  some  of 
them  were  finally  more  or  less  amalgamated  with  the  Toltecs 
and  Chichimecs. 

To  Xolotl  II.  succeeded,  as  monarch  of  the  Chichimecs, 
Nopaltzin,  and  to  him  Tlotzin  Pochotl,  whose  successors  were 
his  son  Quinantzin  and  Techotl  I.  During  his  reign,  which 
lasted  from  1305  to  1357,  Techotl  I.  strove  to  re-establish  the 
supremacy  of  the  Toltecs.  But  to  enumerate  the  deeds  of 
all  the  Chichimec  sovereigns  would  serve  no  purpose.  The 
final  chapter  of  their  annals  covers  a period  of  three  quarters 
of  a century,  extending  from  the  death  of  Techotl  to  the 
formation  of  an  alliance  between  the  Acolhuans,  Aztecs,  and 
Tepanecs  in  1431,  and  embraces  the  reign  of  three  kings,  or, 
as  they  were  now  termed,  emperors.  It  is  a record  of  cease- 
less struggles  for  imperial  sway  between  the  Acolhuans  and 
the  Tepanecs,  resulting  in  the  triumph  of  the  former,  though 
with  the  aid  of  the  Aztecs,  who  were  admitted  as  equals  in 
the  final  reconstruction  of  the  empire.  The  part  played  by 
the  other  nations  of  Anahuac,  during  this  period,  was  that  of 
allies  to  one  of  these  powers,  and  sometimes  of  rebels,  though 
usually  they  enjoyed  their  independence  only  until  their 
former  rulers  found  leisure  to  reduce  them  to  allegiance. 

The  names  of  the  three  emperors  were  Ixtlilxochitl,  Tezo- 
zomoc,  and  Maxtla ; hut  of  their  wars,  which  were  almost  as 
tiresome  as  those  of  the  Saxons  in  the  early  periods  of  Eng- 
lish history,  it  is  unnecessary  to  make  further  mention.  Suf- 
fice it  to  say  that  at  their  close,  about  the  year  1431,  it  was 
decided  to  re-establish  the  ancient  Toltec  confederacy  of  three 
kingdoms,  independent  as  to  their  internal  affairs,  but  acting 


THE  TO L TEG  AND  CHICHIMEC  PERIODS. 


21 


together  in  all  matters  that  concerned  the  general  interests  of 
the  empire.  These  dominions  were  Acolhuacan,  with  its  capi- 
tal at  Tezcuco,  and  the  Aztec  and  Tepanec  kingdoms,  with 
Mexico  and  Tlacopan  for  their  chief  cities. 


Ancient  Coat  of  Arms  — Cuernavaca. 


22 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  III. 


THE  AZTECS. 

The  early  records  of  the  Aztecs  relate  chiefly  to  a series 
of  conquests  by  the  allied  forces  of  Tlacopan,  Acolhua,  and 
Mexico,  in  which  those  of  the  last-named  power  took  the 
most  active  share.  Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  the  Mexicans 
became  the  masters  of  Anahuac,  and  were  on  the  point  of 
subjugating  even  their  own  allies,  or  of  becoming  themselves 
the  victims  of  their  combined  foes,  when  they  were  compelled 
to  succumb  to  another  powerful  enemy  who  had  come  from 
beyond  the  seas.  Aside  from  their  frequent  struggles,  the 
history  of  the  Aztecs  contains  little  worthy  of  narration,  that 
little  pertaining  to  their  public  works,  the  building  of  tem- 
ples, and  the  sacrifices  of  human  victims  wherewith  they 
celebrated  their  victories,  and  the  coronation  of  their  kings, 
or  made  offerings  to  their  deities  on  occasions  when  they 
desired  to  render  thanks  or  to  propitiate  their  favor. 

Montezuma  I.,  general-in-chief  of  the  army  and  high-priest 
of  Huitzilopochtli,  was  in  the  year  1440  crowned  first  king 
of  the  Mexicans,  who  had  already  become  an  independent 
nation.  Before  his  coronation, — a point  upon  which  all  his- 
torians concur,  — he  organized  an  expedition  against  the  Chal- 
cans,  for  the  purpose  of  obtaining  captives  for  the  sacrifices. 
Be  it  as  it  may,  the  fact  stands  that  prior  to  and  during  his 
reign,  that  nation  was  constantly  at  war  with  the  Mexicans. 
In  1443  the  Chalcans,  who  had  at  times  fought  side  by  side 
with  the  Tepanecs,  and  at  others  as  allies  of  the  Acolhuans. 
but  always  feeling  a deadly  hatred  against  the  Aztecs,  un- 
dertook to  measure  their  prowess  with  the  allied  kingdoms, 
their  chief  aim  being  to  humiliate  the  Mexicans. 

Tn  order  to  provoke  hostilities,  they  captured,  and  caused  to 
he  put  to  death,  a party  of  noblemen,  among  whom  were  sev- 


THE  AZTECS. 


23 


eral  members  of  the  royal  family  of  Mexico,  that  had  been 
found  engaged  in  hunting  near  the  frontier.  The  effect 
caused  by  this  iniquity  was  electrical,  and  the  Chalcans  ere- 
long had  to  confront  the  united  force  of  the  allied  powers. 
The  Chalcan  army  went  out  to  meet  them,  and  a series  of 
fights  ensued,  lasting  several  weeks,  without  either  of  the  hos- 
tile armies  seeing  its  efforts  crowned  with  success.  At  last, 
according  to  the  old  chronicles,  a son  of  the  Acolhuan  mon- 
arch, then  under  sixteen  years  of  age,  by  an  act  of  daring 
and  gallantry,  caused  victory  to  perch  on  the  allied  standard. 
Having  paid  a visit  to  his  brothers  in  their  tent,  and  being 
about  to  take  a seat  with  them  at  table,  they  reminded  him 
of  his  youth,  saying  that  they  would  not  allow  a lad  who  had 
as  yet  done  no  act  of  bravery  to  sit  in  their  company.  En- 
raged, and  at  the  same  time  keenly  feeling  the  rebuke,  the 
boy  seized  his  arms,  and  rushing  into  the  midst  of  the  melee, 
he  had  the  good  fortune  to  make  captive  one  of  the  enemy’s 
most  famous  warriors.  This  brought  on  such  a panic  that 
the  Chalcans  were  utterly  routed,  and  the  campaign  ended 
with  their  city  being  taken,  and  its  inhabitants  made  tribu- 
tary to  the  allied  powers. 

A few  years  later,  while  the  Aztec  armies  were  engaged  in 
foreign  wars,  the  Chalcans  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity 
to  revolt.  It  is  related  that  they  seized  and  imprisoned  sev- 
eral Mexicans  of  high  rank,  among  them  being  a brother  of 
Montezuma,  whom  they  afterward  proposed  to  elect  king  of 
Chaleo.  Pretending  to  give  his  consent,  the  latter  requested 
them  to  erect  a lofty  platform,  on  which  to  execute  certain 
mysterious  ceremonies  that  would  rouse  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  people  in  their  new  cause.  But  taking  his  stand  on  the 
summit,  the  captive  prince  denounced  their  treachery,  called 
on  the  Mexicans  to  avenge  him,  predicted  the  defeat  and 
slavery  of  the  Chalcans,  and  then  threw  himself  headlong  to 
the  ground  below. 

The  total  annihilation  of  this  turbulent  community  was 
now  resolved  on  by  the  kings  of  Mexico,  Tezcuco,  and  Tlaco- 


24 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


pan,  and  a peculiar  air  of  mystery  enshrouds  the  war  which 
followed.  During  the  time  of  preparation,  of  conflict,  and  of 
victory,  the  people  of  Mexico  were  constantly  engaged  in  sol- 
emn processions,  chants,  prayers,  and  sacrifices,  in  honor  of 
those  who  had  fallen  in  other  Chalcan  wars.  Signal  fires 
blazed  on  the  hills  and  in  the  watch-towers;  and  it  is  even 
said  that  the  gods  sent  an  earthquake  to  warn  the  foe  of  their 
impending  doom.  After  the  battle  had  raged  for  an  entire 
day  before  the  fated  city,  the  Aztecs  were  again  victorious. 
Vast  numbers  of  the  enemy  fell  in  battle,  or  during  the  pur- 
suit, and  the  rest  were  scattered  in  all  directions,  some  pre- 
ferring to  die  of  cold  and  starvation  in  the  mountains  rather 
than  submit  to  the  conquerors.  Most  of  the  survivors  were 
finally  pardoned  by  Montezuma,  and  allowed  to  return  to 
their  city,  where,  in  later  years,  they  again  broke  out  into 
revolt. 

During  the  reign  of  Montezuma  I.,  and  that  of  his  prede- 
cessor, Itzcoatl,  many  provinces  were  brought  under  Mexican 
rule,  entirely  or  in  part,  and  at  the  decease  of  the  former 
monarch,  which  occurred  in  1461),  the  Aztecs  were  masters  of 
a broad  tract  of  territory,  extending  from  Anahuac  south-east- 
ward to  the  gulf  of  Mexico.  Notwithstanding  six  years  of 
famine,  during  which  thousands  sold  themselves  into  slavery 
in  order  to  obtain  food,  the  empire  was  now  in  a more  pros- 
perous condition  than  had  ever  before  been  known.  As  soon 
as  the  years  of  scarcity  began,  the  public  granaries  were 
thrown  open  by  royal  command;  but  the  supply  of  maize  was 
soon  exhausted,  and  there  remained  oidy  the  fish,  birds,  rep- 
tiles, and  insects  of  the  lake.  When  we  read  that  a law  was 
passed  forbidding  the  sale  of  children  for  less  than  400  ears 
of  corn,  we  may  form  some  idea  of  the  severity  of  the  distress. 

Two  years  before  the  famine  commenced,  heavy  and  con- 
tinuous rains  caused  the  waters  of  the  lake  to  overllow  the 
city,  destroying  many  buildings,  and  causing  much  loss  of 
life.  To  guard  against  similar  disasters,  all  the  laborers  that 
could  be  obtained  in  the  three  kingdoms  were  ordered  to 


THE  AZTECS. 


25 


Mexico.  A dike  seven  or  eight  miles  in  length,  and  stretch- 
ing from  north  to  south  in  crescent  form,  was  so  constructed 
as  to  separate  the  waters  of  the  lake,  of  which  only  the  outer 
portion  received  its  tributary  streams.  It  was  built  of  piles 
driven  into  the  mud  in  double  lines,  and  the  space  between 
filled  in  with  stones  and  earth,  the  entire  structure  being 
thirty,  or  as  some  have  it  fifty,  feet  in  width.  Its  surface, 
when  flagged  and  cemented,  afterward  became  a favorite 
promenade.  This  work  is  considered  a masterpiece  of  engi- 
neering, and  though  in  later  years  millions  were  expended 
by  the  Spaniards  in  protecting  the  city  against  inundation, 
the  result  was  little  more  effectual. 

In  1471  occurred  the  death  of  Nezalmalcoyotl,  king  of 
Acolhuacan,  and  esteemed  as  the  wisest  of  the  Chichimec 
sovereigns.  His  adventures  in  early  life  have  cast  around 
his  name  a glamour  of  romance.  Deprived  of  his  ancestral 
throne  at  Tezcuco,  he  regained  it  by  his  valor,  and  the  promi- 
nent part  which  he  played  in  the  wars  of  the  allied  monarchs 
has  called  forth  the  admiration  of  his  biographers.  His  chief 
glory,  however,  was  not  his  fame  as  a warrior,  but  his  wisdom 
and  justice  as  a ruler.  During  his  reign  he  had  made  Tez- 
cuco the  centre  of  art,  science,  and  culture,  and  his  kingdom 
a model  of  sound  government.  Corrupt  officials  met  with 
no  mercy  at  his  hands;  hut  toward  the  poor,  the  aged,  and 
the  unfortunate,  his  kindness  knew  no  hounds.  He  was  in 
the  habit  of  travelling  in  disguise  among  his  subjects,  visit- 
ing among  the  lower  classes,  relieving  their  wants,  and 
obtaining  useful  hints  for  the  perfection  of  his  code  of  laws, 
in  which  he  took  special  pride.  As  Tezcuco  was  the  Athens 
of  Anahuac,  so  was  this  monarch  the  Solon  of  the  Tezcucans. 
Himself  a man  of  learning,  and  a poet  of  no  mean  order,  he 
was  never  backward  in  promoting  the  cause  of  education;  and 
in  his  religious  views  he  was  far  in  advance  of  his  contempo- 
raries. 

To  Montezuma  I.  succeeded  the  second  of  his  three  grand- 
sons, Axayacatl,  who,  in  order  to  obtain  the  human  victims 


26 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


for  sacrifice,  required  by  usage  at  his  coronation,  6et  forth  on 
the  most  daring  raid  yet  undertaken  hy  the  Aztecs.  March- 
ing rapidly  southward  hy  mountain  routes,  at  the  head  of  a 
large  force,  he  suddenly  presented  himself  before  the  Zapotec 
city  of  Tehuantepec.  After  having  routed  the  opposing  army, 
he  drew  them  into  an  ambuscade  by  feigning  retreat.  He 
then  entered  and  pillaged  their  city,  and  leaving  there  a 
strong  garrison,  returned  to  Mexico,  laden  with  plunder,  and 
with  thousands  of  captives  in  his  train,  almost  before  his  de- 
parture was  known  to  the  surrounding  nations.  Of  the  reign 
of  Axayacatl,  and  of  his  brother  Tizoc,  who  succeeded  him, 
nothing  more  remains  to  he  said.  To  follow  the  Aztecs  in  all 
their  wars  up  to  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest  would  be  a 
fruitless  task,  and  yet,  apart  from  these  W'ars,  there  is  little 
to  relate. 

In  1486,  Ahuitzotl,  the  last  of  the  three  grandsons  of  Mon- 
tezuma, was  called  to  the  throne.  During  the  first  year  of  his 
reign  many  wars  were  undertaken,  their  main  object  being  to 
procure  victims,  not  only  for  the  coronation  of  the  monarch, 
hut  also  for  the  dedication  of  the  grand  temple  of  Iluetzi- 
lopochtli,  of  which  a description  will  be  given  later.  The  cere- 
mony was  witnessed,  as  the  chroniclers  relate,  hy  millions  of 
visitors,  as  well  from  hostile  as  from  friendly  provinces,  the 
former  being  offered  the  choicest  seats,  and  loaded  with  rich 
presents  on  their  departure.  The  principal  feature  was,  of 
course,  the  sacrifice  of  the  captives,  of  whom  it  is  said  that 
from  seventy  to  eighty  thousand  perished  on  the  altar,  the 
victims  being  arranged  in  two  lines,  stretching  from  the  tem- 
ple far  out  on  the  causeways.  The  kings  began  the  work  of 
butchery  with  their  own  hands,  and  the  priests  followed,  each 
one  continuing  the  slaughter  until  he  was  exhausted,  when 
another  took  his  place.  This  wholesale  sacrifice  was  long 
remembered  in  Anahuac  as  the  largest  that  ever  occurred 
there. 

Between  1494  and  1497  the  Mexican  armies  suffered  a 
series  of  reverses,  during  which  several  of  the  conquered  prov- 


THE  AZTECS. 


27 


inces  regained  their  freedom,  among  them  that  of  Tehuan- 
tepec. Near  the  capital,  on  a series  of  plateaux,  protected  by 
a labyrinth  of  ravines,  the  Zapotec  king  had  fortified  an  area 
sufficient  to  maintain  his  armies,  and  there  awaited  the  ap- 
proach of  the  Aztecs.  As  soon  as  the  latter  were  fairly  within 
the  defiles,  through  which  lay  their  route  to  the  city,  the 
enemy  rushed  down  upon  them  from  their  mountain  forts, 
and  after  several  bloody  battles,  almost  annihilated  the  invad- 
ing force.  The  Aztecs  could  neither  retreat  nor  advance,  and 
day  by  day  their  leader  saw  his  army  melting  away,  pris- 
oners being  put  to  death  by  torture,  except  a few  who  were 
sent  back  to  bear  witness  to  their  comrades  of  the  strength 
and  ferocity  of  the  foe.  When  this  disaster  became  known  in 
Mexico,  re-enforcements  were  four  times  sent  to  their  relief 
within  a year;  but  none  could  force  the  passage,  or  if  they 
did,  it  was  only  to  die  with  their  brethren  in  arms.  After  a 
long  career  of  victory,  the  Mexicans  were  fairly  defeated,  and 
sent  to  the  king  of  the  Zapotecs  an  embassy  proposing  peace 
and  alliance.  The  result  is  unknown;  but  it  is  almost  certain 
that  the  latter  retained  possession  of  Tehuantepec. 

King  Ahuitzotl  died  in  1503;  and  it  is  said  that  his  death 
was  occasioned  by  the  haste  with  which  he  made  his  escape 
from  the  royal  palace  during  a second  flood,  which  occurred 
in  1500,  striking  his  head  against  a door-post,  and  receiving 
an  injury  which  a few  years  later  proved  fatal.  He  was  a 
cruel,  vindictive,  and  superstitious  monarch,  and  if  wTe  con- 
cede to  him  the  one  redeeming  trait  which  his  admirers  claim, 
— that  of  generosity,  — it  was  closely  connected  with  his  well- 
known  passion  for  display  and  flattery.  He  left  the  empire 
in  the  climax  of  its  glory;  and  yet  before  his  death  the  seeds 
of  coming  disaster  had  been  sown  and  had  taken  root;  for  his 
frightful  sacrifice  of  human  victims  filled  Anahuac  with 
terror  and  hatred.  Moreover,  the  campaign  in  Tehuantepec, 
and  others  which  occurred  during  his  reign,  had  taught  the 
surrounding  nations  that  the  Aztecs  were  not,  as  they  claimed, 
invincible. 


28 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


When  news  of  the  death  of  Ahuitzotl  was  spread  through- 
out the  capital,  the  high-priest  of  Huitzilopochtli  was  a 
younger  son  of  Axayacatl.  He  had  already  proved  himself  a 
skilful  and  valiant  warrior,  and  as  a statesman  his  voice 
had  been  heard  with  respect  in  the  council-chamber  of  the 
Aztecs;  but  now,  in  a spirit  of  real  or  feigned  humility,  he 
had  chosen  a more  humble  occupation,  and  at  this  moment 
was  engaged  in  sweeping  out  the  lloor  of  the  temple.  While 
thus  employed,  a party  of  nobles  entered  the  building,  and 
saluted  him  as  monarch  elect  of  Mexico.  A few  months 
later  he  assumed  the  crown,  with  the  title  of  Montezuma  II. 

The  story  of  his  reign,  until  the  time  of  the  Spanish  con- 
quest, includes  but  a succession  of  campaigns  against  revolted 
provinces,  varied  with  frequent  sacrifices  of  human  victims, 
and  omens  of  disaster  sent  by  the  gods  to  trouble  the  mind 
of  this  the  most  pious  of  the  monarchs.  When  at  length 
the  day  drew  near  on  which  Mexico  must  struggle  single- 
handed  against  the  combined  powers  of  Anahua’c,  her  last 
chance  of  success  in  this  unequal  contest  disappeared  with 
the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards. 

Immediately  after  the  accession  of  Montezuma  II.,  war 
broke  out  with  the  Tlascaltecs,  who,  after  a difficult  cam- 
paign, maintained  their  ground  against  the  Aztecs  and  their 
allies  from  Cholula,  until,  with  the  aid  of  Cortes,  they  were 
able  to  take  revenge  on  their  enemies.  On  the  very  year  pre- 
ceding the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  wars  were  still  being  waged 
by  the  allied  monarchs;  for  only  by  drenching  with  human 
blood  the  altars  of  the  gods  could  they  hope  to  avert  impend- 
ing disaster. 

Meanwhile  many  signs  and  omens  foreboded  evil  to  the 
empire  of  the  Montezumas.  In  1507  occurred  an  eclipse  and 
a violent  earthquake.  A few  years  later  an  army,  sent  to  the 
province  of  Amatlan,  perished  from  cold,  and  by  the  falling 
of  trees  and  rocks ; and  a comet  with  three  heads  hung  over 
Anahuac.  Then  a strange  light,  in  the  form  of  a pyramid, 
appeared  in  the  east,  reaching  from  earth  to  sky,  and  from 


THE  AZTECS. 


21) 


midnight  till  morn  could  be  plainly  seen  in  all  the  provinces 
of  Mexico  for  forty  days,  or  as  some  relate,  for  an  entire  year. 
About  the  same  time  the  towers  of  the  great  temple  of  Huitzi- 
lopochtli  took  fire  without  apparent  cause,  and  were  burned  to 
ashes  in  spite  of  all  efforts  to  extinguish  the  flames.  In  1511 
there  fell  near  this  temple  a huge  stone  pillar,  no  one  knowing 
whence  it  came,  and  in  the  same  year  armed  men  were  seen 
fighting  in  the  air.  At  a town  called  Tusupan  an  earthquake 
and  deluge  were  reported;  at  Tecualoia  a ferocious  and  horri- 
ble beast  was  captured,  and  a woman’s  voice  was  heard  be- 
wailing the  fate  of  her  children.  Finally,  at  Tlascala,  a 
bright  light  and  a cloud  of  dust  arose  from  the  summit  of  a 
neighboring  mountain  to  the  very  heavens,  and  men  said  one 
to  another  that  the  end  of  the  world  was  at  hand.  To  the 
nations  which  dwelt  beyond  the  borders  of  Anahuac  all  these 
dreadful  phenomena  were  less  terrible  than  to  the  Mexicans, 
for  with  their  terror  was  mingled  the  hope  of  relief  from  the 
Aztec  yoke. 

Such  are  the  records  of  the  Aztecs  before  the  date  of  the 
Spanish  conquest;  but  these  early  records,  like  those  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  are  more  or  less  intermingled  with  myth  and  fable. 


Bas-Kelief  from  Xochicalco. 


30 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

•MYTHOLOGY  AN!)  TRADITION. 

All  that  was  written  of  the  Mexicans  by  their  Spanish  con- 
querors cannot  be  believed.  There  was  a constant  tendency 
to  exaggerate,  on  the  part  of  the  soldiers  in  order  to  magnify 
the  strength  and  greatness  of  the  peoples  whom  they  had 
subdued,  and  on  the  part  of  the  priests  to  magnify  the  impor- 
tance of  their  spiritual  conquest.  Yet  enough  is  known  to 
prove  that  they  were  far  advanced  in  civilization;  more  so,  in 
some  respects,  than  those  who  made  them  their  subjects. 

The  primary  indication  of  an  absolute  superiority  in  man 
over  other  animals  is  the  faculty  of  speech.  Brutes  may  have 
a gesture-language  of  their  own;  they  may  have  the  organs 
of  speech,  but  they  have  not  speech,  for  they  have  not  the 
rational  faculty  whereby  to  originate  and  express  it. 

Every  nation  has  its  mythology,  or  religious  traditions  and 
belief;  so  that  religious  belief  of  some  kind  seems  natural  to 
the  human  race.  Men  realize  the  presence  of  a power,  or 
powers,  about  them,  which  they  cannot  see.  The  endeavor  to 
propitiate  these  unseen  powers  produces  worship.  Language 
is  a symbol  significant  of  thought;  mythology  is  a symbol 
significant  of  soul.  Language  is  thought  incarnate;  mythol- 
ogy is  soul  incarnate.  In  mythology  language  assumes  per- 
sonality and  independence.  Often  the  significance  of  the 
word  becomes  the  essential  idea.  Zeus,  from  meaning  simply 
sky,  becomes  the  god  of  the  sky;  Eos,  originally  the  dawn,  is 
made  the  goddess  of  the  opening  day.  Not  the  idea,  but  the 
expression  of  the  idea,  becomes  the  deity. 

The  traditions  of  primitive  peoples  are  a mixture  of  truth 
and  error;  they  are  partly  history  and  partly  mythology. 
There  never  was  a myth  without  a meaning,  or  a tradition 
without  some  element  of  truth.  Many  believe  all  mythologi- 


MYTHOLOGY  AND  TRADITION. 


31 


cal  personages  to  have  been  once  real  human  heroes,  the 
foundations  of  whose  histories  were  laid  in  truth,  while  the 
structure  was  reared  by  fancy. 

Mythology,  as  made  up  of  legendary  accounts  of  places  and 
personages,  is  history;  as  relating  to  the  genesis  or  origin  of 
the  gods,  and  the  nature  and  adventures  of  divinities,  is  reli- 
gion. In  the  myths  of  wild,  untutored  man  is  displayed  an 
inherent  desire  to  account  for  the  origin  of  things,  which  has 
always  commanded  the  profoundest  attention  of  mankind. 
Within  crude  poetic  imagery  are  enrolled  religious  beliefs, 
and  are  laid  the  foundations  of  systems  of  worship.  Thus 
are  explained  the  fundamental  laws  of  nature;  thus  we  are 
told  how  earth  sprang  from  chaos,  how  men  and  beasts  and 
plants  were  made,  how  heaven  was  peopled,  and  earth,  and 
what  were  the  relative  powers  and  successive  dynasties  of  the 
gods.  Heroes  are  made  gods;  gods  are  materialized  and 
brought  down  to  men.  One  of  the  indications  of  man’s  supe- 
riority over  brutes  is  the  faculty  whereby  he  worships.  Ani- 
mals look  up  to  man  as  a being  superior  to  themselves,  and 
man  regards  with  reverence  and  respect  an  unseen  but  su- 
preme being.  The  wild  beast  to  escape  the  storm  Hies  howl- 
ing to  its  den;  the  savage,  awe-stricken,  turns  and  prays. 
The  lowest  man  perceives  a hand  behind  the  lightning,  hears 
a voice  abroad  upon  the  storm,  for  which  the  highest  brute 
has  neither  eye  nor  ear.  Of  the  mythology  of  the  native 
races  of  America  may  be  made  the  following  subdivisions, 
namely:  origin  and  end  of  things;  physical  myths;  animal 
myths;  gods,  supernatural  beings,  and  worship;  the  future 
state. 

There  were  two  schools  of  opinion  in  Anahuac  as  to  the 
origin  of  things:  one,  the  more  advanced,  and  which  flour- 
ished at  Tezcuco,  teaching  that  all  things  were  made  by 
one  god,  omnipotent  and  invisible;  while  the  other  held  that 
several  deities  took  part  in  the  work  of  creation.  There  was 
quite  a general  belief  that  one  personage  was  transformed  by 
passing  through  fire  into  the  sun,  and  another  personage  into 


32 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  moon.  Their  tradition  of  the  Hood  was  not  unlike  the 
story  of  Noah  and  the  ark.  In  most  of  their  painted  manu- 
scripts relating  to  it  is  a representation  of  a boat  floating  over 
a waste  of  waters,  and  containing  a man  and  a woman.  At 
the  time  of  the  flood  it  is  said  that  the  country  was  inhabited 
by  giants,  some  of  whom  perished,  others  were  turned  into 
fishes,  and  a few  found  refuge  in  mountain  caves.  When  the 
waters  subsided,  the  survivors  began  to  build  an  immense 
pyramid  of  brick,  which  rose  up  day  by  day  until  it  threat- 
ened to  reach  the  heavens;  whereupon  the  gods  became  angry 
at  their  presumption,  and  hurled  down  fire  upon  the  builders, 
so  that  the  work  was  stopped.  Here  we  have  the  counterpart 
of  the  story  of  the  tower  of  Babel. 

The  worship  of  the  sun  and  of  other  bodies  in  the  firma- 
ment was  almost  universal  in  Mexico,  among  both  the  wild 
and  civilized  tribes.  The  sun  was  represented  by  a human 
face  surrounded  with  rays,  or  by  a full-length  human  figure. 
An  eclipse  caused  much  fright  among  the  people,  and  it  was 
believed  that  a total  eclipse  would  entirely  banish  the  light, 
and  that  demons  would  come  down  under  cover  of  the  dark- 
ness and  devour  the  people.  The  Tlascaltecs  regarded  the 
sun  and  moon  as  husband  and  wife,  believing  eclipses  to  be 
caused  by  domestic  quarrels,  which  would  bring  disaster  on 
the  world  if  peace  were  not  made  between  them.  The  Mexi- 
cans specially  worshipped  a certain  group  of  three  stars  in 
the  sign  Taurus  of  the  zodiac.  The  planet  Venus  was  also 
adored  as  the  first  light  that  appeared  in  the  world,  as  the 
god  of  twilight,  and,  according  to  some,  as  being  identical 
with  the  god  Quetzalcoatl,  of  whom  we  shall  hear  later. 
Comets  were  called  by  a name  signifying  smoking  star,  and 
their  appearance  was  believed  to  foretoken  plague,  famine,  or 
the  death  of  a prince. 

Many  of  the  native  races  of  America  had  tire-gods,  the 
Mexican  fire-god  being  known  by  various  names,  though  the 
most  common  one  was  Xiuhtecutli.  While  preserving  his 
own  identity,  he  was  closely  related  to  the  sun-god,  and 


MYTHOLOGY  AND  TRADITION. 


33 


many  and  various  were  the  ceremonies  by  which  he  was  rec- 
ognized, the  most  important  one  being  at  the  lighting  of  the 
new  fire  at  the  beginning  of  each  Mexican  cycle,  or  period  of 
fifty-two  years. 

The  wind  was  often  considered  as  a god,  or  as  the  breath  of 
a god,  and  in  many  of  the  native  languages  the  great  spirit 
and  the  great  wind  were  the  same,  both  in  word  and  meaning. 
The  name  of  the  Nahua  god  Mixcoatl  is  said  to  be  still  the 
correct  Mexican  term  for  the  whirlwind. 

Just  as  the  augurs  and  soothsayers  of  ancient  Rome  fore- 
told future  events  from  the  song,  flight,  and  feeding  of  birds, 
and  from  other  signs,  so  did  those  of  the  Mexicans  from  many 
omens;  as,  the  howling  of  wild  beasts  at  night,  the  singing  of 
birds,  the  hooting  of  the  owl,  the  weasel  crossing  a traveller’s 
path,  the  rabbit  running  into  its  burrow,  or  the  chance  move- 
ments of  worms,  beetles,  ants,  frogs,  and  mice.  He  who  lost 
his  life  in  battle  died  in  the  belief  that  his  soul  would  finally 
take  the  form  of  a bird,  and  twitter  throughout  the  countless 
ages  of  eternity  under  the  purple  shadow  of  the  trees  of 
paradise. 

The  Mexicans  also  ascribed  to  certain  animals  and  agencies 
control  over  the  various  portions  of  the  human  body,  much 
in  the  way  that  in  later  years  astrologers  and  alchemists 
connected  the  stars  with  persons  and  substances.  Thus  the 
symbol  of  the  deer  was  supposed  to  rule  over  the  right  foot; 
of  the  tiger,  over  the  left  foot;  of  the  eagle,  over  the  right 
hand;  of  the  monkey,  over  the  left;  of  the  dog,  over  the 
nose;  of  the  earthquake,  over  the  tongue;  of  air,  over  the 
breath;  of  water,  over  the  hair;  and  of  death,  over  the  skull. 

The  Mexican  religion,  as  transmitted  to  us,  is  a confused 
and  contradictory  chaos  of  fragments.  The  Aztecs  worshipped 
a supreme  being  whom  they  called  Teotl,  the  Iheos  of  the 
Greeks,  and  who,  being  invisible  and  immutable,  was  not  rep- 
resented by  any  image,  and  probably  not  propitiated  with  sac- 
rifices. In  opposition  to  him  was  the  evil  spirit,  the  enemy  of 
mankind,  whom  they  termed  Tlacatecolotl,  that  is  to  say, 
3 


34 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


‘rational  owl.’  Next  to  Teotl  was  Tezcatlipoca,  or  ‘shining 
mirror,’  the  soul  of  the  universe  and  the  creator  of  heaven 
and  earth,  though  some  traditions  relate  that  the  former 
created  the  world,  mankind,  the  sun  and  the  water,  and  was  in 
a certain  degree  their  ruler.  But  the  idea  of  a single  lord  of 
the  universe,  who  required  no  inferior  gods  to  carry  out  his 
purposes,  was  one  which  they  could  not  or  did  not  conceive. 
They  invented,  therefore,  a number  of  gods,  who  held  sway 
over  the  elements,  the  seasons,  and  the  affairs  of  men,  and  of 
whom  there  were  more  than  a dozen  principal,  and  some  two 
or  three  hundred  inferior,  deities. 

Tezcatlipoca,  who  was  worshipped  under  various  other 
names,  appears  to  have  been  generally  considered  the  most 
important  of  the  Mexican  deities.  His  principal  image,  at 
least  in  the  city  of  Mexico,  was  cut  out  of  a shining  black 
stone,  called  itzli,  a species  of  obsidian,  resembling  dark  glass. 
The  statue  was  that  of  a young  man,  whereby  was  intended 
to  be  set  forth  the  immortality  of  the  god.  His  ears  were 
bright  with  ear-rings  of  gold  and  silver.  His  lower  lip  was 
pierced  with  a small  crystal  tube,  through  which  was  drawn 
a green  or  blue  feather,  giving  to  this  ornament  the  tint 
sometimes  of  an  emerald  and  sometimes  of  a turquoise.  The 
hair  was  drawn  into  a queue,  and  bound  with  a ribbon  of 
burnished  gold,  to  the  end  of  which  was  attached  a golden 
ear,  with  tongues  of  ascending  smoke  painted  thereon.  The 
smoke  signified  the  prayers  of  the  sinful  and  afflicted,  who, 
commending  themselves  to  him,  were  favorably  heard,  for 
unto  Tezcatlipoca,  the  ever-young  and  ever-powerful,  it  was 
given  to  mete  out  rewards  and  punishments. 

Upon  the  head  of  this  personage  were  plumes  of  red  and 
green  feathers,  and  from  his  neck  depended  a golden  jewel 
that  covered  all  his  breast.  Bracelets  of  gold  encircled  his 
arms,  and  in  his  navel  was  a precious  green  stone.  In  his 
left  hand  Hashed  a great  circular  mirror  of  gold,  bordered, 
like  a fan,  with  costly  feathers,  green  and  azure  and  yellow. 
On  this  were  fixed  the  eyes  of  the  god,  for  therein  he  saw 


MYTHOLOGY  AND  TRADITION. 


35 


reflected  all  that  was  done  in  the  world.  To  his  feet  were 
attached  twenty  bells  of  gold,  and  to  his  right  foot  the 
hoof  of  a deer,  to  signify  his  exceeding  swiftness.  Covering 
his  shining  black  body  was  a great  cloak,  curiously  wrought 
in  black  and  white,  adorned  with  feathers,  and  fringed  with 
rosettes  of  red  and  white  and  black.  He  was  sometimes 
represented  as  seated  on  a bench  covered  with  a red  cloth,  on 
which  were  wrought  pictures  of  skulls,  and  having  in  his 
right  hand  four  darts,  the  meaning  of  which  was  probably 
that  he  punished  sin.  In  order  to  bring  the  worship  of  Tez- 
catlipoca  prominently  before  the  people,  seats  of  stone  w’erc 
placed  at  the  corners  of  the  streets,  on  which  the  god  might 
rest,  whenever  he  walked  invisibly  abroad.  Mortal  man 
must  not  sit  thereon;  not  even  the  king  himself.  Sacred  they 
were,  sacred  forever,  and  covered  always  with  a canopy  of 
green  boughs,  renewed  every  five  days  with  becoming  rev- 
erence. 

But  Tezcatlipoca  does  not  always  appear  as  a just  or  benign 
ruler.  Descending  from  heaven  on  a rope  made  of  spider’s 
web,  he  came  to  the  town  of  Tulla,  the  capital  of  the  Toltecs, 
where  dwelt  their  national  deity,  Quetzaleoatl,  a beneficent 
being,  the  god  of  the  air,  the  sun,  and  the  rain,  and  the  source 
of  all  prosperity,  one  who  is  said  to  have  taken  the  shape  of 
man  in  order  to  instruct  and  improve  the  inhabitants  of 
earth.  Quetzaleoatl — quetzal,  a bird  of  plumage,  and  coatl,  a 
serpent,  or  in  one  word,  feathered-snake — is  represented  as  a 
tall  white  man,  broad  of  brow,  with  large,  mild  eyes,  hlack 
hair,  and  a heavy  beard.  He  wore  garments  reaching  to  his 
feet,  over  which  was  thrown  a long  white  robe,  decorated  with 
crosses;  on  his  head  was  a mitre,  and  in  his  right  hand  a 
sickle.  From  a volcano  near  Tulla,  its  name  signifying 
‘the  mountain  of  outcry,’  he  gave  laws  to  his  people,  sending 
first  to  its  top  a crier,  whose  voice  could  be  heard  a hundred 
leagues  away.  He  taught  them  agriculture,  metallurgy, 
stone-cutting,  and  the  science  of  government.  He  also  ar- 
ranged their  calendar,  or  helped  them  to  arrange  it,  and  gave 


3G 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOFLE. 


them  fit  religious  ceremonies,  preaching  specially  against 
human  sacrifices,  and  ordering  in  their  stead  offerings  of  fruit 
and  (lowers. 

This  was  a veritable  golden  age,  as  in  the  time  of  Saturn; 
and  men  and  animals  lived  in  peace,  the  soil  producing  the 
richest  harvests  without  cultivation.  A single  ear  of  corn 
was  all  that  a man  could  carry;  fruits  of  all  kinds  abounded; 
melons  grew  to  the  height  of  the  human  body;  and  the  stalks 
of  the  wild  amarinth  were  so  large  and  thick  that  people 
climbed  them  like  trees.  Cotton  was  not  cultivated  or  dyed, 
for  it  grew  wild  and  of  every  color,  and  all  things  were  in  like 
manner  perfect  and  abundant.  The  very  birds  in  the  trees 
sang  such  songs  as  have  never  yet  been  heard,  and  flashed 
such  marvellous  beauties  in  the  sun  as  no  plumage  of  later 
times  could  rival.  The  people  were  rich,  without  an  excep- 
tion, and  their  ruler  owned  palaces  of  gold  and  silver  and 
precious  stones,  of  white  and  red  shells,  and  rich  feathers. 

But  one  day  there  appeared  to  Quetzalcoatl  a personage 
disguised  as  an  old  man,  who  persuaded  him  to  depart  to  his 
home  in  Tlalpalla,  near  the  sea,  and  for  this  purpose  in- 
duced him  to  accept  a drink,  which  he  said  would  endow 
him  with  immortality.  It  was  Tezcatlicopa.  And  now  this 
bright  vision  of  happiness  came  to  an  end.  No  sooner  had 
Quetzalcoatl  tasted  the  drink  than  he  was  seized  with  an  un- 
controllable desire  to  visit  his  native  country.  lie  destroyed 
all  his  palaces,  transformed  the  fruit-trees  into  withered 
trunks,  and  bade  the  song-birds  accompany  him.  Thus  he 
departed,  and  during  his  journey  the  birds  entertained  him 
with  their  warbling. 

Travelling  at  first  southward,  through  a portion  of  Ana- 
huac,  lie  turned  toward  the  east,  and  arrived  at  Cholula, 
where  the  inhabitants  intrusted  him  with  the  government  of 
their  state,  and  the  order  of  things  which  had  prevailed  at 
Tulla  was  for  a time  renewed.  From  Cholula  his  fame 
spread  far  and  wide,  temples  being  everywhere  built  in  his 
honor,  even  by  the  enemies  of  the  Cholulans.  After  sojourn- 


MYTHOLOGY  AND  TRADITION. 


o7 


ing  here  for  twenty  years,  he  proceeded  toward  Tlalpalla, 
until  he  reached  a spot  called  the  Hiding-nook  of  the  Snakes, 
south  of  Vera  Cruz.  Thence  he  sent  back  four  youths  who 
had  accompanied  him  from  Cholula,  promising  to  return 
later,  resume  his  government,  and  restore  the  prosperity 
which  had  attended  his  coming.  But  Quetzalcoatl  did  not 
return.  According  to  some  accounts,  he  died  in  the  Hiding- 
nook  of  the  Snakes;  according  to  others,  he  suddenly  disap- 
peared toward  the  east,  and  a ship,  formed  of  snakes  wound 
together,  brought  him  safely  to  Tlalpalla.  Meanwhile  the 
four  youths  wTere  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs,  and  even  on 
the  arrival  of  Cortes,  a few  centuries  later,  the  Mexican 
nations  were  still  awaiting  his  return,  and  for  a time  be- 
lieved their  conqueror  to  be  the  feathered-snake  deity,  the 
god  of  the  air  and  the  winds. 

The  fable  of  Quetzalcoatl  contains  many  contradictions,  of 
which  I will  mention  only  one.  If,  during  his  reign,  every- 
thing grew  spontaneously,  without  human  labor,  for  what 
purpose  did  the  god  teach  his  people  agriculture  and  other 
industries  requiring  application  and  hard  work  ? 

Huitzilopochtli,  the  Mexican  god  of  war,  was  also  a god  of 
the  air  and  of  heaven,  and  the  national  deity  of  the  Aztecs,  as 
was  Quetzalcoatl  of  the  Toltecs.  Translated  into  literal  Eng- 
lish, the  name  means  a humming-bird  on  the  left  side,  from 
huitzlin , a humming-bird,  and  opochtli,  left,  the  final  syllable 
being  omitted  in  connecting  Aztec  words.  The  statues  of  this 
god  frequently  represented  him  as  wearing  the  feathers  of  a 
humming-bird  on  his  left  foot,  and  in  other  respects  the  dec- 
oration was  not  inappropriate;  for  of  all  winged  creatures, 
this  bird  is  one  of  the  most  courageous,  attacking  others  ten 
times  its  own  size,  flying  into  their  eyes,  and  using  its  sharp 
bill  as  a weapon. 

Like  Mars  and  Odin,  the  Mexican  war-god  held  in  his 
right  hand  a spear  or  bow,  while  in  his  left  was  sometimes  a 
bundle  of  arrows,  and  sometimes  a shield,  in  which  were 
placed  four  darts,  sent  down  to  him  from  heaven,  wherewith 


38 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


to  perform  heroic  deeds.  It  is  related  that,  perfect  at  his 
birth  as  sprang  Minerva  from  the  cranium  of  Jove,  he  rose  up 
with  a mighty  war  shout,  and  grasping  his  shield  and  spear, 
his  face  and  arms  barred  with  lines  of  blue,  and  plumes  of 
green  nodding  terribly  from  his  head,  fell  on  his  opponents, 
plundered  their  dwellings,  and  brought  home  the  spoils. 
Henoe  he  was  also  called  Terror  and  the  Frightful  God. 


IlurrziLorocin'Li,  God  of  War. 


Tlaloc,  the  god  of  water  and  rain,  and  the  fertilizer  of  the> 
earth,  is  sometimes  represented  as  sitting  side  by  side  with 
Huitzilopochtli  in  his  great  temple.  According  to  tradition, 
his  dwelling  was  where  the  clouds  gather,  upon  the  highest 
mountain  tops,  and  his  attributes  were  the  thunder-bolt,  the 
Hash,  and  the  thunder.  Chalchihuitlicue,  who  resided  in  the 
storm  clouds,  was  his  companion  goddess.  It  was  also  be- 
lieved that  among  the  hills  dwelt  other  gods,  subordinate  to 
Tlaloc,  but  all  bearing  his  name,  and  revered,  not  only  as 
gods  of  water,  but  also  as  gods  of  mountains.  The  prominent 
colors  of  the  image  of  Tlaloc  were  azure  and  green,  thus  sym- 
bolizing the  shades  of  water. 

Centeotl,  centli,  maize,  known  under  many  names  and  in 


MYTHOLOGY  AND  TRADITION. 


39 


many  different  characters,  was  the  goddess,  or  as  some  have 
it  the  god,  of  corn.  She  was  held  in  special  honor  by  the 
Totonacs,  who  inhabited  the  country  east  of  the  valley  of 
Mexico.  Among  them  she  was  the  chief  object  of  worship, 
and  was  greatly  beloved  because  she  did  not  require  human 
sacrifices,  but  was  content  with  flowers  and  fruits,  bananas 
and  maize,  and  small  animals  and  birds,  as  rabbits,  quails, 
and  doves.  Chicomecoatl,  the  goddess  of  provisions,  both 
solid  and  fluid,  and  Cioacoatl,  or  Civacoatl,  though  the  god- 
dess of  adverse  things,  as  poverty,  toil,  and  sorrow,  were 
among  the  divinities  sometimes  identified  with  Centeotl. 


Head  of  Goddess  Centeotl. 

The  Mexican  god  of  fire  was  usually  called  Xiuhtecutli, 
though  he  had  other  names,  which,  translated  literally,  signi- 
fied ‘yellow-faced,’  ‘flame  of  fire,’  and  ‘ancient  god.’  He  was 
believed  by  the  people  to  be  their  father,  and  was  regarded 
with  feelings  of  mingled  love  and  fear.  Every  year  two  festi- 
vals were  celebrated  in  his  honor,  and  on  all  occasions  it  was 
the  custom  at  meals  for  each  one  to  offer  to  him  the  first  mor- 
sel of  food,  by  throwing  it  into  the  fire. 

The  hades  of  the  Mexicans,  or  their  place  of  departed  spirits, 
was  termed  Mictlan,  a word  signifying  either  primarily  or  by 
an  acquired  meaning  ‘toward  the  north.’  Here  held  sway  a 
god  best  known  as  Mictlantecutli,  and  his  spouse  Mictlan- 
ciuatl.  For  the  wicked  there  were  supposed  to  be  nine  differ- 
ent places  of  abode,  in  the  last  of  which  their  souls  were 
annihilated,  though  it  was  believed  that  their  only  punish- 
ment was  to  be  deprived  of  light. 


40 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


The  mind  of  man  shrinks  by  instinct  from  the  thought  of 
utter  annihilation,  and  ever  clings  to  the  hope  of  a future 
which  shall  be  better  than  the  present,  though  he  may  have 
no  such  assurance  that  he  will  enjoy  that  future  as  have  the 
bee  and  the  busy  ant  that  they  will  enjoy  the  winter  for 
which  they  prepare.  But  as  man’s  ideal  of  supreme  happi- 
ness depends  on  his  culture,  tastes,  and  condition  in  this  life, 
we  find  among  different  people  widely  differing  conceptions 
of  the  hereafter.  Thus  the  intellectual  Greek  looked  forward 
to  more  varied  and  refined  enjoyment  in  Iris  elysium  than  did 
the  viking  or  pirate  chief  of  northern  Europe,  whose  sole  idea 


Mictlantecutli,  God  of  Hell. 

of  heaven  was  that  of  a scene  of  continuous  gluttony,  wassail, 
and  strife. 

In  the  heaven  of  the  Mexicans  were  various  degrees  of 
happiness,  and  to  each  was  appointed  his  place  according  to 
his  rank  and  deserts  in  this  life.  The  high-born  warrior  who 
fell  gloriously  in  battle  did  not  meet  on  equal  terms  with  the 
base-born  rustic  who  died  ingloriously  in  his  bed.  Even  in 
the  House  of  the  Sun,  the  most  blissful  abode  of  the  brave, 
the  ordinary  vocations  of  life  were  not  entirely  dispensed  with, 
and  after  their  singing  and  dancing,  the  man  took  up  his  bow 
again  and  the  woman  her  spindle.  In  the  lower  heavens  there 
was  little  positive  happiness,  and  those  who  had  lived  an 
obscure  life  and  died  a natural  death  followed  their  occupa- 
tions by  twilight,  or  passed  their  time  in  a condition  of  torpor. 

Enough  has  now  been  said  concerning  the  mythology  of 


MYTHOLOGY  AND  TRADITION. 


41 


the  Mexicans,  though  besides  those  which  have  been  described 
there  were  other  deities  without  number.  There  was  a god 
of  banquets  and  of  guests,  a god  called  ‘the  little  negro,7 
who  cured  children  of  various  complaints,  a god  of  fishermen, 
a god  of  mat-makers,  and  there  were  gods  whose  names  had 
no  particular  significance.  Finally,  there  were  household 
gods,  resembling  somewhat  the  penates  of  the  Romans,  of 
which  the  kings  kept  six  in  their  houses,  the  nobles  four,  and 


Burial  Vase,  with  Lid. 


others  two.  Whether  these  formed  a special  class  of  gods,  or 
were  merely  small  images  of  more  prominent  idols,  it  is  diffi- 
cult to  decide.  There  were  similar  idols  in  the  streets,  at 
cross-roads,  at  fountains,  and  other  places  of  traffic  and 
resort. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  human  victims  offered  in  sac- 
rifice; and  there  is  no  doubt  that  many  thousands  were 
slaughtered  each  year  for  this  purpose.  The  numbers  that 
were  butchered  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain;  but  according  to 


42  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

some  authorities,  in  the  capital  alone  the  annual  sacrifices 
amounted  to  no  less  than  twenty  thousand.  The  victims 
were,  for  the  most  part,  captives  taken  in  war,  and  war  was 
often  made  solely  with  a view  to  obtaining  them.  A large 
proportion,  however,  consisted  of  condemned  criminals,  of 
slaves,  and  even  of  children,  bought  or  presented  for  the  pur- 
pose. Moreover,  persons  sometimes  offered  themselves  volun- 
tarily for  the  good  of  the  people  or  for  the  honor  of  a god. 
The  greater  part  of  the  victims  died  under  the  knife,  but  some 
were  burned  alive,  and  children  were  often  buried  alive  or 
drowned,  while  we  hear  of  criminals  being  crushed  to  death 
between  stones.  But  the  most  cruel  sacrifice  of  all,  and  yet 
the  most  common,  was  performed  by  tearing  out  the  heart  of 
a living  human  creature  at  the  sacrificial  stone. 


Sculpture  on  tue  Sacrificial  Stone. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ROYALTY. 


43 


CHAPTER  V. 

GOVERNMENT,  ROYALTY,  AND  ROYAL  PALACES. 

To  define  exactly  the  limits  of  the  Aztec  empire  is  difficult, 
for  its  boundaries  were  constantly  changing  as  various  tribes 
were  brought  under  Mexican  rule,  or  by  successful  revolt 
threw  off'  the  yoke.  Not  restricting  it  to  its  original  seat  in 
the  valley  of  Mexico,  nor  including  all  the  nations  which,  at 
one  time  or  another,  were  compelled  by  the  fortune  of  war  to 
pay  tribute,  it  may  he  said  to  have  extended  over  the  territory 
comprised  in  the  present  states  of  Mexico,  southern  Vera  Cruz, 
and  Guerrero.  Of  all  the  nations  that  occupied  this  territory, 
most  of  them,  as  I have  said,  were  of  one  blood  and  language 
with  their  masters,  and  all  possessed,  in  greater  or  less  degree, 
the  Nahua  culture.  Of  many  of  the  nations  occupying  the 
vast  region  of  which  the  valley  of  Mexico  is  the  centre,  noth- 
ing is  known  except  their  names  and  their  resemblance,  near 
or  remote,  to  the  Aztecs. 

Soon  after  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth  century,  a desperate 
struggle  was  imminent,  in  which  the  Aztecs,  pitted  against 
all  central  Mexico,  would  have  grasped  the  prize  of  imperial 
power,  or  been  crushed  by  a coalition  of  many  nations.  It 
was  at  this  juncture  that  Cortes  appeared,  and  after  aiding 
the  foes  of  Montezuma  to  triumph,  fastened  on  them  in  turn 
the  shackles  of  European  despotism.  But  before  describing 
the  Spanish  conquest,  I shall  give  some  account  of  the  gov- 
ernment and  institutions  of  the  Aztecs,  their  kings  and  their 
palaces,  their  nobles  and  their  slaves,  their  festivals  and 
amusements,  their  food  and  dress,  their  commerce,  arts,  and 
manufactures,  touching  also  on  some  other  topics  which  may 
serve  to  show  what  manner  of  people  held  sway  in  Anahuac 
before  the  advent  of  the  Spaniard. 

First,  then,  as  to  government.  Among  the  civilized  nations 


44 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


of  Mexico  the  prevailing  form  of  government  was  monarchy, 
and  as  a rule  absolute  monarchy,  though  some  of  the  smaller 
states,  as  Tlascala,  were  nominally  republics.  The  eldest  sur- 
viving brother  of  the  deceased  monarch  was  usually  elected  to 
the  throne,  and  if  there  was  no  surviving  brother,  then  the 
nephew,  commencing  with  the  eldest  son  of  the  first  brother 
who  had  died.  But  this  order  was  not  strictly  observed,  for 
the  electors,  though  limited  in  choice  to  one  family,  could  set 
aside  the  claims  of  those  whom  they  considered  incompetent 
to  reign.  In  the  early  days  of  the  Mexican  dominion  the 
king  was  elected  by  a vote  of  the  people,  who  were  guided, 
however,  by  their  leaders,  even  the  women  appearing  to  have 
a voice  in  the  matter.  In  later  years  the  election  of  the  mon- 
arch devolved  upon  four  or  five  of  the  chief  men  of  the  empire. 

The  authority  vested  in  the  person  of  the  sovereign  made 
necessary  the  utmost  care  in  his  selection.  It  was  essential 
that  the  ruler  of  a people,  surrounded  by  enemies  and  continu- 
ally bent  on  conquest,  should  be  an  approved  and  valiant 
warrior.  Having  the  personal  direction  of  the  affairs  of  state, 
he  must  be  a deep  and  subtle  politician;  while  the  superstition 
of  the  Aztecs  required  their  ruler  to  be  well  versed  in  the 
tenets  of  their  religion,  and  one  who  held  the  gods  in  rever- 
ence. It  is  also  shown  in  the  records  of  the  nation  that  he 
was  usually  a man  of  culture  and  a patron  of  the  arts  and 
sciences. 

Although  the  king  was  ostensibly  the  supreme  head  of  the 
state,  lie  was  expected,  before  deciding  on  any  important  step, 
to  confer  with  his  council,  which  was  composed  of  the  electors 
and  other  important  personages.  While  the  legislative  power, 
or  power  of  making  laws,  was  entirely  in  his  hands,  the  execu- 
tive power,  or  power  of  administering  the  laws,  was  intrusted  to 
officials  and  courts  of  justice.  As  the  empire  grew  in  great- 
ness the  royal  power  gradually  increased,  until,  in  the  reign  of 
Montezuma  II.,  the  authority  of  all  tribunals  was  reduced  to 
a dead  letter  if  opposed  to  the  will  of  the  monarch. 

The  pomp  and  circumstance  which  surrounded  the  Aztec 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ROYALTY. 


45 


monarchs,  and  the  splendor  in  which  their  lives  were  passed, 
excited  the  wonder  of  their  conquerors.  From  the  moment  of 
their  coronation  they  lived  in  an  atmosphere  of  adulation  un- 
known to  the  mightiest  potentate  of  the  Old  World.  Rever- 
enced as  a god,  the  haughtiest  nobles,  sovereigns  in  their  own 
land,  humbled  themselves  before  him;  absolute  in  power,  the 
fate  of  thousands  depended  on  a gesture  of  his  hand. 

The  ceremony  of  anointing,  which  preceded  and  was  entirely 
apart  from  that  of  coronation,  was  an  occasion  of  much  dis- 
play. On  the  death  of  a sovereign  his  successor  was  imme- 
diately appointed,  and  the  kings  of  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan, 
together  with  the  great  feudatory  lords,  were  invited  to  attend. 
When  all  were  assembled,  the  procession  set  forth  for  the 
temple  of  Huitzilopochtli.  At  its  head  were  the  two  mon- 
archs,  surrounded  by  the  most  powerful  nobles  of  the  realm, 
bearing  their  ensigns  and  insignia  of  rank.  Then  came  the 
king  elect,  unclad,  except  for  the  maxtli,  or  cloth  about  the 
loins,  followed  by  the  lesser  nobles,  after  whom  came  the  com- 
mon people.  Silently  the  vast  procession  wended  its  way 
through  the  streets,  no  beat  of  drum  nor  shout  of  populace 
being  heard  above  the  tramp  of  the  multitude.  The  road  was 
as  free  from  obstruction  as  a corridor  in  the  royal  palace,  for 
all  stood  aloof  with  bended  head  and  downcast  eye  while  the 
solemn  pageant  passed  on  its  way  toward  the  shrine  of  the 
god  of  battles. 

Arriving  at  the  temple,  the  king,  and  those  among  the  pro- 
cession who  had  preceded  him,  ascended  to  its  summit,  which 
was  reached  by  a flight  of  more  than  a hundred  steps,  each 
one  a foot  in  height,  and  so  arranged  that  it  was  necessary  to 
pass  around  the  building  several  times  before  standing  beneath 
its  pinnacle.  At  a terrace  on  the  top  of  the  staircase  the  king 
was  met  by  the  high-priest  and  his  colleagues,  the  people 
meanwhile  remaining  below.  Here  he  first  did  obeisance  to 
the  god  of  war,  by  touching  the  earth  with  his  hand  and  con- 
veying it  to  his  mouth.  The  high-priest  then  anointed  him 
with  a certain  black  ointment,  afterward  sprinkling  him  with 


4(}  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE.  ' 

water  which  had  been  sanctified  at  the  grand  feast  of  Huitzi- 
lopochtli,  using  for  this  purpose  branches  of  cedar  and  willow 
and  leaves  of  maize,  and  at  the  same  time  addressing  to  him 
a few  words  of  counsel.  The  monarch  was  then  arrayed  in  a 
mantle,  on  which  were  wrought  pictures  of  skulls  and  bones,  to 
remind  him  probably  that  even  kings  are  mortal.  Ilis  head 
was  covered  with  two  vails  of  blue  and  black,  and  to  his  neck 
was  tied  a small  gourd  containing  a powder  which  was  con- 
sidered a charm  against  disease,  sorcery,  and  treason.  A cen- 
ser of  live  coals  was  placed  in  his  right  hand,  and  in  his  left 
a bag  of  copal,  wherewith  he  offered  incense  to  the  war-god, 
falling  on  his  knees  amidst  the  cheers  of  the  multitude  and 
the  strains  of  musical  instruments. 

This  ceremony  ended,  the  high-priest  again  addressed  him, 
somewhat  as  follows:  “Consider  well,  sire,  the  great  honor 
which  your  subjects  have  conferred  upon  you,  and  remember, 
now  that  you  arc  king,  that  it  is  your  duty  to  watch  over  your 
people  with  unfailing  solicitude,  to  look  upon  them  as  your 
children,  to  preserve  them  from  suffering,  and  to  protect  the 
weak  from  the  oppression  of  the  strong.  Behold  before  you 
the  chiefs  of  your  kingdom,  together  with  all  your  subjects,  to 
whom  you  stand  in  the  place  of  a parent,  for  it  is  you  to 
whom  they  turn  for  protection.  It  is  now  your  duty  to  com- 
mand and  to  govern;  and  especially  is  it  your  duty  to  bestow 
attention  on  all  matters  relating  to  war,  to  search  out  and 
punish  criminals  without  regard  to  rank,  to  stamp  out  rebel- 
lion, and  to  chastise  the  seditious.  Let  not  the  cause  of  reli- 
gion decline  during  your  reign;  sec  that  the  temples  are  well 
cared  for,  and  that  there  is  ever  an  abundance  of  victims  for 
sacrifice;  so  will  you  prosper  in  all  your  undertakings,  and 
win  the  approval  of  the  gods.”  The  allied  kings  and  nobles 
then  addressed  him  in  similar  phrase,  to  which  he  responded 
with  thanks,  and  promises  to  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  for 
the  welfare  of  the  state. 

The  speeches  concluded,  the  procession  descended  the  stair- 
case, reaching  the  ground  in  the  same  order  in  which  it  had 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ROYALTY. 


47 


ascended.  After  receiving  homage  and  gifts  from  the  nobles, 
amid  the  acclaims  of  the  people,  the  king  was  escorted  to  a 
temple  named  Tlacatecco,  where,  for  four  days,  he  remained 
in  solitude,  engaged  in  prayer  and  penance.  At  noon,  and 
again  at  midnight,  he  bathed,  and  after  each  bath,  drew 
blood  from  his  ears,  offering  it,  together  with  some  burnt 
copal,  to  the  god  of  war.  On  the  fifth  day  he  was  conducted 
in  state  to  the  royal  palace,  and  then  followed  great  public 
rejoicings,  with  games  and  feasts,  dances  and  illuminations. 

In  order  to  prepare  for  the  ceremony  of  coronation,  it  was 
necessary,  as  will  be  remembered,  that  the  king  should  go  to 
war  and  thus  procure  victims  for  sacrifice.  The  Aztecs  were 
seldom  without  enemies  on  whom  war  might  be  made.  Either 
some  province  of  the  kingdom  had  rebelled,  or  Mexican  mer- 
chants had  been  unjustly  put  to  death,  or  insult  had  been 
offered  to  the  royal  ambassadors,  or,  if  none  of  these  excuses 
were  at  hand,  the  importance  of  the  occasion  alone  rendered 
war  justifiable.  Of  the  manner  in  which  war  was  waged,  and 
of  the  triumphal  return  of  the  victorious  army,  I have  spoken 
elsewhere  in  my  narrative. 

At  the  coronation,  the  diadem  was  placed  on  the  monarch’s 
head  by  the  king  of  Tezcuco.  The  crown,  which  was  called 
by  the  Mexicans  copilli,  was  in  the  shape  of  a small  mitre, 
the  fore  part  standing  erect  and  terminating  in  a point,  while 
the  hinder  portion  hung  down  over  the  neck.  It  was  com- 
posed of  various  materials,  according  to  the  pleasure  of  the 
wearer,  being  sometimes  of  thin  plates  of  gold,  and  sometimes 
of  golden  threads  woven  together  and  adorned  with  beautiful 
feathers. 

As  to  the  ceremonies  attending  the  coronation  there  are  no 
reliable  accounts,  though  all  authorities  agree  that  they  were 
of  unparalleled  splendor.  The  king  entertained  at  his  palace 
all  the  great  nobles  of  the  realm;  honors  were  conferred  with 
lavish  hand,  and  gifts  in  profusion  were  presented  and 
accepted  by  the  monarch.  There  were  royal  banquets,  in 
which  all  the  nobility  of  the  kingdom  participated,  and  the 


48 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


lower  classes  were  feasted  and  entertained  with  the  utmost 
liberality.  The  Aztecs  were  no  less  fond  of  public  festivals 
and  games  than  were  the  Romans  in  the  days  of  the  Cajsars, 
and  in  no  way  could  a sovereign  better  secure  a place  in  the 
affections  of  his  subjects  than  by  inaugurating  his  reign  with 
a series  of  splendid  entertainments. 

The  principal  palace  in  the  city  of  Mexico  consisted  of  an 
irregular  pile  of  low  buildings,  of  vast  extent,  and  constructed 
of  huge  blocks  of  porous  stone,  cemented  with  mortar.  The 
buildings  were  so  arranged  that  they  enclosed  three  great 
plazas,  or  public  squares,  in  one  of  which  a fountain  was  in- 
cessantly playing.  Twenty  large  doors  opened  on  the  squares 
and  on  the  streets,  over  them  being  sculptured  the  coat  of 
arms  of  the  kings  of  Mexico,  — an  eagle  grasping  in  his  talons 
a jaguar.  In  the  interior  were  halls  of  an  immense  size,  and 
it  is  said  that  one  of  them  was  large  enough  to  contain  3,000 
persons;  while  on  the  terrace  that  formed  its  roof  thirty  men 
on  horseback  could  be  drilled  in  the  spear  exercise.  Splendid 
suites  of  apartments  were  retained  for  the  kings  of  Tezcueo  and 
Tlaeopan  with  their  followers,  and  for  the  ministers  and  coun- 
sellors, the  great  lords  and  their  suites,  who  constantly  resided 
at  the  capital.  There  were  also  more  than  a hundred  smaller 
rooms,  and  the  same  number  of  marble  baths,  and  there  were 
chambers  for  the  private  attendants  of  the  king,  whose  name 
was  legion.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  palace  buildings,  or  form- 
ing part  of  them,  were  the  armory,  the  granaries,  storehouses, 
menageries,  and  aviaries. 

Many  of  the  walls  and  floors  wrere  faced  with  polished  slabs 
of  marble,  porphyry,  jasper,  obsidian,  and  white  tecali,  a stone 
resembling  alabaster.  Lofty  columns  of  the  same  material 
supported  balconies  and  porticos,  of  which  every  corner  was 
filled  with  wondrous  carvings  or  grotesquely  sculptured  heads. 
The  beams  and  casings  were  of  cedar,  cypress,  and  other  valu- 
able woods,  profusely  carved  and  put  together  without  nails. 
The  roofs  of  the  palace  buildings  formed  a suite  of  terraces, 
from  which  was  obtained  a magnificent  view  of  the  entire  city. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ROYALTY. 


49 


Mats,  curiously  wrought  and  of  exquisite  finish,  were  spread 
over  the  marble  floors,  and  the  tapestry  which  draped  the 
walls  and  the  curtains  that  hung  before  the  windows  were  of  a 
fabric  remarkable  for  its  delicate  texture,  elegant  designs,  and 
brilliant  colors.  Throughout  the  halls  and  corridors,  a thou- 
sand golden  censers,  in  which  burned  precious  spices  and  per- 
fumes, diffused  a subtile  odor. 

The  palace  of  the  king  of  Tezcuco  surpassed  in  many  re- 
spects even  that  of  the  Montezumas.  Forming  a collection  of 
buildings  which  contained  not  only  the  royal  residence,  hut 
also  the  public  offices  and  courts  of  law,  it  extended  from  east 
to  west  1,235  yards,  and  from  north  to  south  978  yards. 
Around  it  was  a wall  strongly  cemented  and  built  on  a foun- 
dation of  hard  mortar,  three  times  the  height  of  a man’s  stat- 
ure on  the  southern  and  eastern  sides,  and  five  times  that 
height  on  the  north  and  west.  Around  the  inner  court-yard 
were  the  halls  of  justice,  and  in  its  centre  was  a tennis-ground; 
on  the  west  side  were  the  apartments  of  the  king,  all  admi- 
rably arranged,  and  more  than  300  in  number.  Here  also 
were  storehouses  for  tribute,  and  splendid  suites  of  apart- 
ments reserved  for  the  kings  of  Mexico  and  Tlacopan,  opening 
into  the  royal  pleasure-gardens,  where  there  were  walks  artis- 
tically laid  out  among  the  dark  foliage,  sparkling  fountains, 
and  shady  groves  of  cedar  and  cypress,  ponds  well  stocked 
with  fish,  extensive  menageries,  and  aviaries  filled  with  birds 
of  every  hue  and  species. 

The  city  of  Mexico,  however,  contained  the  largest  collec- 
tion of  birds  and  animals,  the  Aztec  kings,  and  especially 
Montezuma  II.,  taking  special  pleasure  in  their  aviaries  and 
menageries.  For  this  purpose  the  latter  monarch  caused  to 
be  erected  in  the  capital  an  immense  edifice,  surrounded 
with  extensive  gardens,  one  portion  of  it  consisting  of  a 
large  open  court,  paved  with  stones  of  different  colors,  and 
divided  into  several  compartments,  in  which  were  kept  wild 
beasts,  reptiles,  and  birds  of  prey.  The  larger  animals  were 
confined  in  low  wooden  cages,  made  of  massive  beams,  and 
4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


50 

the  birds  of  prey  were  distributed,  according  to  their  species, 
in  subterranean  chambers.  Half  of  each  chamber  was  roofed 
with  slabs  of  stone,  under  which  were  perches  where  they 
might  sleep  and  be  protected  from  the  rain,  the  other  half 
being  covered  only  with  a wooden  grating,  which  admitted  air 
and  light.  So  vast  was  their  number  that  500  turkeys  were 
killed  each  day  to  supply  them  with  food.  Serpents  were 
confined  in  long  cages  or  vessels,  large  enough  to  permit  free- 
dom of  motion,  and  alligators  were  kept  in  ponds,  walled 
around  to  prevent  their  escape. 

In  another  part  of  the  building  was  an  immense  hall  which 
served  as  an  aviary,  in  which  were  gathered  specimens  of  all 
winged  creatures  found  in  the  empire,  apart  from  birds  of 
prey.  They  were  of  infinite  variety  and  splendid  plumage, 
many  specimens  being  so  difficult  to  obtain  that  their  feathers 
brought  fabulous  prices  in  the  markets  of  Mexico.  Those 
which,  on  account  of  their  extreme  rarity,  or  the  fact  that 
they  died  under  confinement,  did  not  appear  in  the  royal 
aviary,  were  represented  by  images  skilfully  wrought  in  gold 
and  silver. 

Marble  galleries,  supported  by  pillars  of  jasper,  surrounded 
the  entire  building,  and  looked  out  upon  a large  garden  in 
which  were  groves  of  rare  trees,  fountains,  and  choice  shrub- 
bery and  flowers.  But  the  most  prominent  feature  in  the  gar- 
den was  the  large  ponds  constructed  for  the  reception  of  water 
fowls,  some  of  them  being  filled  with  fresh  and  some  with 
salt  water,  which  was  drained  off  and  renewed  when  it  began 
to  grow  stagnant.  Each  pond  was  surrounded  with  a tessel- 
lated marble  pavement,  and  shaded  with  groups  of  trees;  and 
here  Montezuma  is  said  to  have  passed  much  of  his  time, 
musing  on  the  affairs  of  state,  or  diverting  his  mind  while 
seated  in  the  shade,  amid  the  plashing  of  fountains  and  the 
odor  of  flowers. 

In  addition  to  their  city  palaces,  the  Aztec  monarchs  had 
many  splendid  country  residences,  besides  large  tracts  of  terri- 
tory set  apart  as  royal  hunting-grounds.  The  principal  villa 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ROYALTY. 


51 


of  Montezuma  II.,  and  the  only  one  of  which  any  traces  re- 
main, stood  on  the  hill  of  Chapultepec,  in  a westerly  direction 
from  the  capital.  At  the  date  of  which  we  are  speaking, — 
that  is,  early  in  the  sixteenth  century, — the  lake  of  Tezcuco 
washed  the  base  of  the  hill,  round  which  the  royal  grounds 
stretched  for  miles  in  every  direction.  The  gardens  were  laid 
out  in  terraces  which  wound  along  the  hillside  amid  dense 
groves  of  pepper-trees,  myrtles,  and  cypresses,  innumerable 
fountains,  and  artificial  cascades.  Little  of  the  ancient  glory 
of  either  palace  or  gardens  remain,  except  the  groves  of  gigan- 
tic cypresses,  the  natural  beauty  of  the  foliage  that  clothes 
the  hill,  and  the  magnificent  view  to  he  obtained  from  the 
summit. 

If  we  can  believe  tradition,  the  Toltec  sovereigns  erected 
palaces  no  less  magnificent  than  those  of  their  Aztec  succes- 
sors. The  sacred  palace  of  Quetzaleoatl  contained  four  prin- 
cipal halls,  facing  the  four  cardinal  points.  The  one  on  the 
east  was  termed  the  Hall  of  Gold,  being  ornamented  with 
plates  of  that  metal,  delicately  chased  and  finished.  The 
apartment  lying  toward  the  west  was  named  the  Hall  of 
Emeralds  and  Turquoises,  and  its  walls  were  profusely 
adorned  with  all  kinds  of  precious  stones.  The  hall  facing 
the  south  was  decorated  with  plates  of  silver  and  with  bril- 
liant colored  sea-shells,  fitted  together  with  remarkable  skill. 
The  fourth  hall,  which  was  on  the  north,  was  enclosed  with 
walls  of  red  jasper,  covered  with  carvings  and  ornamented 
with  shells.  Another  of  these  palaces  or  temples — for  it  is 
not  clear  which  they  were — had  also  four  principal  halls, 
decorated  entirely  with  feather-work  tapestry,  in  yellow  and- 
blue  and  white  and  red. 

The  number  of  attendants  attached  to  the  royal  houses  was 
very  great.  Every  day,  from  sunrise  until  sunset,  the  ante- 
chambers of  Montezuma’s  residence  in  the  capital  were 
thronged  with  nobles,  who  discussed  in  low  tones  the  topics 
of  the  day,  for  it  was  considered  disrespectful  to  speak  loudly 
within  the  walls  of  the  palace.  They  took  their  meals  from 


52 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  dishes  provided  for  the  royal  table,  as  did.  after  them, 
their  own  servants,  of  whom  each  one  was  entitled  to  a certain 
number  according  to  his  rank.  These  retainers  filled  several 
of  the  outer  courts  during  the  day,  numbering  in  all  some  two 
or  three  thousand. 

The  king  took  his  meals  alone,  in  one  of  the  largest  halls  of 
the  palace.  In  cold  weather  a fire  was  kindled  of  charcoal, 
made  of  the  bark  of  trees,  which  emitted  no  smoke,  but  gave 
forth  a delicious  perfume;  and  to  protect  him  from  the  heat,  a 
screen,  ornamented  with  gold,  and  carved  with  figures  of  idols, 
was  placed  between  his  person  and  the  fire.  He  was  seated 
on  a low  leathern  cushion,  covered  with  soft  skins,  and  his 
table,  which  was  of  a similar  description  though  larger  and 
higher,  was  covered  with  white  cloths  of  the  finest  texture. 
The  dinner  service  was  of  the  finest  wares  of  Cholulu,  and 
many  of  the  goblets  were  of  gold  and  silver,  or  of  beautiful 
shells.  The  viands  included  all  descriptions  of  fish,  flesh,  and 
fowl  that  could  be  procured  in  the  empire  or  imported  from 
beyond  it.  Relays  of  couriers  were  employed  in  bringing  del- 
icacies from  afar;  and  it  is  said  that  the  royal  table  was  every 
day  supplied  with  fish  brought  from  the  sea-coast,  more  than 
fifty  leagues  distant. 

There  were  skilful  cooks  among  the  Aztecs,  and  in  prepar- 
ing the  royal  banquets  there  was  almost  as  much  variety  in 
the  cooking  as  in  the  materials  used.  Meats,  fish,  and  poul- 
try, roasted,  stewed,  and  boiled,  were  served  up  in  every  style, 
and  among  them  were  many  curious  messes,  such  as  frog 
spawn  and  stewed  ants  seasoned  with  chile.  But  strangest  of 
all  the  compounds  that  made  up  the  royal  carte  was  one 
highly  seasoned  dish,  so  carefully  prepared  that  its  principal 
ingredient  was  completely  disguised,  that  ingredient  being 
human  flesh. 

Bread  of  many  varieties,  all  more  or  less  resembling  the 
modern  tortilla,  or  unleavened  cake  of  maize,  and  tamales  of 
various  descriptions, — the  tamale  being  a compound  of  meat, 
vegetables,  herbs,  and  lard  coated  with  maize  dough  and 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ROYALTY. 


53 


wrapped  in  a corn  husk, — formed  a portion  of  each  repast. 
As  to  the  quantities  of  food  prepared  for  these  meals,  authori- 
ties differ;  but  it  must  have  been  enormous;  for  the  lowest 
estimate  places  the  number  of  dishes  at  300  and  the  highest 
at  3,000.  They  were  brought  into  the  hall  by  pages  of  noble 
birth,  who  placed  their  burdens  upon  the  matted  floor  and 
retired  noiselessly.  The  monarch  then  pointed  out  the  viands 
of  which  he  desired  to  partake,  or  left  the  selection  to  his 
steward,  who  alone  was  privileged  to  place  them  upon  his 
table. 

Everything  being  in  readiness,  a number  of  beautiful  women 
entered,  bearing  water  in  round  vessels,  in  which  the  king 
might  wash  his  hands,  and  towels  wherewith  to  dry  them. 
At  the  same  time  two  other  women  brought  him  small  loaves 
of  bread  made  of  the  finest  maize  flour  beaten  up  with  eggs. 
This  done,  a wooden  screen,  carved  and  gilt,  was  placed  before 
him,  that  none  might  see  him  eat  except  the  five  or  six  aged 
lords,  who  on  these  occasions  stood  in  the  presence  of  royalty, 
barefooted  and  with  bowed  heads.  To  these,  as  a special 
mark  of  favor,  the  monarch  occasionally  sent  a choice  morsel 
from  his  own  plate. 

During  his  meal  the  king  sometimes  amused  himself  with 
watching  the  performances  of  his  jugglers  and  tumblers,  and 
at  other  times  there  was  dancing,  accompanied  with  singing 
and  music.  There  were  always  present  dwarfs  and  profes- 
sional jesters,  who  were  allowed  to  speak, — a liberty  denied  to 
all  others  under  penalty  of  death,  — and,  as  one  of  the  privi- 
leges of  their  calling,  to  tell  sharp  truths  in  guise  of  jests. 

The  more  solid  food  was  followed  by  pastry,  sweetmeats, 
and  a variety  of  fruits.  The  only  beverage  served  at  the 
meal  was  chocolate,  which  was  taken  with  a spoon  finely 
wrought  of  gold  or  shell  from  a goblet  of  the  same  material. 
His  repast  concluded,  the  king  again  washed  his  hands  in 
water  brought  to  him  as  before,  and  then,  after  inhaling  from  a 
gilt  and  painted  pipe  the  smoke  of  a mixture  of  liquid  amber 
and  tobacco,  he  took  his  siesta. 


54 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


The  after-dinner  hours  Montezuma  devoted  to  affairs  of 
state,  giving  audience  to  foreign  ambassadors,  to  deputa- 
tions from  various  portions  of  his  empire,  and  to  such  of  his 
lords  and  nobles  as  had  business  to  transact  with  him.  Be- 
fore entering  the  presence-chamber,  all  except  those  of  royal 
blood  were  required  to  leave  their  sandals  at  the  door,  to 
cover  their  rich  dresses  with  a large  coarse  mantle,  and  to 
approach  the  monarch  barefooted  and  with  downcast  eyes, 
for  the  subject  who  should  dare  to  look  the  sovereign  in  the 
face  was  surely  put  to  death.  The  king  usually  made  an- 
swer through  his  secretaries,  or,  when  he  deigned  to  reply 
directly,  spoke  in  a tone  of  voice  almost  inaudible.  Neverthe- 
less he  listened  attentively  to  all  that  was  said  to  him,  and 
encouraged  those  who,  from  diffidence  or  embarrassment, 
found  difficulty  in  speaking,  each  one,  when  dismissed,  retir- 
ing with  his  face  toward  the  royal  throne. 

The  business  of  the  day  thus  concluded,  the  monarch  again 
gave  himself  up  to  pleasure,  passing  his  time  in  familiar  badi- 
nage with  his  jesters,  in  listening  to  ballad-singers,  who  sang 
of  war  and  the  glorious  deeds  of  his  ancestors,  or  in  watching 
the  feats  of  strength  and  sleight  of  hand  of  his  acrobats  and 
jugglers.  Thrice  each  day  he  changed  his  dress,  and  a gar- 
ment once  worn  was  never  used  again. 

The  Aztec  monarchs  seldom  appeared  in  state  among  their 
people,  though  we  are  told  that  they  would  sometimes  go 
forth  in  disguise  to  see  that  none  of  the  religious  ceremonies 
were  omitted,  to  ascertain  whether  the  laws  were  observed, 
and  probably  to  learn  the  true  state  of  public  opinion  with 
regard  to  themselves.  When  they  did  appear,  however,  the 
parade  was  in  keeping  with  their  other  observances.  On 
these  occasions  the  king  was  seated  in  a magnificent  litter, 
covered  with  a canopy  of  feather-work,  adorned  with  gold  and 
precious  stones,  and  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  four  noblemen. 
He  was  attended  by  a vast  multitude  of  courtiers,  who  walked 
in  silence  and  with  downcast  eyes,  the  procession  being  headed 
by  an  official  carrying  three  wands,  whose  duty  it  was  to  give 
warning  of  his  approach. 


GOVERNMENT  AND  ROYALTY. 


55 


In  addition  to  the  host  of  retainers  already  mentioned, 
there  were  innumerable  servants  and  officials  attached  to  the 
royal  household,  such  as  butlers,  stewards,  and  cooks,  treas- 
urers, secretaries,  scribes,  military  officers,  superintendents  of 
the  royal  granaries  and  arsenals,  and  those  employed  under 
them.  Numbers  of  artisans  were  constantly  engaged  in  re- 
pairing old  buildings  and  erecting  new  ones,  and  a small 
army  of  jewellers  and  workers  in  precious  metals  was  main- 
tained permanently  at  the  palace,  for  the  purpose  of  supplying 
the  king  and  court  with  their  costly  ornaments.  The  enor- 
mous expense  of  supporting  the  monarch’s  household  was 
defrayed  by  the  people,  who,  as  will  presently  appear,  were 
sorely  oppressed  by  over-taxation.  The  entire  management 
was  intrusted  to  a head  steward,  who,  with  the  help  of  his 
secretaries,  kept  minute  hieroglyphic  records  of  the  royal  rev- 
enue, and  it  is  said  that,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest,  one  of 
the  palace  apartments  was  filled  with  these  records. 

Thus  did  the  Aztec  sovereigns  live,  their  policy  toward 
their  subjects  being  to  secure  obedience  by  exciting  awe  and 
dread,  rather  than  by  inspiring  love  and  reverence.  To  this 
end  they  kept  the  people  at  a distance,  by  surrounding  them- 
selves with  an  impassable  barrier  of  pomp  and  courtly  eti- 
quette, and  enforced  submission  by  enacting  laws  that  made 
death  the.  penalty  of  the  most  trivial  offenses.  There  was 
little  in  common  between  the  monarchs  and  their  people,  as 
is  ever  the  case  between  a despot  and  his  vassals.  The  good 
that  they  wrought  by  their  liberality  and  love  of  justice,  and 
the  victories  which  they  achieved  by  their  courage  and  gen- 
eralship, doubtless  won  the  approbation  of  the  masses.  On 
the  other  hand,  their  pride  and  arrogance,  the  heavy  burdens 
of  taxation  which  they  imposed,  and  their  excessive  severity 
in  inflicting  punishments  engendered  debasing  fears.  If,  as 
the  chroniclers  relate,  the  Aztecs  were  trained  to  look  upon 
their  king  as  a father,  they  must  have  regarded  him  as  a 
stern  father  indeed. 


56 


IIISTOPY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

NOBLES  AND  SLAVES. 

The  Mexican  nobility,  in  common  with  that  of  other  Nahua 
nations,  was  divided  into  several  classes,  each  having  its  own 
privileges  and  badges  of  rank.  The  titles,  however,  and  the 
distinctions  that  existed  between  the  various  grades,  are  not 
in  every  instance  clearly  defined.  The  one  named  Tlatoani, 
signifying  an  absolute  and  sovereign  power,  was  the  most  re- 
spected, and  to  this  order  belonged  the  kings,  and  the  great 
feudatory  lords,  the  latter  being  governors  of  provinces,  and  of 
princely  descent.  This  title  was  always  hereditary,  but  many 
of  the  others  were  conferred  only  for  life,  as  a reward  for  mili- 
tary or  other  services. 

According  to  some  accounts,  there  were,  in  the  realms  of 
Montezuma,  thirty  great  lords,  each  of  whom  controlled  a 
hundred  thousand  vassals,  and  three  thousand  other  lords, 
who  were  also  very  powerful.  If  all  these  nobles,  possessed 
as  they  were  of  so  much  influence,  had  been  permitted  to  live 
on  their  estates,  they  would  have  been  a constant  source  of 
peril  to  the  crown.  To  guard  against  this  danger,  the  princi- 
pal lords  were  required  to  reside  at  the  capital  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  year,  and  permission  to  return  to  their 
homes,  even  for  a brief  visit,  could  only  be  obtained  on  condi- 
tion that  a son  or  brother  remained  at  court  as  a guaranty  of 
good  faith. 

Army  oflicers  of  high  rank  were  included  among  the  privi- 
leged classes;  usually,  indeed,  they  were  of  noble  birth,  and 
during  the  reign  of  Montezuma  II.  this  was  always  the  case. 
There  were  several  military  orders  and  titles  which  were  be- 
stowed as  a reward  for  gallantry,  one  of  them — the  knightly 
order  of  the  Tecuhtli — being  restricted  to  the  nobility.  To  ob- 
tain this  rank,  it  was  necessary,  besides  being  of  noble  birth, 


NOBLES  AND  SLAVES. 


57 


to  have  given  proof  of  the  highest  courage,  and  to  have  suffi- 
cient wealth  to  defray  the  enormous  expenses  attached  to  it. 

For  three  years  before  he  was  admitted,  the  candidate  and 
his  parents  busied  themselves  in  making  ready  for  the  cere- 
mony, and  in  collecting  rich  garments,  jewels,  and  golden 
ornaments,  as  presents  for  the  guests.  When  the  time  ap- 
proached, the  omens  were  consulted,  and  an  auspicious  day 
being  selected,  his  relatives  and  friends,  and  a number  of 
great  nobles  and  tecuhtlis  were  invited  to  a sumptuous  ban- 
quet. On  the  morning  of  this  all-important  day,  the  company 
set  forth  in  a body  for  the  temple  of  Camaxtli,  the  Tlascaltec 
god  of  war,  followed  by  a multitude  of  curious  spectators, 
mainly  of  the  lower  orders.  Arriving  at  the  summit  of  the 
pyramid  consecrated  to  the  war-god,  the  aspirant  to  knightly 
honors  bowed  down  reverently  before  his  altar.  The  high- 
priest  then  approached  him,  and  with  a tiger’s  bone  or  an 
eagle’s  claw,  perforated  the  cartilage  of  his  nose  in  two  places, 
inserting  pieces  of  jet  or  obsidian,  which  remained  until  the 
year  of  his  probation  was  passed,  and  were  then  replaced  with 
golden  heads  and  precious  stones.  This  operation  signified 
that  he  who  aspired  to  the  dignity  of  a tecuhtli  must  be  swift 
to  overtake  an  enemy  as  the  eagle,  and  fierce  in  battle  as  the 
tiger. 

Speaking  in  a loud  voice,  the  high-priest  now  begins  to  heap 
insults  upon  the  candidate,  who  makes  no  answer,  but  stands 
meekly  before  him.  His  voice  grows  louder  and  louder;  he 
brandishes  his  arms  aloft,  and  works  himself  into  a fury. 
The  assistant  priests  gather  close  around  the  object  of  the 
pontiff’s  wrath;  they  jostle  him;  they  point  their  fingers 
sneeringly  at  him,  and  call  him  coward.  For  a moment  the 
dark  eyes  of  the  victim  gleam  savagely;  his  hands  close  invol- 
untarily; he  is  about  to  spring  upon  his  tormentors;  but  with 
an  effort  he  calms  himself,  and  remains  passive  as  ever.  That 
look  maxes  the  priests  draw  back,  but  only  for  an  instant; 
they  are  upon  him  again,  for  they  know  that  he  is  strong  to 
endure,  and  they  will  prove  him  to  the  uttermost.  Screaming 


58 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


vile  epithets  in  his  ears,  they  tear  the  garments  piece  by  piece 
from  his  body,  until  nothing  hut  the  maxtli  is  left,  and  the 
man  stands  bruised  and  almost  naked  in  their  midst.  All  is 
useless,  however;  their  victim  is  immovable,  and  at  length  he 
is  left  in  peace. 

The  candidate  has  now  passed  safely  through  his  most  try- 
ing ordeal,  hut  that  fierce  look  was  a narrow  escape.  Ilad  he 
lifted  only  a finger  in  resistance,  he  must  have  gone  down 
from  the  temple,  to  be  scorned  and  jeered  at  by  the  crowd 
below  as  one  who  had  aspired  to  the  dignity  of  a tecuhtli,  and 
yet  could  restrain  his  temper  no  better  than  a woman.  All 
the  long  months  of  preparation  would  have  been  in  vain;  his 
parents  would  have  wept  for  vexation  and  shame,  and  per- 
chance lie  would  even  have  been  punished  for  sacrilege. 

But  he  is  by  no  means  yet  a member  of  the  coveted  order, 
lie  is  now  conducted  to  a hall  in  the  temple,  where  he  com- 
mences his  novitiate,  or  period  of  probation,  with  four  days  of 
penance,  prayer,  and  fasting.  During  this  time  his  powers  of 
endurance  arc  sorely  taxed.  The  only  furniture  allowed  him 
are  a mat  and  a low  stool,  and  his  garments  are  of  the  coarsest 
description.  At  nightfall  a priest  brings  to  him  a black  oint- 
ment wherewith  to  besmear  his  face,  a few  spines  of  the 
maguey  plant  with  which  to  draw  blood  from  his  body,  a cen- 
ser, and  some  incense.  1 1 is  sole  companions  are  three  veteran 
warriors,  who  instruct  him  in  his  duties  and  keep  him  awake, 
for  during  the  four  days  he  must  only  sleep  a few  minutes  at 
a time.  If,  overcome  with  drowsiness,  he  should  exceed  the 
limit,  his  guardians  thrust  the  maguey  thorns  into  his  flesh, 
crying:  “Awake,  awake!  Learn  to  be  vigilant  and  watchful; 
keep  your  eyes  open,  that  you  may  look  to  the  interests  of 
your  vassals.’ 

At  midnight  the  candidate  burns  incense  before  the  war- 
god,  and  draws  blood  from  various  parts  of  his  body.  lie 
then  walks  round  the  temple,  and  on  his  way  burns  paper 
and  copal  at  the  four  sides  of  the  building  facing  the  cardinal 
points,  letting  fall  upon  each  offering  a few  drops  of  his  own 


NOELES  AND  SLA  VES. 


59 


blood.  Once  only  in  twenty-four  hours  he  breaks  his  fast, 
and  then  the  food,  which  is  taken  at  midnight,  consists  only 
of  four  small  dumplings  of  maize  meal,  each  about  the  size  of 
a walnut,  and  a little  water.  Even  this  he  leaves  untasted, 
if  he  wishes  to  display  extraordinary  powers  of  endurance. 
The  four  days  elapsed,  he  obtains  permission  from  the  high- 
priest  to  complete  his  time  of  probation  at  some  temple  in  his 
own  city  or  district. 

For  two  or  three  months  before  his  formal  admission  into 
the  order,  the  relatives  of  the  candidate  make  ready  for  the 
coming  ceremony.  A grand  display  is  made  of  the  rich  at- 
tire and  costly  jewels  prepared  for  him;  presents,  without 
stint,  are  provided  for  the  guests;  a second  banquet  is  made 
ready,  and  the  entire  house  is  decorated  for  the  occasion.  On 
the  day  appointed,  the  company  assemble  as  before,  and  with 
music  and  dancing,  the  knight  is  borne  toward  the  shrine  of 
Camaxtli.  Accompanied  by  his  brother  tecuhtlis,  he  ascends 
the  steps  of  the  temple,  and  respectfully  salutes  the  idol. 
The  coarse  garments  are  then  removed,  and  his  hair  is  bound 
in  a knot  with  a red  cord,  to  the  ends  of  which  are  appended 
some  feathers  of  brilliant  plumage.  He  is  now  arrayed  in  a 
garb  of  rich  material,  including  a tunic,  adorned  with  a deli- 
cately embroidered  device,  — the  badge  of  his  newly  acquired 
rank.  In  his  right  hand  are  placed  some  arrows,  and  in  his 
left  a bow. 

The  ceremony  is  completed  by  the  high-priest,  who  instructs 
him  in  his  duties;  tells  him  the  names  which  he  is  to  add  to 
his  own  as  a member  of  the  order;  describes  to  him  the  signs 
and  devices  which  he  must  emblazon  on  bis  escutcheon; 
and  exhorts  him  to  be  liberal  and  just,  to  love  his  country 
and  his  gods.  The  knight  then  descends  into  the  court  of  the 
temple,  and  music  and  dancing  are  resumed  until  it  is  time 
for  the  banquet  to  commence.  To  the  guests,  at  least,  this 
was  the  most  interesting  feature  of  the  day;  for  in  front  of 
each  one  were  placed  the  presents  intended  for  him,  consisting 
of  costly  wares  and  ornaments,  in  such  profusion  that  two 


<>0 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


slaves  could  with  difficulty  carry  a single  portion.  On  the 
following  day  the  servants  and  followers  of  the  guests  were 
feasted  and  presented  with  gifts,  according  to  the  means  and 
liberality  of  the  donor. 

The  privileges  of  the  tecuhtlis  were  important  and  numer- 
ous. In  council  their  votes  outweighed  all  others,  and  at 
feasts  and  ceremonies,  in  peace  or  in  war,  they  always  re- 
ceived the  preference.  The  vast  outlay  needed  to  obtain  this 
title  debarred  many  who  were  really  worthy  of  the  distinction. 
In  some  instances,  however,  when  a noble  had  won  renown  in 
war,  but  had  not  the  means  to  pay  for  his  initiation,  the  ex- 
penses were  borne  by  the  order,  or  by  the  governor  of  his 
province. 

The  priesthood  filled  a very  important  place  among  the 
privileged  classes,  its  members  exercising  a powerful  influence 
both  in  public  and  private  affairs.  To  be  fitted  for  an  ecclesi- 
astical career,  the  ministers  of  the  various  temples  must  be 
graduates  of  the  colleges  in  which  they  had  been  trained 
from  infancy,  and  though  the  dignities  of  their  order  were 
conferred  by  vote,  those  of  noble  birth  obtained  almost  inva- 
riably the  highest  honors. 

It  was  the  duty  of  the  priests  to  attend  to  all  matters  per- 
taining to  religion  and  education.  Some  took  charge  of  the 
sacrifices,  and  some  were  skilled  in  the  art  of  divination,  or 
foretelling  future  events.  Certain  of  them  wTere  intrusted 
with  the  arrangement  of  the  festivals,  and  the  care  of  the 
temples  and  sacred  vessels;  others  busied  themselves  with  the 
composition  of  hymns  and  attended  to  the  singing  and  music. 
Those  who  were  learned  in  science  superintended  the  schools 
and  colleges,  regulated  the  calendar,  and  appointed  the  feast- 
days;  those  who  possessed  literary  talent  compiled  the  histor- 
ical works  and  collected  material  for  the  libraries. 

In  the  earlier  years  of  the  Aztec  dynasty  the  lower  orders 
of  free  citizens  appear  to  have  been  an  important  factor  in 
the  body  politic.  They  were  represented  in  the  royal  council; 
many  held  office  at  court,  and  the  wishes  of  all  were  consulted 


NOBLES  AND  SLA  VES. 


61 


in  the  affairs  of  moment.  Gradually,  however,  their  privileges 
were  curtailed,  until,  in  the  reign  of  Montezuma  II.,  they  were 
deprived  of  all  positions  that  were  not  absolutely  menial,  and 
driven  from  the  palace. 

Slavery  was  recognized  by  law  and  usage  throughout  the 
entire  country  inhabited  by  the  Nahua  nations.  There  were 
in  ancient  Mexico  three  classes  of  slaves, — prisoners  of  war, 
criminals,  and  those  who  sold  themselves  or  their  children 
into  slavery.  He  who  captured  a prisoner  of  war  had  an 
undisputed  right  to  present  him  as  a sacrifice  to  the  gods,  and 
of  this  right  he  seldom  failed  to  take  advantage.  Slaves  were 
offered  for  sale  in  the  public  market-place  of  every  town,  but 
the  principal  slave-mart  in  the  Mexican  empire  seems  to  have 
been  in  the  town  of  Azcapuzalco,  distant  some  three  leagues 
from  the  capital. 

Parents  could  sell  a son  into  slavery,  but  were  allowed  to 
release  him  on  surrendering  another  son  to  serve  in  his  stead. 
When  a family  became  entirely  destitute,  a child  was  sold  to 
some  noble,  and  if  he  died  or  was  disabled,  his  place  must  be 
filled  by  a member  of  the  same  family.  About  the  year  1505, 
however,  this  being  a season  of  famine,  the  king  of  Tezcuco, 
foreseeing  the  evils  that  this  system  would  entail  if  the 
scarcity  of  food  continued,  declared  all  families  exempt  from 
such  obligations,  and  it  is  recorded  that  Montezuma  II.  soon 
afterward  followed  his  example. 

In  Mexico  slavery  consisted  merely  of  an  obligation  to  ren- 
der personal  service,  and  bondmen  were  permitted  greater 
privileges  than  was  the  case  in  the  Old  World.  They  were 
allowed  a certain  amount  of  time  in  which  to  labor  for  their 
own  advantage;  they  could  acquire  and  hold  property,  includ- 
ing other  slaves  to  serve  them;  they  could  marry,  and  their 
children  were  invariably  free.  Those  who  had  served  long 
and  faithfully  were  often  intrusted  with  the  care  of  their 
owner’s  household  and  property;  and  on  the  other  hand,  if, 
through  misfortune,  the  master  should  become  poor,  his  bond- 
men  cheerfully  labored  for  his  support. 


02  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

The  average  price  of  a slave  was  twenty  mantles,  or  the 
equivalent  of  one  load  of  cotton  cloth;  some  were  worth  less, 
while  others  brought  as  many  as  forty  mantles.  Except  on 
account  of  bad  conduct,  none  could  be  sold  without  their  own 
consent,  unless  their  master  could  prove  that  poverty  or  debt 
made  the  sale  unavoidable;  nor  could  such  faults  as  laziness, 
disobedience,  or  even  attempt  to  escape  be  punished  without 
due  warning.  If  the  slave  continued  refractory,  a wooden 
collar  was  placed  round  his  neck,  and  his  owner  was  allowed 
to  transfer  him  against  his  will.  The  purchaser  of  a slave 
wearing  the  collar  invariably  inquired  how  many  times  he 
had  been  so  disposed  of  before;  and  if,  after  being  transferred 
two  or  three  times,  he  remained  incorrigible,  then  he  might  be 
sold  for  the  sacrifice. 


Terra-Cotta  Image  — Zachila,  Oajaca. 


LAND  TENURE,  TAXATION,  AND  LAWS. 


63 


CHAPTER  VII. 

LAND  TENURE,  TAXATION,  AND  LAWS. 

Lands  were  divided  between  the  crown  and  the  nobles,  the 
various  tribes  or  clans  of  the  people,  and  the  temples,  the 
greater  portion  being  appropriated  by  the  king  and  the  aris- 
tocracy. All  landed  property  was  surveyed,  and  all  estates 
were  traced  out  on  maps  or  paintings,  which  were  kept  on  file 
by  an  officer  appointed  for  each  district.  The  crown  lands 
were  painted  in  purple,  those  of  the  nobility  in  scarlet,  and 
those  of  the  calpullis,  or  wards,  in  light  yellow.  Certain  por- 
tions of  the  crown  property,  called  ‘ lands  of  the  palace,’  were 
granted  to  nobles  of  the  rank  of  tecuhtli,  who  were  called 
people  of  the  palace,’  and  had  the  free  use  and  enjoyment 
of  such  lands,  certain  services  being  required  in  return. 

The  eldest  son  usually  inherited  his  father’s  estate,  but  if 
he  was  judged  incapable  of  taking  care  of  it,  the  property 
might  be  bequeathed  to  his  brother,  the  heir  being  required  to 
insure  a competency  to  him  whom  he  had  supplanted.  In 
Tlascala  daughters  could  not  inherit  an  estate,  the  object 
being  to  prevent  landed  property  from  passing  by  marriage 
into  the  hands  of  strangers. 

The  wards  were  of  greater  or  less  extent,  according  to  the 
partition  which  had  been  made  by  the  first  settlers  in  Ana- 
huac.  The  owners  were  all  members  of  the  same  clan  or 
tribe,  and  their  lands  were  the  common  property  of  the  com- 
munity, the  members  of  which  held  or  leased  their  portion 
only  so  long  as  it  was  cultivated  and  improved,  and  had  no 
right  to  dispose  of  it. 

Every  temple,  whether  great  or  insignificant,  had  its  own 
lands  and  country  estates,  the  produce  of  which  was  applied  to 
the  support  of  the  priests  and  of  public  worship,  the  tenants 
being  regarded  as  vassals.  The  high-priests,  who  on  temple 


64 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


lands  exercised  a power  similar  to  that  of  the  royal  gover- 
nors, frequently  visited  these  estates  for  the  purpose  of  inspect- 
ing their  condition  and  administering  justice  to  those  who 
occupied  them. 

The  people  of  Anahuac  and  of  the  surrounding  countries 
paid  tribute  to  the  crown  and  to  the  temples,  either  with  per- 
sonal service  or  with  labor  and  its  products.  In  the  kingdom 
of  Tezcuco,  twenty-nine  cities  provided  everything  that  was 
needed  for  the  monarch’s  household,  and  were  otherwise  ex- 
empt from  taxation,  fourteen  of  these  cities  making  provision 
during  one  half  of  the  year,  and  fifteen  during  the  remainder. 
They  also  furnished  laborers  and  artisans,  as  water-carriers, 
gardeners,  and  tillers  of  the  soil.  Manufacturers  paid  their 
taxes  with  the  fabrics  produced  by  their  industry,  and  mer- 
chants with  the  articles  in  which  they  traded.  Taxes  paid 
in  fruit  and  grain  were  collected  immediately  after  harvest; 
other  tributes  at  various  seasons  of  the  year,  and  in  each  town 
there  was  a magazine  for  storing  the  revenues,  from  which 
supplies  were  drawn  as  required.  In  the  Mexican  empire 
there  were  in  all  about  370  tributary  towns,  some  of  which 
paid  their  taxes  every  fourth  day  and  some  every  twentieth 
day,  while  others  contributed  only  once  in  six  months  or  once 
in  a year. 

In  addition  to  the  taxes  levied  upon  individuals,  each  town 
contributed  a large  number  of  cotton  garments,  a certain 
quantity  of  breadstuff's  and  feathers,  and  such  other  articles 
as  were  produced  in  the  province  in  which  it  was  situated. 
Mazatlan,  for  instance,  and  other  towns  on  the  Pacific  coast 
paid,  besides  the  cotton  garments,  4,000  bundles  of  choice 
feathers,  200  sacks  of  cacao,  40  tiger  skins,  and  160  birds  of 
a certain  species.  Michapan  and  other  places  on  the  Mexican 
gulf  contributed,  besides  cotton  garments,  cacao,  and  gold, 

24.000  bundles  of  feathers  of  various  qualities  and  colors,  six 
necklaces,  two  of  which  were  of  the  finest  emerald,  twenty 
ear-rings  of  amber  set  in  gold,  100  jars  of  liquid  amber,  and 

16.000  loads  of  india-rubber.  As  the  Saxon  king  imposed  a 


LAND  TENURE,  TAXATION,  AND  LAWS. 


65 


tax  of  wolves’  heads  upon  his  subjects  for  the  purpose  of  rid- 
ding his  kingdom  of  these  ravenous  animals,  so  did  the  Mexi- 
can monarchs  require  from  those  who  were  too  poor  to  pay  the 
regular  taxes  a certain  quantity  of  the  carcasses  of  snakes, 
scorpions,  centipedes,  and  other  obnoxious  creatures. 

The  rate  of  taxation  varied  from  thirty  to  thirty-three  per 
cent  of  all  that  was  produced;  but  during  the  reign  of  Monte- 
zuma II.  it  was  increased  so  enormously  that  his  people  were 
sorely  oppressed.  The  bulk  of  the  immense  wealth  which  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  conquerors  was  the  result  of  this  excess- 
ive taxation,  and  the  main  cause  of  the  alienation  of  the  peo- 
ple from  their  sovereign,  whereby  alone  the  conquest  became 
a possible  achievement.  A large  portion  of  the  tribute  was  ex- 
pended in  supporting  the  army,  public  employes,  the  poor  and 
destitute,  and  in  providing  food  for  the  people  in  times  of 
famine;  but  almost  as  large  a portion  was  appropriated  by  the 
king  for  his  own  use.  Thus  he  undid  the  work  of  his  fathers, 
caring  only  for  his  own  glory. 

In  the  capital  and  in  each  of  the  principal  cities  of  the  em- 
pire there  was  a supreme  judge,  who  was  considered  second 
only  to  the  king  in  rank  and  authority,  and  by  whom  the  in- 
ferior judges  were  appointed.  He  held  office  for  life,  and  in 
addition  to  his  judicial  and  other  duties,  had  charge  of  the 
royal  revenues.  A lower  court,  presided  over  by  three  judges, 
was  supreme  in  civil  matters,  and  in  each  ward  of  the  city 
was  a magistrate  elected  by  the  inhabitants,  whose  duties 
were  similar  to  those  of  a justice  of  the  peace.  Besides  the 
various  tribunals  for  the  administration  of  justice,  there  were 
others  of  a special  nature,  as  military  courts,  exchequer  courts, 
and  courts  of  divorce. 

At  sunrise,  or  as  some  say  at  daybreak,  the  judges  took 
their  places,  seated  on  mats,  and  usually  on  an  elevated  plat- 
form. Here  they  administered  justice  until  noon,  when  they 
partook  of  a meal  supplied  from  the  royal  kitchen.  When 
this  was  finished,  business  was  resumed  after  a brief  interval 
of  rest,  and  continued  during  the  greater  part  of  the  afternoon. 

5 


66 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Every  day  in  the  year  the  courts  were  in  session,  except 
during  solemn  festivities  or  public  sacrifices,  and  punctuality 
on  the  part  of  the  judges  was  rigidly  enforced,  he  who  ab- 
sented himself  without  good  cause  being  severely  punished. 

The  Aztecs  had  various  methods  for  punishing  crime, 
though  offenders  were  seldom  punished  by  imprisonment. 
That  they  had  prisons,  and  very  cruel  ones,  there  is  no  doubt; 
but  they  appear  to  have  been  used  mainly  for  the  safe-keep- 
ing of  prisoners  before  trial,  or  between  trial  and  execution. 
The  cells  were  made  like  cages,  and  jails  were  so  constructed 
as  to  admit  but  little  light  or  air.  The  food  and  ventilation 
were  so  poor  and  scanty  that  the  prisoners  soon  became  lean 
and  yellow,  and  began  to  suffer,  while  in  durance,  the  death 
to  which  most  of  them  were  condemned. 

Like  most  semi-barbarous  nations,  the  Aztecs  were  more 
apt  to  punish  crime  than  to  reward  virtue.  The  greater  part 
of  their  code  might,  like  Draco’s,  have  been  written  in  blood, — 
so  severe  were  the  punishments  inflicted  for  crimes  that  were 
comparatively  slight,  and  so  brutal  and  bloody  the  modes  of 
carrying  those  penalties  into  execution. 

Theft  was  visited  with  various  degrees  of  punishment, 
though  not  depending  on  the  magnitude  of  the  crime.  Thus 
he  who  stole  a certain  number  of  ears  of  corn  was  put  to 
death,  while  he  who  stole  from  a temple  was  enslaved  for  the 
first  offence  and  hanged  for  the  second.  For  thefts  of  large 
amount  death  was  the  almost  invariable  penalty,  the  criminal 
being  usually  hanged,  after  being  dragged  through  the  streets, 
though  some  were  stoned  to  death.  He  who  committed  high- 
way robbery  was  executed  by  beating  in  his  skull  with  a club; 
be  who  was  caught  in  the  act  of  pilfering  in  the  market-place 
was  beaten  with  sticks  by  the  assembled  multitude  until  he 
died.  The  latter  was  considered  a most  heinous  offence;  but 
nevertheless  is  said  to  have  been  so  common  that  if  a market- 
woman  merely  turned  away  her  head  her  stall  would  be 
robbed  in  an  instant. 

The  murderer  suffered  death,  even  though  he  should  be  a 


LAND  TENURE , TAXATION,  AND  LAWS. 


67 


noble  and  his  victim  only  a slave.  Traitors,  conspirators,  and 
those  who  stirred  up  sedition  among  the  people  were  broken 
to  pieces  at  the  joints;  their  houses  were  razed  to  the  ground, 
their  property  confiscated,  and  their  children  and  nearest  rela- 
tives enslaved,  to  the  fourth  generation.  In  Tezcuco,  he  who 
kidnapped  and  sold  into  slavery  a child  was  hanged;  in 
Mexico,  a criminal  of  this  class  was  himself  sold  into  slavery, 
and  of  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  one  half  was  given  to  the 
stolen  child. 


68 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

INDUSTRIES  AND  COMMERCE. 

Throughout  the  long  years  during  which  the  Aztecs  lived 
on  the  islands  in  the  lake  of  Mexico,  or  Tezcuco,  they  had 
little  space  for  raising  crops  of  any  description.  During  this 
period  the  fish,  birds,  insects,  plants,  and  even  the  mud  of  the 
lake  were  used  for  food,  until  floating  gardens  were  invented, 
and  their  conquests  on  the  mainland  gave  them  broader  fields 
for  tillage. 

The  idea  of  constructing  floating  gardens  was  suggested  by 
observing  that  portions  of  earth,  detached  from  the  shore  and 
held  together  by  fibrous  roots,  floated  on  the  surface  of  the 
lake.  Building  rafts  of  light  wood,  about  a hundred  feet  in 
length,  they  covered  them  with  rushes,  reeds,  and  sticks,  and 
on  this  foundation  laid  two  or  three  feet  of  black  mud  taken 
from  the  bottom  of  the  lake.  When  hardened  by  the  sun,  the 
rich  soil  thus  obtained  was  sufficient  to  raise  most  of  the  agri- 
cultural products  of  the  country,  especially  maize,  chile,  and 
beans,  while  even  fruit  and  shade  trees  grew  to  a considerable 
size.  Soon  the  broad  surface  around  their  island  homes  was 
dotted  with  fertile  gardens,  self-irrigating,  independent  of  the 
rains,  and  easily  moved  from  place  to  place  at  the  will  of  the 
proprietor.  The  floating  gardens  remained  in  use  until  mod- 
ern times;  but  after  the  waters  of  the  lake  receded  from  their 
former  limits,  they  were  usually  made  fast  to  the  shore, 
though  separated  by  a narrow  space,  across  which  their 
produce  was  conveyed  in  canoes. 

When  the  Nahuas  had  gained  a foothold  on  the  mainland, 
few  fertile  spots  throughout  their  territory  remained  unculti- 
vated; for  agriculture  was  deemed  an  honorable  pursuit,  and 
all  except  the  kings  and  nobles  were  more  or  less  engaged  in 
it.  Each  province,  however,  raised  oidy  enough  for  its  own 


INDUSTRIES  AND  COMMERCE. 


69 


consumption,  and  when  by  reason  of  drought  a famine  oc- 
curred, there  was  great  difficulty  in  obtaining  food  from 
abroad. 

The  chief  agricultural  products  among  the  Nahuas,  apart 
from  maize,  beans,  and  chile,  the  first  of  which  formed  the 
staple  food  of  the  Aztecs,  were  the  maguey,  a species  of  aloe 
from  which  was  prepared  a spirituous  liquor  called  pulque, 
cacao,  and  various  native  fruits.  There  were  no  animals  that 
could  be  trained  to  farm-work,  as  oxen,  mules,  or  horses,  and 
the  tools  in  use  were  few  and  rudely  fashioned.  The  latter 
consisted  only,  so  far  as  is  known,  of  an  oaken  spade  or 
shovel,  and  two  copper  implements,  one  of  them  used  for 
breaking  the  soil,  and  the  other  for  pruning  fruit-trees.  In 
planting  corn,  the  farmer  dropped  a few  kernels  into  the  holes 
made  with  a sharp  stick,  the  point  of  which  had  been  hard- 
ened in  the  fire,  and  scattered  over  them  with  his  foot  a cover- 
ing of  earth,  taking  care  to  make  the  rows  straight  and 
parallel.  The  fields  were  carefully  weeded,  and  during  the 
growth  and  ripening  of  the  maize  a watchman  was  kept  con- 
stantly on  guard,  whose  duty  it  was  to  drive  away  the  flocks 
of  feathered  robbers  which  abounded  throughout  the  country. 

Game  was  abundant  in  many  parts  of  Mexico,  the  principal 
descriptions  being  the  deer,  hare,  rabbit,  wild  hog,  wolf,  fox, 
jaguar,  Mexican  lion,  coyote,  pigeon,  partridge,  quail,  and 
aquatic  fowl.  The  usual  weapons  used  in  hunting  were  the 
bow  and  arrow,  to  the  invention  of  which  tradition  ascribes 
the  origin  of  the  chase;  but  spears,  snares,  and  nets  were  also 
employed,  and  a tube  through  which  pellets  or  darts  were 
blown  was  used  for  killing  birds.  Young  monkeys  were 
caught  by  placing  in  a concealed  fire  a black  stick  which 
exploded  under  the  action  of  heat,  first  scattering  around  a 
little  corn  as  a bait.  When  the  explosion  took  place,  the  parent 
monkey  took  fright  and  scampered  away,  leaving  its  offspring 
to  be  captured.  Crocodiles  were  taken  by  throwing  a noose 
around  the  neck,  and  also  by  inserting  a stick,  sharpened  and 
barbed  at  both  ends,  in  the  creature’s  open  mouth.  The  latter 


70 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


was  a daring  feat,  and  was  only  attempted  by  the  boldest 
hunters. 

While  it  is  probable  that  a small  portion  of  the  inhabitants 
in  certain  parts  of  the  country  followed  the  chase  for  a liveli- 
hood, hunting  was,  for  the  most  part,  a diversion  of  the  nobles 
and  soldiery.  Once  in  each  year  a day  was  set  apart  by  the 
Aztec  warriors  for  this  purpose,  in  honor  of  Mixcoatl,  the  god 
of  the  chase.  The  favorite  resort  was  the  forest  of  Zacatepec, 
near  Mexico,  which  on  these  occasion  was  surrounded  by  a 
line  of  sportsmen,  many  miles  in  extent,  the  centre  being  set 
with  traps  and  nets.  To  aid  in  the  work,  the  grass  was  some- 
times fired,  and  when  all  was  in  readiness,  the  living  circle 
gradually  contracted,  all  pressing  forward  toward  the  interior 
of  the  forest.  The  animals  were  driven  from  their  retreats 
info  the  snares  prepared  for  them,  or  were  shot  down  with 
arrows,  and  the  game  thus  secured  was  borne  to  the  capital 
and  the  neighboring  towns  as  an  offering  to  the  gods.  Each 
hunter  carried  to  his  home  the  heads  of  the  beasts  which  he 
had  killed,  and  to  the  most  successful  a prize  of  considerable 
value  was  awarded. 

The  Nahuas  had  neither  flocks  nor  herds,  though  the  nobles 
kept  in  their  parks  deer,  hares,  and  rabbits,  and  the  lower 
classes  raised  turkeys,  quail,  geese,  ducks,  and  other  varieties 
of  birds.  Fish  was  more  in  demand  for  food  than  game;  but 
as  to  the  mode  of  catching  them,  except  that  both  nets  and 
hooks  were  used,  there  are  no  records.  Besides  the  supply  in 
lake  and  river,  the  artificial  }>onds  in  the  royal  gardens  were 
stocked  with  fish,  and  the  waters  in  the  territory  of  the  Taras- 
cos,  west  of  Anahuac,  were  so  abundantly  supplied  that  their 
country  was  named  Michoacan,  or  the  land  of  fish.  Gold, 
silver,  copper,  tin,  and  lead  were  the  principal  metals  of  the 
Aztecs.  Iron,  although  abundant  throughout  their  territory, 
was  unknown.  Obsidian,  several  kinds  of  rock,  as  flint,  por- 
phyry, and  basalt,  and  copper  with  an  alloy  of  tin,  were 
fashioned  for  cutting  implements.  Quicksilver,  sulphur,  alum, 
ochre  and  other  minerals  were  used  for  various  purposes. 


INDUSTRIES  AND  COMMERCE. 


71 


The  gold  and  silver  work  of  the  Nahuas  excited  the  wonder 
of  their  conquerors,  and  natural  objects,  as  animals,  birds,  and 
fishes,  were  imitated  with  remarkable  skill.  In  the  collection 
of  Montezuma  II.,  as  Cortes  would  have  us  believe,  were  coun- 
terfeits in  gold,  silver,  gems,  or  feathers  of  every  object  in  his 
domain,  so  skilfully  wrought  that  they  were  not  excelled  by 
European  craftsmen.  Knives,  lancets,  razors,  spear-points, 
and  arrow-heads  were  made  of  obsidian;  and  it  is  said  that 
in  the  barbers’  shops  of  the  capital  ten  or  fifteen  razors  were 
used  for  shaving  the  beard  of  each  individual. 

All  the  precious  stones  found  in  Mexico  were  used  for  or- 
namental purposes,  and  especially  emeralds,  amethysts,  and 
turquoises.  Pearls  and  bright-colored  stones,  mingled  with 
gems,  were  also  in  use  for  bracelets,  ear-rings,  and  necklaces. 
Mirrors  of  crystal  and  obsidian,  brightly  polished  and  set  in 
costly  frames,  reflected  the  human  face  as  clearly  as  those  of 
European  manufacture.  Cloth  was  made  of  cotton,  rabbits’ 
hair,  or  a mixture  of  these  materials.  Carpets,  tapestry,  and 
bed-coverings  were  also  of  cotton  and  feather-work.  For  ne- 
quen,  a description  of  coarse  cloth,  and  also  for  cords,  ropes, 
and  mats,  palm  leaves  and  maguey  fibre  were  used.  Paper 
was  made  of  the  same  substances,  and  the  skins  of  animals 
were  utilized  as  parchment  for  hieroglyphic  inscriptions. 
Dyes  and  paints,  mineral,  animal,  and  vegetable,  were  so 
skilfully  prepared  that  they  excelled  those  which  were  used 
in  Europe,  and  after  the  conquest,  many  of  them  were  intro- 
duced into  Spain  by  the  conquerors  of  Anahuac. 

Mexican  paintings  showed  little  artistic  merit,  except  in 
their  coloring,  and  apart  from  hieroglyphic  records,  few  speci- 
mens have  been  preserved.  On  the  arrival  of  Cortes,  Aztec 
painters  described  everything  new  and  strange  that  was  intro- 
duced by  the  conquerors,  as  their  armor,  their  horses,  their 
cannon,  and  sent  them  depictured  on  canvas  to  Montezuma. 

Among  the  Nahuas,  as  elsewhere  amidst  the  native  races  of 
America,  speech-making  was  a favorite  pastime.  Many  and 
long  were  the  addresses  offered  to  kings  and  officials  when 


72 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


they  assumed  office,  and  all  diplomatic  correspondence  was 
in  the  hands  of  professional  writers.  Poets,  if  somewhat  less 
numerous,  were  held  in  no  less  esteem  than  orators,  among 
their  themes  being  the  heroic  deeds  of  warlike  ancestors, 
national  annals  and  traditions,  the  praise  of  the  gods,  moral 
lessons  drawn  from  actual  events,  and  illustrations  of  the 
beauties  of  nature.  Aztec  poems,  translated  into  several 
European  languages,  have  been  preserved  by  various  authors, 
and  the  following  stanza,  translated  almost  literally  from  the 
song  of  Nezahualcoyotl,  king  of  Tezcuco,  the  subject  being  the 
mutability  of  life,  will  serve  to  show  that  there  were  among 
the  Nahuas  poets  of  no  mean  order:  — 

“I  would  that  those  living  in  friendship, 

Whom  the  thread  of  strong  love  doth  encircle. 

Could  see  the  sharp  sword  of  the  death-god; 

For  verily,  pleasure  is  fleeting. 

All  sweetness  must  change  in  the  future; 

The  good  things  of  life  are  inconstant.” 

Among  the  Nahuas,  shops  or  stores,  in  the  modern  sense  of 
the  word,  were  unknown,  though  in  the  plazas  of  every  town 
there  were  markets  where  articles  needed  for  immediate  use 
could  always  be  purchased.  Fairs  were  held  at  which  the 
products  of  manufacture,  agriculture,  and  art  were  displayed 
to  consumers  and  merchants,  and  at  the  great  commercial 
centres,  as  Mexico  and  Tlatelulco,  home  productions  were 
exchanged  for  foreign  merchandise,  or  sold  for  export. 

Every  fifth  day  was  set  apart  as  a special  market-day,  and 
the  fairs  held  on  these  occasions  were  crowded,  not  only  by 
local  customers,  but  by  sellers  and  buyers  from  all  the  coun- 
try surrounding,  and  from  foreign  lands.  It  is  related  that 
the  two  market-places  in  the  city  of  Mexico  would  contain 
200,000  persons,  and  that  every  fifth  day  100,000  were  actu- 
ally present;  while,  if  we  can  believe  Cortes,  60,000  assembled 
daily  in  the  Tlatelulco  market,  and  30,000  in  the  market- 
place of  Tlascala.  Nor  is  there  any  good  reason  to  suppose 
that  these  figures  are  greatly  exaggerated. 


INDUSTRIES  AND  COMMERCE. 


73 


At  each  fair  all  kinds  of  food,  whether  animal  or  vegetable, 
cooked  or  uncooked,  were  offered  for  sale  in  the  most  attractive 
form.  There  were  to  be  found,  also,  native  cloths  and  fabrics 
in  the  piece,  and  made  up  into  coarse  or  fine  garments  to  suit 
the  means  of  the  purchaser;  there  were  precious  stones,  and 
ornaments  of  metal,  feathers,  or  shells;  implements  and  weap- 
ons of  metal,  stone,  and  wood;  building  materials,  as  lime, 
stone,  wood,  and  brick;  articles  of  household  furniture,  among 
which  was  matting  of  various  degrees  of  fineness;  medicinal 
herbs  and  prepared  medicines;  incense  and  censers;  dye-woods 
and  cochineal;  and  an  infinite  variety  of  pottery.  But  to 
enumerate  all  the  articles  displayed  in  the  market-places  is  a 
task  which  need  not  be  attempted. 

The  Nahuas  bought  and  sold  commodities  by  count  and 
measure,  but  not  by  weight,  except  perhaps  in  the  case  of  the 


Aboriginal  Coin  from  Monte  Alban,  Oajaca. 

precious  metals.  Such,  at  least,  is  the  received  opinion  of  the 
best  authorities.  Traffic  was  usually  carried  on  by  barter, 
one  article  of  merchandise  being  exchanged  for  another,  but 
regular  purchase  and  sale  were  by  no  means  uncommon. 
Though  coined  money  was  not  in  use, — copper  cut  into  small 
portions  resembling  the  letter  T,  and  in  some  of  the  provinces 
pieces  of  tin,  being  the  nearest  approach  to  it,  — several  con- 
venient substitutes  furnished  a medium  of  exchange.  Chief 
among  them  were  grains  of  the  cacao,  of  a species  somewhat 
different  from  the  one  used  in  making  chocolate.  This  cur- 
rency was  accepted  throughout  Anahuac,  and  the  grains  were 
paid  out  by  count  up  to  the  number  of  8,000,  which  consti- 


74 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


tuted  a xiquipilli;  but  in  large  transactions,  sacks  containing 
three  xiquipilli  were  used,  to  save  the  labor  of  counting.  Gold- 
dust  inserted  in  translucent  quills,  in  order  that  the  quantity 
might  he  readily  seen,  was  also  used  as  a circulating  medium, 
and  it  is  said  that  the  golden  quoits  with  which  Montezuma 
II.  paid  his  losses  at  gambling  also  passed  current  as  money. 

Itinerant  traders,  or  men  who  traversed  the  country  from 
town  to  town  in  caravans,  ostensibly  for  purposes  of  traffic, 
were  ordered  to  draw  maps  of  the  region  through  which  lay 
their  line  of  route,  and  to  observe  carefully  their  resources  and 
condition  for  defence.  Provinces  which  were  represented  as 
being  wealthy  were  then  provoked  to  some  act  which  served 
as  a pretext  for  laying  waste  their  lands,  or  for  making  their 
inhabitants  tributary  to  the  kings  of  Anahuac.  Thus  these 
travelling  companies  of  hucksters  were  little  better  than 
bands  of  licensed  robbers,  the  confederate  kings  being  ever 
ready  to  extend  by  war  the  field  of  their  commerce,  and  to 
avenge,  by  the  hands  of  their  warriors,  any  real  or  imaginary 
insult  offered  to  their  subjects. 

Expeditions  to  distant  provinces  were  usually  undertaken 
by  companies  from  Tlateluleo,  which,  at  the  opening  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  was  the  chief  mart  of  Anahuac,  her  mer- 
chants being  held  in  great  esteem,  and  enjoying  about  the 
same  privileges  as  did  the  nobles.  For  protection,  large  num- 
bers travelled  in  each  caravan,  choosing  one  of  the  company 
as  leader.  On  the  eve  of  departure  they  gave  a banquet  to 
those  of  their  calling  who,  by  reason  of  age,  were  unfitted  to 
travel,  made  known  to  them  their  plans,  and  spoke  of  the 
places  which  they  intended  to  visit.  The  veteran  traders 
applauded  their  enterprise,  encouraged  the  young  and  inex- 
perienced, reminded  them  of  the  fame  and  wealth  acquired 
by  their  ancestors,  and  exhorted  them  to  follow  their  example. 

On  the  route,  carriers  marched  in  single  file,  and  at  every 
camping-place  the  strictest  watch  was  kept,  for  freebooters 
infested  the  more  dangerous  passes,  and  lay  in  wait  for  richly 
laden  caravans.  The  rulers  of  friendly  provinces,  mindful  of 


INDUSTRIES  AND  COMMERCE. 


75 


the  benefits  which  might  result  from  such  expeditions,  con- 
structed roads  and  kept  them  in  repair;  furnished  bridges  or 
boats  for  crossing  the  rivers,  and  at  certain  points,  remote  from 
settlement,  built  houses  for  the  accommodation  of  these  ad- 
venturers. On  the  return  journey  the  same  precautions  were 
taken,  and  when  nearing  the  capital,  it  is  stated  that  the 
traders,  putting  on  the  guise  of  poverty,  clad  themselves  in 
rags,  and  declared  that,  their  venture  had  been  unsuccessful. 
For  this  proceeding,  and  for  the  fact  that  their  goods  were 
stealthily  conveyed  into  the  city  by  night,  the  motive  is  not 
very  apparent.  Merchandise  could  be  sold  only  in  the  public 
markets,  and  after  payment  of  the  royal  dues;  but  we  may 
presume  that  there  were  methods  of  evading  such  payment, 
and  that  a fair  consideration,  offered  to  the  monarch  and  the 
monarch’s  officials,  assuaged  somewhat  the  bitterness  of  their 
wrath. 


Pottery  from  Casas  Grandes. 


76 


LU STORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

FOOD,  FEASTS,  AMUSEMENTS,  AND  DRESS. 

In  preparing  and  cooking  their  food,  the  Aztecs  displayed 
their  usual  ingenuity,  though  many  of  their  dishes  were  of  a 
very  simple  character.  Maize,  or  Indian  corn,  when  in  the 
milk,  was  eaten  boiled;  when  dry,  it  was  parched  or  roasted, 
though  it  usually  came  to  table  in  the  shape  of  tortillas,  then, 
as  now,  the  staple  food  of  all  Spanish  America.  What  poi  is 
to  the  Hawaiian,  what  rice  is  to  the  Hindoo,  and  what  bread 
is  to  most  civilized  nations,  the  tortilla  was  and  is  to  the  in- 
habitants of  Mexico. 

In  making  tortillas,  the  Nahuas  boiled  their  maize  in  water, 
to  which  lime,  or  sometimes  nitre,  was  added.  When  thus 
softened,  it  was  crushed  with  a stone  roller,  and  the  dough, 
after  being  kneaded,  was  shaped  into  thin  round  cakes,  which 
were  baked  in  earthen  pans,  and  piled  one  on  another,  so  as  to 
retain  their  warmth,  for  when  cold  they  lost  their  savor.  Sev- 
eral kinds  of  bread  were  prepared  from  maize,  some  of  them, 
as  the  tlaxcalli,  being  in  the  form  of  larger  and  thicker  cakes, 
and  some  in  the  shape  of  balls,  as  rice  is  now  often  served 
with  curry  or  other  seasoned  dishes.  Atolli,  a preparation  of 
maize  varying  in  consistence  from  gruel  to  mush,  and  used 
both  as  liquid  or  solid  food,  was  made  of  corn,  stripped  of 
the  husk,  mashed,  mixed  with  water,  boiled  down  as  required, 
and  sweetened  or  seasoned  according  to  taste,  with  honey, 
chile,  or  saltpetre. 

Beans,  the  etl  of  the  Aztecs,  and  the  principal  ingredient  in 
the  frijoles  of  the  Spaniards,  were  boiled,  when  green,  in  the 
pod,  and  when  dry  were  also  boiled.  Chilli,  chile,  or  pepper 
was  eaten  raw,  whether  green  or  dry,  and  a sauce  made  from 
it  formed  a part  of  the  seasoning  of  almost  every  Nahua  dish. 

esh,  fish,  and  fowl,  fresh  or  salted,  were  roasted,  stewed,  and 


FOOD  AND  AMUSEMENTS 


77 


boiled  with  dog-fat,  and  seasoned  with  chile  and  tcmatl,  or  to- 
matoes. Fruits  were,  for  the  most  part,  eaten  raw;  but  some, 
as  the  plantain  and  banana,  were  roasted  or  stewed. 

Among  miscellaneous  articles  of  food  may  be  mentioned  the 
ant,  maguey-worm,  and  the  fly  of  the  Mexican  lake,  which 
were  dried,  ground,  boiled,  and  eaten  in  the  form  of  cakes. 
There  were  also  eggs  of  turkeys,  iguanas,  and  turtles,  roasted, 
boiled,  and  in  omelettes;  reptiles  of  various  kinds;  shrimps, 
sardines,  and  crabs;  wild  amaranth  seeds  and  tule  roots; 
honey  of  bees,  of  maize,  and  of  the  maguey,  and  portions  of 
maguey  stalks  and  leaves,  which  were  eaten  roasted.  All  ar- 
ticles of  food,  whether  cooked  or  uncooked,  were  offered  for 
sale  in  the  market-places  of  the  larger  towns,  and  near  them 
were  eating-houses,  where  the  delicacies  and  substantial  fare 
of  the  Nahua  cuisine  were  served  up  to  their  patrons. 

The  Nahuas  appear  to  have  restricted  their  indulgence  in 
rich  and  highly  seasoned  dishes  to  festive  occasions,  and  at 
their  homes  to  have  contented  themselves  with  the  plainest 
fare.  The  poorer  classes  had  in  their  houses  no  cooking  uten- 
sils, except  a hollowed  stone,  called  vi elate,  for  grinding  maize, 
and  a few  earthen  dishes  for  cooking  tortillas  and  frijoles. 
They  ate  thrice  a day,  at  morning,  noon,  and  nightfall,  using 
the  ground  for  table,  table-cloth,  napkin,  and  chair,  conveying 
their  food  to  the  mouth  with  their  fingers,  and  drinking  only 
water  or  atole.  The  repasts  of  the  rich,  however,  were  served 
on  palm-mats,  often  richly  decorated,  and  napkins  and  low 
seats  were  provided  for  their  use. 

The  fondness  of  the  Aztecs  for  feasts  and  amusements  ap- 
pears to  have  extended  through  all  ranks  of  society.  Every 
man  feasted  his  neighbor,  and  was  himself  feasted  in  turn. 
From  the  king  to  the  peasant,  each  one  endeavored  to  excel 
his  equals  in  the  splendor  of  his  banquets,  and  as  these  in- 
volved the  distribution  of  costly  presents  among  the  guests,  it 
often  happened  that  the  host  ruined  himself  by  his  hospitality. 
It  is  even  said  that  many  sold  themselves  into  slavery,  in  order 
to  procure  the  means  for  a single  feast,  whereby  their  memory 
would  be  immortalized 


78 


111  STORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


The  grandeur  of  the  feast  depended,  of  course,  on  the  wealth 
of  the  host,  the  rank  of  the  guests,  and  the  importance  of  the 
occasion.  Those  who  were  invited  received,  on  their  arrival, 
a bouquet  of  flowers  as  a token  of  welcome,  and  persons  of  a 
rank  superior  to  the  host  were  saluted,  after  the  Aztec  fashion, 
by  touching  the  hand  to  the  earth,  and  then  carrying  it  to  the 
lips.  On  some  occasions,  garlands  were  placed  upon  the  heads 
of  the  guests,  and  strings  of  roses  around  their  necks,  while 
copal  was  burned  before  those  whom  the  host  desired  specially 
to  honor.  While  waiting  for  the  meal,  they  employed  their 
time  in  strolling  through  the  grounds,  and  admiring  their 
beautiful  shrubbery,  green  grass-plats,  well-kept  flower-beds, 
and  sparkling  fountains. 

When  dinner  was  announced,  all  took  their  seats,  according 
to  age  and  rank,  on  mats  or  stools,  placed  close  against  the 
walls.  Servants  then  entered  with  water  and  towels,  with 
which  each  guest  cleansed  his  hands  and  mouth.  Pipes,  or 
rather  smoking-canes,  were  then  presented  in  order,  as  was 
supposed,  to  stimulate  the  appetite.  The  viands,  kept  warm 
by  chafing-dishes,  were  then  brought  in  on  artistically  worked 
plates  of  gold,  silver,  tortoise-shell,  or  earthenware,  and  each 
person,  before  beginning  to  eat,  threw  a small  piece  of  food 
into  a lighted  brazier,  as  an  offering  to  the  god  of  fire.  Many 
highly  seasoned  dishes  of  meat  and  fish  were  partaken  of,  and 
when  the  tables  were  cleared,  the  servants,  in  company  with 
the  attendants  of  the  guests,  feasted  on  the  remains  of  the 
banquet.  Chocolate  was  then  handed  round,  together  with 
water  for  washing  the  hands  and  rinsing  the  mouth.  The 
smoking-canes  were  again  introduced,  and  while  the  guests 
reclined  upon  their  mats,  the  music  suddenly  struck  up,  and 
the  young  people,  or  perhaps  some  professionals,  executed  a 
dance,  singing  at  the  same  time  an  ode  prepared  for  the  occa- 
sion. Professional  jesters  amused  the  audience  with  their 
jokes,  sometimes  appearing  disguised  as  foreigners,  whose  dia- 
lect and  peculiarities  they  imitated,  and  at  other  times  mim- 
icking old  women,  or  well-known  and  eccentric  individuals. 


FOOD  AND  AMUSEMENTS. 


79 


The  banquet  usually  lasted  till  midnight,  and  when  the  party 
broke  up  each  guest  received  at  parting  presents  of  dresses, 
gourds,  cacao-beans,  flowers,  or  articles  of  food. 

At  the  royal  feasts,  given  when  noblemen  came  to  the 
capital  to  render  homage  to  the  sovereign,  the  people  flocked 
in  from  the  provinces  in  great  numbers  to  witness  the  spec- 
tacles, which  consisted  of  theatrical  representations,  combats 


between  gladiators,  fights  between  wild  beasts,  athletic  sports, 
musical  performances,  and  poetical  recitations  in  honor  of 
gods,  kings,  and  heroes.  The  nobles  partook  daily  of  ban- 
quets at  the  palace,  and  were  presented  by  the  monarch  with 
costly  gifts. 

Dancing  was  a favorite  amusement  among  the  Aztecs,  and 
the  preparations  for  the  great  public  dances,  at  which  the  per- 
formers were  numbered  by  the  thousand,  were  on  an  immense 
scale.  The  choirs  and  bands  belonging  to  the  various  temples 
were  placed  in  charge  of  a leader,  who  composed  the  ode  of  the 
day,  set  it  to  music,  instructed  the  musicians,  saw  that  all  did 
their  duty,  and  caused  every  fault  or  negligence  to  be  severely 
punished.  One  of  the  principal  dances,  called  the  neteteliztli , 
took  place  either  in  the  plaza  or  in  the  court-yard  of  the  temple, 
in  the  centre  of  which  mats  were  spread  for  the  musicians. 
The  nobles  and  aged  men  drew  up  in  a circle  around  the 


80 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


drums;  those  of  inferior  rank  formed  the  second  circle,  and 
the  third  ring  was  composed  of  young  people.  Two  leading 
dancers  directed  the  movements,  and  their  steps  were  imitated 
by  all  the  rest. 

At  a given  signal,  the  drums  were  beaten  lightly  to  a well- 
known  tune,  started  by  the  leaders  and  taken  up  by  the  entire 
company,  all  of  them  at  the  same  time  beginning  to  move 
their  feet,  arms,  heads,  and  bodies  in  perfect  accord.  Each 
verse  or  couplet  was  repeated  three  or  four  times,  the  dancers 
keeping  time  with  rattles.  The  inner  circle  proceeded  at  a 
slow,  dignified  pace,  befitting  the  age  and  rank  of  those  who 
composed  it;  the  second  moved  somewhat  faster;  while  those 
in  the  outer  circle  approached  a run  as  the  dance  became  live- 
lier, each  one  keeping  his  position  in  the  circle,  and  each  circuit 
being  completed  at  the  same  time.  The  motions  were  varied; 
at  one  time  the  dancers  holding  each  other  by  the  hand,  at 
another  by  the  waist,  now  taking  their  left-hand  neighbor 
for  partner,  and  now  the  right.  After  the  first  song,  which 
referred  to  the  event  of  the  day,  a popular  ode,  treating  of  the 
gods,  kings,  and  heroes,  was  sung  in  a higher  scale  and  to  a 
livelier  measure.  This  was  the  case  with  all  the  succeeding 
songs,  each  one  becoming  higher  and  shriller  as  it  proceeded, 
and  flutes,  trumpets,  and  whistles  being  sometimes  used  to 
increase  the  effect.  When  one  set  of  dancers  became  tired, 
another  took  its  place,  and  so  the  dance  was  continued  through- 
out the  entire  day,  each  song  lasting  about  an  hour.  Mean- 
while jesters  and  clowns,  in  various  disguises,  passed  to  and 
fro  between  the  lines,  uttering  jokes,  cutting  capers,  and  serving 
refreshments. 

All  appeared  at  the  dances  as  richly  attired  as  their  means 
would  permit.  Noted  warriors  appeared  magnificently  dressed, 
and  sometimes  wore  shields  adorned  with  feathers.  Nobles 
were  in  court  dress,  the  outer  garment  being  a rich  mantle 
knotted  at  the  shoulder.  In  their  hair  were  tassels  of  feathers 
and  gold,  in  their  lips  were  ornaments  of  gold  and  precious 
stones,  and  in  their  ears  were  golden  rings;  while  round  their 


FOOD  AND  AMUSEMENTS 


81 


wrists  were  bracelets  of  the  same  metal,  and  strings  of  tur- 
quoises, and  some  had  gold  bells  attached  to  their  ankles. 
The  gayly  colored  garments  of  the  lower  classes  were  decorated 
with  feathers  and  embroidery;  garlands  encircled  the  head; 
about  the  neck  were  strings  of  shells  and  beans,  and  on  the  arms 
and  necks  were  bracelets.  The  women  were  attired  in  gayly 
colored  dresses,  fancifully  embroidered,  and  adorned  with 
fringes. 

The  dramatic  performances  of  the  Aztecs  were  inferior,  as 
spectacles,  to  the  choral  dances,  and  usually  took  the  character 
of  a burlesque,  the  performers  wearing  masks  of  wood,  or  being 
disguised  as  animals.  No  special  building  was  erected  for  this 
purpose,  and  the  lower  porch  of  a temple  frequently  served  for 
a stage,  though  in  some  of  the  large  towns  a permanent  stage 
was  built  in  the  plaza.  At  Cholula  plays  were  performed  on 
the  porch  of  the  temple  of  Quetzalcoatl,  which,  for  the  occa- 
sion, was  whitewashed  and  adorned  with  arches  of  feathers, 
flowers,  and  branches.  Here,  on  gala-days,  the  people  assem- 
bled after  dinner  to  witness  the  entertainment,  in  which  the 
deaf,  lame,  blind,  sick,  and  deformed,  or  sometimes  prominent 
citizens,  merchants,  and  mechanics,  were  mimicked  and  bur- 
lesqued. He  who  acted  the  part  of  a deaf  man  gave  absurd 
answers  to  the  questions  put  to  him;  the  lame  and  blind 
stumbled  around  the  stage,  while  the  sick  portrayed  the 
agonies  of  pain.  After  them  came  others  who  represented 
beetles,  frogs,  or  lizards,  croaking,  crawling,  and  hopping  to  and 
fro,  after  the  manner  of  the  creatures  which  they  imitated.  Boys 
from  the  temples  also  appeared  as  birds  and  butterflies,  and 
climbed  the  trees  in  the  court-yard.  The  priests  amused  them- 
selves and  the  audience  by  blowing  mud-balls  at  the  actors 
through  wooden  tubes,  and  praised  or  censured  the  perform- 
ance in  jocular  mood.  The  entertainment  concluded  with  a 
dance,  which  was  attended  by  all  the  actors. 

The  gymnastic  and  acrobatic  feats  of  the  Mexicans  called 
forth  the  admiration  of  their  conquerors,  and  the  court  of 
Spain,  before  which  some  of  the  athletes  were  introduced,  was 
6 


82 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


no  less  astonished  at  their  grace,  daring,  and  strength.  The 
so-called  Chinese  foot-balancing  trick,  in  which  the  performer, 
lying  on  his  back,  spins  a heavy  pole  on  the  soles  of  his  raised 
feet,  throws  it  up,  catches  it,  and  twirls  it  in  every  direction, 
was  excelled  by  the  Nahua  gymnast,  who  twirled  the  pole 
with  a man  sitting  at  each  end  of  it.  A favorite  feat  was  for 
three  men,  mounted  one  on  the  shoulders  of  another,  and  the 
third  standing  on  the  head  of  the  second,  to  move  slowly 
around  the  circle  of  spectators,  while  a kind  of  dance  was  per- 
formed by  the  man  at  the  top  of  the  human  column.  Again, 
an  acrobat  would  dance  on  the  top  of  a beam,  the  lower  end 
of  which  was  forked,  and  rested  on  the  shoulders  of  two  other 
dancers.  Some  raised  a stick  from  the  ground,  with  a man 
balanced  at  the  end  of  it;  others  leaped  upon  a stick  set  up- 
right in  the  ground,  or  danced  upon  the  tight-rope. 

A game  displaying  considerable  grace  and  daring,  and 
known  as  the  bird-dance,  or  as  the  Spaniards  termed  it,  the 
flying  game,  was  performed  in  the  centre  of  an  open  place, 
generally  a plaza.  Here  a tall  pole  was  erected,  and  on  its 
top  was  placed  a wooden  movable  cap,  resembling  an  inverted 
mortar,  to  which  were  fastened  four  stout  ropes,  supporting  a 
wooden  frame,  some  twelve  feet  square.  Four  longer  ropes 
were  wound  thirteen  times  around  the  pole,  just  below  the  cap, 
and  were  thence  passed  through  holes  made  in  each  of  the  four 
sides  of  the  frame,  their  ends  hanging  several  feet  below.  Four 
acrobats,  who  had  practised  some  time  previously  and  were 
disguised  as  birds,  ascended  by  loops  of  cord  tied  around  the 
pole,  and  each  one  having  fastened  a rope  around  his  waist, 
they  started  in  circular  flight  with  outspread  wings.  The  im- 
pulse of  the  start  and  the  weight  of  the  men  set  the  frame  in 
motion,  and  the  rope  unwound  quicker  and  quicker,  enabling 
the  performers  to  describe  at  each  gyration  larger  circles. 
Other  performers,  all  richly  dressed,  were  perched  upon  the 
frame,  whence  they  ascended  in  turn  to  the  top  of  the  revolv- 
ing cap,  and  there  danced  and  beat  a drum,  or  waived  a flag, 
each  one  striving  to  surpass  his  predecessor  in  daring  and  skill. 


FOOD  AND  AMUSEMENTS. 


83 


As  the  acrobats  neared  the  ground,  and  the  ropes  became 
untwisted,  those  on  the  frame  glided  down  them,  gaining  the 
ground  at  the  same  time,  and  sometimes  passing  from  one 
rope  to  another  in  their  descent. 

Running  was  practised,  not  only  for  sport  or  exercise,  but  as 
a profession;  for  the  king  employed  large  numbers  of  couriers, 
who  were  trained  for  the  purpose  from  early  childhood.  Races 
were  held  at  the  chief  temple  in  Mexico,  under  the  auspices  of 
the  priests,  at  which  prizes  were  awarded  to  the  four  competi- 
tors who  succeeded  in  first  gaining  the  topmost  of  the  120 
steps  The  Nahuas  must  also  have  been  expert  swimmers,  for 
it  is  said  that  travellers  usually  took  to  the  water  when  cross- 
ing rivers,  the  bridges  being  used  only  by  those  who  carried 
burdens. 

Sham  fights  and  reviews  were  held,  both  for  the  training  of 
the  army  and  the  entertainment  of  the  multitude.  After  these 
spectacles  the  soldiers  competed  for  prizes  in  archery  or  throw- 
ing the  dart,  while  on  special  occasions,  as  the  coronation  of  a 
king,  they  wrestled  or  fought  with  wild  beasts,  and  animals 
were  pitted  against  each  other  in  fenced  enclosures. 

The  national  game  of  the  Aztecs,  called  the  tlachtli,  resembled 
the  modern  game  of  football,  and  was  quite  as  lively  and  full 
of  excitement.  As  an  instance  of  its  popularity,  it  may  be 
mentioned  that  a certain  number  of  towns  contributed,  by  way 
of  taxation,  16,000  balls,  which  were  of  solid  India-rubber,  and 
three  or  four  inches  in  diameter.  In  all  the  larger  towns,  a 
special  play-ground  was  devoted  to  the  game,  and  the  kings 
kept  professional  players  for  their  own  diversion,  sometimes 
challenging  each  other  to  a game.  The  ground,  called  the 
tlachco,  was  an  alley  100  feet  long  and  half  that  width,  except 
at  the  ends,  where  there  where  rectangular  nooks,  w'hich 
doubtless  served  as  resting-places.  The  players,  of  whom 
there  were  two  or  three  on  each  side,  were  attired  only  in  the 
maxtli,  though  some  wore  skins  to  protect  the  parts  which 
came  in  contact  "with  the  balls.  The  rule  was  to  hit  the  ball 
with  the  knee,  elbow,  or  shoulder,  as  agreed  upon,  and  a point 


84 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


was  scored  when  it  touched  or  was  driven  over  the  wall  at  the 
opposite  end.  To  strike  the  ball  with  any  part  of  the  body 
not  agreed  upon  caused  the  loss  of  a point,  and  to  settle  6uch 
matters  without  dispute,  a priest  acted  as  referee. 

On  each  of  the  side  walls,  at  equal  distances  from  the  ends, 
was  a large  stone,  carved  with  images  of  idols,  and  in  the 
centre  of  which  was  a hole  just  large  enough  to  admit  the 
passage  of  the  ball.  He  who  by  chance  or  skill  drove  it 
through  one  of  these  holes,  not  only  won  the  game  for  his  side, 
but  was  entitled  to  the  cloaks  of  all  the  spectators;  and  the 
haste  with  which  the  latter  dispersed  in  order  to  save  their 
garments  is  said  to  have  been  the  most  amusing  part  of  tho 
entertainment.  A feat  so  difficult  was  of  course  rarely  achieved, 
and  he  who  accomplished  it  was  held  in  as  much  honor  as 
was  accorded  by  the  Greeks  to  a victor  at  the  Olympic  games. 

With  few  exceptions,  the  dress  of  all  the  civilized  nations  of 
Mexico  appears  to  have  been  the  same.  In  the  earliest  times 
of  which  we  have  any  record,  the  natives  were  clad  in  skins, 
which  covered  only  the  lower  portions  of  the  body.  By  de- 
grees this  scanty  covering  was  exchanged  for  a regular  cos- 
tume, though  still  consisting  merely  of  undressed  skins. 
As  civilization  advanced,  a further  improvement  may  be 
noticed,  garments  being  manufactured  first  of  tanned  or  pre- 
pared skins,  then  of  maguey,  or  palm-tree  fibre,  and  finally  of 
cotton.  From  this  point  no  further  progress  was  made,  except 
in  adorning  the  attire  with  feather-work,  painting,  embroidery, 
gold-work,  and  jewelry. 

The  maxtli,  or  under-garment  of  the  men,  was  ornamented 
at  the  ends  with  colored  fringes  and  tassels.  Over  this  was 
worn  the  mantle,  which  was  merely  a piece  of  cotton  cloth 
about  four  feet  square.  If  worn  over  both  shoulders,  the  upper 
ends  were  tied  in  a knot  across  the  breast;  but  more  frequently 
it  was  thrown  over  the  left  shoulder  and  knotted  under  the 
right  arm.  It  was  usually  colored  or  painted,  and  decorated 
with  feathers  and  furs,  the  edges  being  fringed  with  tufts  of 
cotton,  and  sometimes  wfith  gold.  The  rich  had  also  mantles 


FOOD  AND  AMUSEMENTS. 


85 


made  of  rabbit  and  other  skins,  or  of  fine  cotton,  into  which 
was  woven  rabbit  hair,  the  latter  being  for  use  in  cold  weather. 

The  attire  of  the  nobles  and  members  of  the  royal  household 
differed  from  that  of  the  lower  classes  only  in  fineness  of  ma- 
terial and  profusion  of  ornaments.  Tlxe  kings  appear  to  have 
worn  garments  of  the  same  shape  as  those  of  their  subjects, 
but  in  other  respects  a certain  style  of  dress  was  reserved  for 
royalty,  and  he  who  presumed  to  imitate  it  was  put  to  death. 
When,  however,  the  monarch  wished  to  confer  a special  mark 
of  favor  on  some  valiant  soldier  or  distinguished  statesman,  he 
presented  him  with  one  of  his  garments,  and  its  wearer  was 
thenceforth  respected  as  a man  whom  his  sovereign  delighted 
to  honor. 

Whenever  the  monarch  appeared  in  public  he  wore  the  royal 
crown,  called  copilli,  which  was  made  of  solid  gold.  By  most 
writers  it  is  described  as  having  been  shaped  like  a bishop’s 
mitre;  but  the  hieroglyphical  paintings  in  which  the  Mexican 
kings  are  represented  display  merely  a golden  band,  running 
to  a point  at  the  front,  and  sometimes  ornamented  with  long 
feathers. 

Like  all  semi-barbarous  nations,  the  Nahuas  were  in  the 
habit  of  loading  themselves  with  ornaments.  Those  worn  by 
the  kings,  the  nobles,  and  the  rich  were  of  gold  or  silver,  set 
with  precious  stones;  those  of  the  poorer  classes  were  of  cop- 
per or  bone,  set  with  imitations  in  crystal  of  the  rarer  jewels. 
The  various  trinkets  were  fashioned  in  the  shape  of  bracelets, 
armlets,  anklets,  and  rings  for  the  nose,  ears,  and  fingers.  The 
lower  lip  was  also  pierced,  and  precious  stones  or  crystals  in- 
serted, the  richer  classes  using  for  this  purpose  a species  of 
emerald.  There  were  very  stringent  regulations  as  to  the  kind 
of  ornaments  which  the  different  classes  of  people  were  allowed 
to  wear,  and  it  is  said  that  to  certain  very  brave  though  low- 
born warriors,  permission  was  granted,  as  a special  favor,  to 
wear  a cheap  garland  or  crown;  but  on  no  account  must  it  be 
of  gold. 

As  a rule,  Mexicans  wore  the  hair  long,  and,  in  many  parts 


86 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


of  the  empire,  it  was  considered  a disgrace  to  cut  the  locks  of 
a free-born  man  or  woman.  They  had  several  methods  of 
dressing  the  hair,  differing  according  to  rank  and  office,  though 
it  was  the  usual  custom  to  leave  it  hanging  loose  down  the 
back.  The  women  also  wore  it  in  the  latter  fashion;  but  it 
was  more  often  trimmed  in  various  modes.  Thus  some  wore 
it  long  on  the  temples  and  shaved  the  hack  of  the  head;  others 
shaved  almost  the  entire  head,  and  others  again  twisted  the 
hair  with  dark  cotton  thread.  Unmarried  girls  always  wore 
the  hair  loose,  and  considered  it  especially  graceful  to  wear  it 
low  on  the  forehead.  It  was  also  fashionable  to  dye  the  locks 
with  a species  of  black  clay,  or  with  an  herb  that  gave  to  them 
a violet  shade. 

For  the  purpose  of  beautifying,  as  they  thought,  their  per- 
sons, the  Nahua  women  used  paint  freely,  and  among  some 
nations  they  were  also  tattoed.  The  Aztecs  besmeared  their 
faces  with  a red,  yellow,  or  black  ointment,  composed  probably 
of  burnt  incense  and  dye,  and  colored  their  feet  black  with  the 
same  mixture.  Their  teeth,  after  being  cleansed,  were  stained 
with  cochineal,  and  the  hands,  neck,  and  breast  were  also 
painted.  The  Otoniis  tattoed  their  breasts  and  arms,  making 
incisions  with  a knife,  and  rubbing  into  them  a blue  powder. 
They  stained  their  teeth  black,  and  daubed  their  bodies  with  a 
species  of  pitch,  covering  this  with  a coating  of  some  lighter 
color. 

In  the  attire  of  the  women  there  was  little  difference  through- 
out Anahuac.  Two  sleeveless  undergarments  of  skin,  palm- 
fibrc,  or  cotton  covered  the  person  from  neck  to  ankle,  and 
were  often  neatly  embroidered  and  ornamented.  Out  of  doors 
one  or  more  outer  dresses  were  worn,  of  different  lengths,  the 
longest  one  being  underneath.  White  mantles,  painted  in 
various  designs  on  the  outside,  and  similar  in  size  and  shape 
to  those  used  by  men,  were  also  worn  by  females,  and  to  the 
upper  edge  was  fastened  a hood,  which  served  as  a coveriag 
for  the  head. 


LANGUAGE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS. 


87 


CHAPTER  X. 

LANGUAGE,  HIEROGLYPHICS,  EDUCATION,  AND  CALENDAR. 

The  Nahua,  Aztec,  or  Mexican  was  the  language  spoken 
throughout  the  greater  part  of  Montezuma’s  empire,  from  the 
plateau  of  Anahuac  eastward  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  and  along 
its  shores  almost  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  Pacific.  It  has  been 
claimed  that  the  languages  of  the  Toltecs  and  Chichimecs 
differed  from  each  other,  and  from  the  Aztec,  and  it  is  even 
said  that  traces  have  been  found  of  a language  more  ancient 
than  any  of  them.  A careful  examination  of  early  authorities 
shows,  however,  that  they  were  one  language,  and  that  the 
Nahua  tongue  was  the  oldest  language  of  Anahuac. 

Of  all  the  languages  spoken  on  the  American  continent,  the 
Aztec  was  the  most  perfect,  approaching  in  this  respect  the 
tongues  of  Europe  and  Asia,  and  even  surpassing  many  of  them 
in  elegance  of  expression.  It  abounds  in  tropes  and  metaphors, 
and  some  critics  are  of  opinion  that  it  excels  in  beauty  the 
Latin.  The  missionaries  found  it  sufficient  for  their  purpose, 
and  without  the  aid  of  foreign  words  could  express  all  the 
shades  of  their  doctrines,  from  the  thunderings  and  anathemas 
of  Sinai  to  the  sublime  teachings  of  Christ.  Its  principal  defect 
is  the  length  of  the  words,  some  of  them  almost  rivalling  the 
compound  word  known  to  Greek  scholars,  containing  nearly 
eighty  syllables,  and  signifying  a dish  made  of  all  kinds  of 
dainties.  In  Aztec  a single  word  often  conveyed  the  meaning 
of  a phrase,  as  tepetitlan,  ‘above  the  mountain,’  atlixco,  ‘above 
the  water,’  cauuhnahuac,  ‘near  to  the  trees,’  Popocatepetl,  ‘smok- 
ing mountain.’  Words  were  compounded  not  merely  by  jux- 
taposition, or  placing  single  words  side  by  side,  but  also  with 
regard  to  brevity  and  euphony,  or  beauty  of  sound,  letters  and 
syllables  being  frequently  omitted.  Though  the  Mexicans 
composed  in  verse,  no  specimens  of  their  poetry  have  been  pre- 


88 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


served,  except  in  the  form  of  translations.  The  following  is 
the  greater  portion  of  the  Lord’s  prayer,  rendered  literally  from 
the  Nahua  language: — 

Totatzine  yuilhuicac  timoyez-tica,  mayectenehualo  inmo- 

Our  revered  Father  who  heaven  in  ' art  be  praised  thy 

tocatzin;  mahualauh  inmotlatocayotzin,  machihualo  intlaltic- 

name;  may  come  thy  kingdom,  be  done  earth  above 

pac  inmotlanequilitzin,  inyuhchichihualo  inilhuicac;  intotlax- 

thywill,  * as  is  done  heaven  in;  our  bread 

calmomoztlae  totech  monequi  maaxcanxitechmomaquili;  max- 

e very  day  to  us  is  necessary  to-day  give  us;  for- 

itechmetlapopohuili  intotlatlacol,  iniuh  tiquintlapop  olhuia 

give  us  our  sins;  as  wo  forgive 

intechtlatla  calhuia;  macamoxitechmomacahuili  inicamo  ipan 

those  who  us  offend ; thou  not  us  lead  that  not  in 

tihuetzizque  inteneyeyecoltiliztli  §anye  xitechmomaquixtili 

we  fall  in  temptation;  but  deliver  us 

inyhuicpa  inamoqualli. 

against  from  not  good. 

Many  comparisons  have  been  made  between  the  Aztec  and 
various  languages  of  Europe  and  Asia,  as  the  Greek,  the  San- 


Serpentine  Hiekoulyphio  Block. 


skrit,  the  Hebrew,  the  Phoenician,  the  Egyptian,  the  Tyrian, 
the  Japanese,  the  German,  the  Keltic,  and  even  the  Polyne- 
sian; but  under  analysis  all  these  fancied  affinities  vanish. 
Similarities  in  words  may  of  course  be  found  between  the  Az- 


LANGUAOE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS. 


89 


Tablet  Found  is  Palenque,  Chiapas. 


90 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


tec  and  other  tongues,  but  they  are  probably  accidental. 
Some  remarkable  analogies  have  been  found,  among  which 
may  be  mentioned  the  word  signifying  God,  which  is  in  the 
Aztec  Teotl,  and  in  the  Greek  tizbr,  but  at  present  the  Nahua 
tongue  stands  alone,  as  one  of  the  independent  languages  of 
the  world. 

The  hieroglyphical  records  of  the  Aztecs,  by  which  phrase 


Tablilla  ms  las  Crooks. 


is  meant  their  picture-writings  and  carvings  in  stone,  used  to 
represent  the  various  events  of  life,  included  their  traditions 
and  historical  annals,  with  the  names  of  their  kings  and  nobles 


LANGUAGE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS. 


91 


and  those  oi  their  ancestors.  They  also  contained  lists  and 
tribute  rolls  of  provinces  and  towns,  land  titles,  laws,  religious 
rites,  educational  systems,  processes  used  in  manufacture,  etc. 
The  characters  used  in  their  hieroglyphics  were  painted  in 
bright  colors,  on  long  strips  of  paper,  cloth,  or  parchment,  or 
carved  in  stone.  Specimens  which  still  exist  show  that  they 
were  sufficient  for  ordinary  purposes,  and  were  not  greatly  in- 
ferior to  written  annals.  For  many  years  after  the  conquest 
the  Spaniards  made  use  of  them  to  settle  lawsuits,  adjust 
taxes,  and  for  other  purposes,  and  they  have  been  of  great 
value  in  throwing  light  on  ancient  history.  It  is  probable  that 
the  art,  so  far  as  it  applied  to  the  names  of  persons  and  places, 
and  to  ordinary  records,  was  understood  by  all  educated  per- 
sons, though  regarded  as  a mystery  by  the  common  people. 

The  figures  were  painted  in  bright  colors  on  long  strips  of 
cotton  cloth,  on  parchment  or  prepared  skins,  and  on  maguey 
paper,  which  were  afterward  rolled  up,  or  more  frequently 
folded  into  the  shape  of  books,  termed  amatl,  and  furnished 
with  thin  wooden  covers.  Unfortunately,  the  most  valuable  of 
these  picture-writings  have  been  destroyed.  Their  contents 
were  believed  to  be  for  the  most  part  religious  mysteries, 
painted  devices  of  the  evil  one,  the  strongest  band  that  held  the 
people  to  their  original  faith,  and  therefore  the  most  formida- 
ble obstacle  to  the  spread  of  the  true  faith.  Hence  their  de- 
struction was  believed  to  be  necessary  to  the  spread  of  the 
gospel.  To  Juan  de  Zumarraga  belongs  the  uneviable  dis- 
tinction of  making  a public  bonfire  of  the  national  archives 
of  the  Aztecs. 

The  plate  on  the  following  page  describes  in  four  groups  the 
education  of  Aztec  children  under  the  care  of  their  parents. 
In  the  first  group,  the  father  (fig.  3)  is  punishing  his  son  by 
holding  him  over  the  fumes  of  burning  chile  (fig.  5),  while  the 
mother  threatens  her  daughter  with  the  same  punishment. 
Figures  2 and  8 represent,  like  11,  16,  20,  24,  30,  and  34  in  the 
other  groups,  the  child’s  allowance  of  tortillas  at  each  meal. 
In  the  second  group,  the  son  is  punished  by  being  stretched 


92  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

Occoo 


Education  of  Aztec  Children. 


LANGUAGE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS. 


93 


naked  on  the  wet  ground,  and  with  his  hands  tied,  while  the  girl 
is  compelled  to  sweep,  or  perhaps  is  being  taught  to  sweep.  In 
the  third  group,  the  boys  are  employed  in  conveying  wood  (fig. 
21)  and  reeds  on  the  back  or  in  a canoe,  and  the  girl  is  being 
taught  how  to  make  tortillas  (fig.  27),  and  perform  household 
work  (figs.  23,  25,  26,  28).  In  the  last  group,  the  father  is 
teaching  his  son  the  art  of  fishing,  and  the  mother  is  instruct- 
ing the  daughter  in  weaving.  The  small  circles  (figs.  1,  10, 
19,  20)  indicate  the  age  of  the  children.  The  characters  near 
the  mouth  of  the  parents  indicate  that  they  are  in  the  act  of 
speaking.  The  figure  14  is  a symbol  of  night,  and  indicates 
that,  as  a punishment,  the  child  is  compelled  to  sweep  during 
the  hours  of  darkness. 

On  the  two  following  pages  is  a copy  of  a painting  taken 
from  the  work  of  the  chronicler  Ramirez,  one  of  the  most  re- 
liable authorities  on  the  subject  of  picture-writing.  This  paint- 
ing, preserved  in  the  National  Museum,  and  about  20  by  27 
inches  in  size,  was  depictured  on  the  finest  quality  of  maguey 
paper,  and  afterward  on  linen. 

The  winding  and  almost  parallel  lines,  with  numerous  foot- 
prints, by  which  the  groups  of  figures  are  united,  represent  a 
journey,  and  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  entire  painting  de- 
picts the  wanderings  of  the  Aztec  nation.  The  square  at  the 
right  and  near  the  centre  of  the  second  page  represents  the 
country  from  which  they  started,  and  figures  1 and  2 perhaps 
express  its  name,  although  the  interpretation  is  doubtful. 
Figure  3 is  a symbol  of  the  Aztec  cycle  of  fifty-two  years,  and 
figure  4 is  a ‘ curved  mountain,’  or  the  city  of  Gulhuacan,  on 
the  borders  of  a lake  in  the  valley  of  Mexico.  Figure  5 is  a 
bird  speaking  to  the  people  in  figure  6;  and  among  the  Aztecs, 
as  is  related,  there  was  a tradition  that  the  song  of  a bird 
caused  them  to  decide  on  their  first  migration. 

The  fifteen  human  forms  in  figures  7 and  12  are  the  chiefs 
of  the  migrating  tribes.  At  their  first  stopping-place  they  re 
mained  for  a cycle  of  years  (fig.  8),  and  perhaps  built  a tem- 
ple (fig.  11).  For  ten  years,  as  indicated  by  the  ten  circles 


96 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


they  remained  at  Cincotlan  (fig.  15).  Figure  17  is  interpreted 
as  meaning  humiliation,  and  figure  18  as  the  place  of  caves. 
At  the  next  stopping-place,  figure  20  represents  a corpse,  pre- 
pared for  burial,  his  name,  as  shown  by  the  character  over  his 
head,  being  that  of  the  central  figure  in  the  group  displayed 
in  figure  7.  As  this  name  does  not  appear  again,  the  meaning 
perhaps  may  be  that  one  of  the  tribes  had  become  extinct. 
But  to  learn  the  meaning  of  all  these  hieroglyphic  symbols 
would  be  a somewhat  wearisome  task,  and  I shall  not  attempt 
further  to  explain  them. 

The  education  of  children  was  commenced  by  their  parents 
almost  as  soon  as  they  were  able  to  walk,  and  was  finished  by 
the  priests.  Apart  from  the  superstition,  idolatry,  and  cruelty 
with  which  all  Aztec  institutions  were  more  or  less  tainted, 
the  care  taken  to  mould  aright  the  minds  of  youth  of  both 
sexes  is  not  unworthy  of  note.  Parents  and  priests  endeavored 
to  inspire  them  with  a love  of  truth  and  a horror  of  vice. 
Respect  for  their  elders,  and  modesty  in  their  actions,  were 
among  their  first  lessons,  and  theft  and  lying  were  severely 
punished. 

In  a series  of  ancient  Aztec  paintings  are  represented  the 
manner  in  which  children  were  trained,  the  portion  of  food 
allowed  them,  the  labors  in  which  they  were  employed,  and 
the  punishments  inflicted  on  those  who  were  refractory.  Dur- 
ing their  fourth  and  fifth  years,  boys  were  accustomed  to  light 
bodily  labor,  such  as  carrying  small  burdens,  while  girls 
were  instructed  in  the  use  of  the  distafF.  At  this  age,  their 
allowance  of  bread  was  one  cake  at  each  meal.  When  six  or 
seven  years  old,  the  boy  followed  his  father  to  the  market-place, 
and  gathered  up  grains  of  corn,  or  other  trifles  that  lay  un- 
noticed around  the  stalls,  while  the  girl  is  represented  as 
learning  the  art  of  spinning,  under  the  guidance  of  her  mother, 
who  alternately  instructs  and  lectures  her.  The  ration  of 
bread  was  now  a cake  and  a half,  and  this  allowance  was  con- 
tinued until  the  thirteenth  year,  when  it  was  increased  to  two 
cakes. 


k mm 

pjaijjjl 

g?i 

iF.alij 

~5  ~ --  "- 

-:’ 

l 

n»4n.,V  -9| 

iggH§ 

Ipu! 

>r  g* 

% *5T8l 

^ /!k?‘  i ' 

98 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Next  come  the  various  modes  of  punishing  disobedient 
children.  When  eight  years  of  age,  they  were  merely  shown 
the  instruments  of  punishment  as  a warning.  At  ten,  hoys 
who  proved  refractory  were  pricked,  in  various  parts  of  the 
body,  with  thorns  of  the  maguey,  while  girls  were  pricked  in 
the  hands  and  wrists.  If  this  did  not  suffice,  they  were  beaten 
with  rods.  At  eleven,  unruly  children  of  both  sexes  were  held 
over  a pile  of  burning  chile,  and  forced  to  inhale  the  smoke, 
which  caused  extreme  pain.  At  twelve,  a bad  boy  was  bound 
hand  and  foot  and  exposed  during  the  entire  day  in  a damp 
place,  while  a naughty  girl  was  roused  from  her  slumbers  at 
night  and  ordered  to  sweep  out  the  entire  house.  Between 
the  ages  of  thirteen  and  fifteen,  boys  were  employed  in  fishing, 
or  in  bringing  wood  from  the  mountains,  by  land  or  in  canoes, 
and  girls  spent  their  time  in  cooking,  weaving,  and  grinding 
corn.  The  former  were  then  placed  in  charge  of  the  priests 
for  religious  instruction,  or  were  trained  for  the  army  by  an 
officer  appointed  for  that  purpose. 

The  schools  or  colleges  were  of  two  distinct  classes.  Those 
attended  by  the  common  people  were  called  telpochcalli,  or 
‘houses  of  the  youths,’  and  there  was  at  least  one  in  each  quar- 
ter of  the  city,  after  the  manner  of  our  public  schools.  The 
telpochtlato,  or  ‘chief  of  youth,’  instructed  them  how  to  sweep 
out  the  sanctuary,  to  replenish  the  fire  in  the  sacred  censers, 
to  cleanse  the  school-house,  to  do  penance,  and  to  gather  wood 
for  the  temple.  Boys  were  also  trained  to  the  use  of  arms, 
and  were  taught  how  to  sing  and  dance,  the  latter  accomplish- 
ments being  considered  an  essential  part  of  their  education. 
At  sixteen,  and  sometimes  at  an  earlier  age,  they  were  with- 
drawn from  school  in  order  to  follow  a trade  or  profession, 
though  what  qualifications  they  had  acquired  for  either  is  not 
recorded  by  the  chroniclers. 

Youths  of  noble  descent  and  those  destined  for  the  priest- 
hood were  educated  at  some  college  or  monastery,  termed  in 
the  Aztec  calemac.  They  were  instructed  in  the  arts  and  sci- 
ences known  to  the  Mexicans,  as  history,  religion,  philosophy, 


LANGUAGE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS. 


99 


law,  astronomy,  the  inscription  and  interpretation  of  hiero- 
glyphics, heroic  songs,  and  sacred  hymns.  Their  courage, 
strength,  and  endurance  were  severely  tested,  and  at  an  early 
age  they  were  made  to  realize  the  hardships  of  camp  life.  All 
who  displayed  qualities  befitting  a soldier  met  with  suitable 
promotion  and  reward.  The  Nahuas  were  well  acquainted 
with  the  movements  of  the  sun  and  moon  and  of  some  of  the 
planets,  and  observed  and  recorded  eclipses,  though  not  ascrib- 


ing them  to  natural  causes.  In  their  calendar  they  divided 
time  into  ages  of  two  cycles,  each  cycle  consisting  of  four  peri- 
ods of  thirteen  years,  and  the  years  being  designated  by  signs 
and  names,  with  numbers  in  orderly  arrangement,  as  appears 


100 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


on  their  sculptured  stones.  The  year  was  divided  into  eigh- 
teen months  of  twenty  days,  with  five  additional  days  to  com- 
plete the  year,  extra  days  being  also  added  at  the  end  of  each 
cycle,  and  the  months  divided  into  four  periods  corresponding 
to  weeks,  so  that  there  was  no  essential  difference  between 
their  system  and  our  own. 


The  Aztec  Year. 


A cycle  was  represented  in  their  paintings  by  figures  in  hiero- 
glyphics, each  repeated  thirteen  times,  and  placed  in  a cir- 


LANGUAGE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS.  101 

cle,  around  which  was  painted  a snake  holding  its  tail  in  its 
mouth,  at  each  of  the  four  cardinal  points  being  a twist,  as 
shown  in  the  plate  subjoined. 

Each  month  was  represented  by  a hieroglyph  having  a cer- 
tain meaning,  and  usually  referring  to  some  feast  or  natural 
event,  as  the  ripening  of  fruit  or  the  falling  of  rain,  although 


there  is  much  difference  of  opinion  among  authorities  as  to  the 
names  and  position  of  the  months,  Titttl,  the  first  month,  for 


•rfrpoi 


102 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


instance,  means,  according  to  one  of  the  chroniclers,  ‘mother 
of  the  gods,’  and  according  to  another,  it  means  ‘fire.’  Ylz- 
calli,  the  one  next  to  it  on  the  diagram,  has  been  variously 
translated  as  ‘skill,’  ‘regeneration,’  and  ‘the  sprouting  of 
grass.’ 

As  to  the  names  of  the  days  and  the  order  in  which  they 
follow  one  another,  there  is  no  difference  of  opinion,  but  it  is 
extremely  difficult,  and  in  some  cases  impossible,  to  reconcile 
one  with  another  the  hyeroglyphic  signs  which  represent 


The  Calendar  Stone. 


them.  Cipactli,  for  instance,  a word  tho  correct  meaning  of 
which  cannot  be  ascertained,  is  variously  represented  as  an 
animal’s  head  with  open  mouth,  as  a fish  with  flint  knives  in 


LANGUAGE  AND  HIEROGLYPHICS. 


103 

the  back,  as  a lizard  with  a very  long  tail,  and  in  other  mon- 
strous forms. 

In  a photograph  of  a calendar  stone,  of  which  the  following 
is  a copy,  four  angular  spaces  project,  as  will  be  seen,  from 
the  circle  of  days,  dividing  the  stone  into  quarters,  each  ot 
which  has  ten  visible  squares,  and  the  spaces  cover  twelve 
more,  making  fifty-two  in  all.  In  each  square  are  five  oblong 
marks,  which  multiplied  by  52  give  260,  or  the  first  period 
of  the  Mexican  ritual  year.  The  figures  and  hieroglyphics 
around  the  outer  edge  have  never  yet  been  deciphered,  or  if 
so,  the  various  interpretations  given  by  different  writers  are  so 
contradictory  that  they  are  of  little  value. 


Sculptured  Front  of  Building  at  Karah,  Yucatan. 


104 


HIS  TOP  Y OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XL 
WAR  AND  WEAPONS. 

As  might  he  expected  among  an  ambitious  and  warlike 
people,  the  military  profession  ranked  among  the  Nahuas 
above  all  others,  save  that  of  the  priests.  To  children  were 
related  by  priest  and  parent  the  chivalrous  deeds  of  their 
ancestors,  whose  daring  they  were  taught  to  imitate;  and  titles, 
rewards,  and  posts  of  honor  awaited  him  who  proved  himself  a 
soldier.  The  king  might  not  receive  his  crown  until,  with  his 
own  hands,  he  had  secured  captives  to  be  offered  at  the  feast 
of  his  coronation;  the  priests  ranked  foremost  among  their 
deities  the  god  of  battles;  and  war,  whatever  its  pretext,  was 
always  regarded  as  a religious  crusade.  For  the  victor,  the 
highest  of  earthly  rewards  were  in  store,  and  the  soul  of  him 
who  fell  in  combat  took  instant  flight  to  heaven.  Cowardice 
only  and  defeat  were  to  be  dreaded. 

The  Nahua  warrior  served  without  pay,  and  was  rewarded 
only  with  promotion;  but  promotion  surely  followed  brilliant 
exploits,  though  performed  by  the  lowest  soldier,  while  apart 
from  such  deeds,  he  of  noble  birth  could  not  hope  for  advance- 
ment. Special  care  was  given,  however,  to  the  sons  of  lords 
destined  for  the  profession  of  arms.  At  an  early  age  their 
heads  were  shaved,  except  for  a tuft  at  the  back,  and  at  fifteen 
the  youth  was  sent  to  the  field  of  battle  in  charge  of  veteran 
warriors.  If,  with  their  aid,  he  should  capture  a prisoner,  the 
tuft  was  removed,  and  in  its  place,  one  was  presented  to  him, 
adorned  with  plumes,  to  be  worn  over  the  ear.  On  his  return 
he  was  thus  addressed  by  his  uncles  or  grandparents:  “My 
child,  the  sun  and  the  earth  have  washed  and  renewed  thy 
face,  because  thou  didst  dare  to  attempt  the  capture  of  an 
enemy  in  company  with  others  Lo,  now  it  were  better  to 
abandon  thee  to  the  mercies  of  the  enemy  than  that  thou 


WAR  AND  WEAPONS. 


105 


shouldst  again  take  a prisoner  with  the  aid  of  others,  because, 
should  it  so  happen,  they  will  place  another  tuft  over  thine  other 
ear  and  thou  wilt  appear  like  a girl;  truly,  it  were  better  thou 
shouldst  die  than  this  should  happen  to  thee.”  If,  after  a fair 
trial,  the  youth  failed  to  take  a captive,  he  was  disgraced,  and 
ceased  to  he  a warrior  in  the  eyes  of  his  comrades;  but  if,  un- 
aided, he  was  successful,  he  was  led  before  the  king,  whose 
stewards  presented  him  with  mantles  and  maxtlis  of  the  col- 
ors and  designs  to  which  his  deeds  entitled  him. 

Three  military  orders  were  established  by  the  Aztecs,  the 
members  of  which  were  called  princes,  eagles,  and  tigers.  To 
the  first  of  these  belonged  Montezuma  II.,  who,  when  he  took 
the  field,  wore  greaves  and  bracelets  of  gold.  Around  his  neck 
was  a golden  collar,  and  chains  of  gold  and  precious  stones; 
from  his  ears  and  lower  lip  depended  ornaments  of  gold, 
set  with  emeralds,  and  from  head  to  waist  was  suspended  the 
glittering  decoration  of  royalty,  wrought  of  costly  feathers  and 
jewels.  On  his  shield  was  displayed  in  feather-work  the  royal 
coat  of  arms,  and  in  his  hand  was  a large  shell,  on  which  he 
gave  the  signal  for  battle. 

The  armor  of  the  Nahua  knights,  though  of  little  avail 
against  the  fire-arms  and  swordsmanship  of  the  Spaniards, 
served  well  for  protection  against  Mexican  weapons.  Shields 
■were  usually  made  of  bamboo  cane,  bound  firmly  together, 
and  covered  with  hide.  They  were  ornamented  according  to 
the  rank  and  taste  of  the  bearer,  those  of  the  nobles  being 
plated  with  gold  and  with  a heavy  boss  in  the  centre.  On 
portions  of  the  coast  tortoise  shells,  inlaid  with  gold,  silver,  or 
copper,  were  used  as  shields.  The  body  armor  of  the  nobles 
consisted  of  a breast-piece  of  quilted  cotton,  one  or  two  inches 
in  thickness,  over  which  was  worn  a thick  coat  of  the  same 
material,  decorated  with  feathers.  This  covering  was  com- 
pletely arrow-proof,  and  was  afterward  adopted  by  the  Span- 
iards in  place  of  their  heavy  mail  of  steel.  Arm  and  leg 
guards  of  wood,  covered  with  leather  or  gold  plates,  and  hel- 
mets, shaped  and  painted  to  represent  the  head  of  a tiger. 


106 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


serpent,  or  monster,  completed  the  defensive  armor.  Over  a 
cuirass  of  gold  and  silver  plates  some  of  the  wealthier  lords 
wore  a garment  of  feathers,  which,  it  is  said,  would  ward  off 
the  stroke  of  an  arrow  or  javelin. 


Aztec  Knight. 


The  offensive  weapons  of  the  Aztecs  consisted  of  hows  and 
arrows,  slings,  clubs,  spears,  swords,  and  javelins,  and  in  their 
use  the  soldiers  were  thoroughly  skilled.  The  bow,  made  of 
tough,  elastic  wood,  was  about  five  feet  in  length,  and  for 
strings  they  used  the  sinews  of  animals  or  twisted  stags’  hair. 


WAR  AND  WEAPONS 


107 


The  arrow  was  of  light  cane,  with  a few  inches  of  oak  at  the 
end,  in  which  was  inserted  a fish  bone,  or  a point  of  obsidian. 
The  sling  was  made  of  braided  fibre,  broader  in  the  middle 
than  at  the  ends,  and  missiles  were  carried  in  a pouch  sus- 
pended from  the  waist.  The  club  tapered  from  the  handle 
toward  the  point,  and  was  filled  with  jagged  pieces  of  obsidian 
or  tempered  copper,  the  spears  being  pointed  with  the  same 


Mac  ax  a — Aboriginal  Aztec  Weapon. 


materials.  The  swords  were  of  tough  wood,  about  three  and  a 
half  feet  long,  and  with  a flat  blade,  to  both  sides  of  which 
were  fastened  transversely  sharpened  pieces  of  odsidian. 
Many  of  them  were  two-handed,  and  it  is  said  that,  with  this 
weapon,  a powerful  warrior  could,  at  one  blow,  cut  a man  in 
two  or  sever  a horse’s  head.  The  javelin,  like  the  arrow,  was 
made  of  bamboo,  the  point  being  hardened  in  the  fire  or  tipped 
with  copper,  bone,  or  obsidian.  Of  all  the  weapons  of  the 
Aztecs  these  were  the  most  dreaded  by  their  Spanish  conquer- 
ors. 

When  war  was  declared,  an  expedition,  if  an  important  one, 
was  composed  of  several  divisions,  each  of  8,000  men.  The 
priests  with  their  idols  set  forth  in  advance,  followed  at  an  in- 
terval of  one  day’s  march  by  the  choice  battalions  of  the  army; 
next  came  the  soldiers  of  Mexico;  after  them  the  Tezcucans, 
and  then  those  of  Tlacopan,  the  rear  being  closed  by  the  troops 
of  other  provinces,  and  all  the  divisions  being  separated  by  a 
day’s  march. 

The  battle  was  sometimes  fought  on  neutral  ground  between 
the  confines  of  two  territories,  a space  being  reserved  for  this 
purpose  and  left  uncultivated.  Before  the  action  commenced, 
the  high-priest  or  chieftain  addressed  the  soldiers,  reminding 
them  of  the  glory  to  be  gained  by  victory,  and  the  eternal  bliss 
m store  for  those  who  fell,  and  concluded  by  exhorting  them 
to  fight  valiantly.  and  put  their  trust  in  the  god  of  battles 


108 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


The  combat  was  opened  by  the  archers,  slingers,  and  javelin 
men,  who,  as  they  discharged  their  missiles,  gradually  drew 
nearer  to  the  foe,  until  they  came  to  close  quarters  and  could 
use  their  swords  and  spears.  All  movements,  whether  in  ad- 
vance or  in  retreat,  were  rapidly  executed,  and  sometimes  re- 
treat was  feigned  for  the  purpose  of  drawing  the  enemy  into  an 
ambuscade.  The  captains  and  commanders  of  divisions  used 
every  effort  to  keep  their  men  together,  and  especially  to  pro- 
tect the  standard,  for  if  that  was  captured  the  battle  was  con- 
sidered lost,  and  all  took  to  flight. 

The  principal  object  was  not  to  slay,  but  to  take  prisoners, 
and  when  an  enemy  refused  to  surrender,  he  was  wounded  in 
the  leg  in  order  to  prevent  his  escape.  Ransom  was  never  ac- 
cepted for  captives,  and  with  rare  exceptions  they  were  offered 
in  sacrifice  to  the  gods.  When,  however,  a renowned  captain 
or  noble  was  made  prisoner,  he  was  allowed  the  privilege  of 
fighting  for  his  liberty,  the  ground  selected  being  an  open  space 
pear  the  temple  of  the  war  god,  large  enough  to  contain  a vast 
multitude.  In  the  centre  was  a circular  mound,  about  eight 
feet  high,  with  steps  leading  to  the  top,  where  was  placed  a 
large  round  stone,  smooth  and  adorned  with  figures.  To  this 
stone,  called  temalacatl,  the  captive  was  fastened  by  the  ankle, 
his  weapons  being  a sword  and  shield.  His  capturer,  better 
armed  than  his  opponent,  then  mounted  the  stone  to  do  battle 
with  him.  Both  men  fought  desperately,  the  prisoner  for  his 
life  and  liberty,  and  his  adversary  to  sustain  his  reputation. 
If  the  former  was  vanquished,  he  was  at  once  led  to  the  sacri- 
fice, and  the  victor  was  rewarded  with  military  honors.  If, 
however,  he  overcame  his  adversary  and  six  other  combatants, 
with  whom  he  must  fight  in  succession,  he  was  allowed  liis 
liberty,  the  spoils  taken  from  him  were  restored,  and  he  re- 
turned to  his  people  covered  with  glory. 


ANTIQUITIES. 


109 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ANTIQUITIES. 

Tiie  ruins  discovered  in  the  northern  regions  of  Mexico  are 
of  a ruder  description  than  those  found  toward  the  south, 
belonging,  apparently,  to  communities  of  no  great  size  and 
strength,  and  built  mainly  for  defence.  In  the  sierras  of 


Ruixs  of  Quemada. 

north-western  Chihuahua  is  a celebrated  group  called  the 
Casas  Grandes,  the  walls  of  which  are  still  from  five  to  thirty 
feet  above  the  surrounding  debris,  and  in  some  parts,  five  feet 


ANTIQUITIES. 


Ill 


in  thickness.  The  remains  are  similar  in  character  and  de- 
sign to  those  found  in  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  the  materials 
used  being  adobe,  or  sun-dried  blocks  of  mud  and  gravel.  The 
largest  building  of  this  group  was  eight  hundred  feet  long  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  in  breadth.  It  was  of  rectangular 
shape,  and  built  in  successive  terraces,  the  highest,  which  was 
also  the  innermost,  probably  having  six  or  seven  stories,  for 
remnants  of  the  interior  walls,  fifty  feet  in  height,  are  still  in 
existence.  In  ruins  of  this  class,  there  are  no  indications  that 
they  were  used  for  religious  worship. 

The  most  remarkable  ruins  in  northern  Mexico  are  those 
found  at  Quemada  in  Zacatecas,  about  thirty  miles  south  of 
the  capital  of  that  state.  In  these  extensive  remains  are  found 
broad  stone  terraces  and  wide  causeways,  time-worn  pyramids, 
and  huge  columns,  seventeen  feet  in  circumference  and  eigh- 
teen feet  in  height.  Massive  walls  of  various  dimensions,  some 
of  them  twelve  feet  in  thickness,  rise  above  the  debris.  These 


Temple  Pyramid,  Cerro  de  las  Juntas 

monuments  tell  of  a powerful  people,  and  are  specially  inter- 
esting because  they  display  features  not  elsewhere  noted,  and 
bear  little  resemblance  to  those  discovered  farther  to  the  north 
and  south. 

At  Tollan,  the  modern  Tula,  and  the  ancient  capital  of  the 
Toltecs,  extensive  ruins  were  found  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish 
conquest,  and  in  later  years  many  interesting  relics  were  un- 
earthed, among  which  may  be  mentioned  a zodiac  and  a hier- 
oglyph now  in  the  lintel  over  the  principal  entrance  of  the  great 


li  2 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


Earthen  Vase,  Tula. 


church  at  Tula,  and  a beautiful  font  at  the  door  of  the  same 
building. 

The  valley  of  Mexico  is  rich  in  antiquities.  About  thirty 
miles  to  the  north  of  the  capital  are  the  ruins  of  Teotihuacan, 
or  the  City  of  the  Gods,  the  letter  A in  the  plan  showing  the 


Plan  of  Teotihuacan. 


ANTIQUITIES. 


113 


position  of  the  Pyramid  of  the  Moon;  B,  the  Pyramid  of  the 
Sun;  CD,  the  Road  of  the  Dead;  and  E,  the  Citadel;  the 
smaller  letters  and  numerals  marking  scattered  mounds 
and  miscellaneous  relics.  The  Pyramid  of  the  Moon  has  a 
base  measuring  42G  feet  from  north  to  south,  and  511  feet  from 
east  to  Avest,  its  height  being  137  feet.  The  Pyramid  of  the 
Sun  is  of  larger  dimensions,  having  a base  of  735  feet  from 
east  to  west,  with  a height  of  203  feet.  These  structures  are 
about  half  a mile  apart,  and  from  the  summit  of  the  latter 
the  surrounding  ruins  can  be  easily  traced;  the  plough  passes 
over  the  foundations  of  this  once  populous  city,  and  its  site  is 
covered  witli  fields  of  maize.  The  Road  of  the  Dead  is  marked 
by  two  parallel  lines  of  mounds,  forming  an  avenue  250  feet 
wide,  extending  from  the  Pyramid  of  the  Moon  to  a stream,  on 
the  south  side  of  Avhich  is  the  Citadel,  a quadrangular  enclosure 
984  feet  square. 

At  Tezcuco  many  interesting  traces  remain  of  aboriginal 


architecture.  Wherever  excavations  have  been  made,  frag- 
ments of  building  material  are  found,  and  in  the  house  walls 
of  the  modern  city  are  sculptured  blocks  of  stone,  used  in  the 
construction  of  edifices  many  centuries  ago.  But  the  finest 
ruins  in  this  part  of  Mexico  are  at  Xochicalco,  or  the  Ilill  of 
Flowers,  about  seventy-five  miles  south  of  the  capital.  In  this 
hill  subterranean  galleries  and  apartments  have  been  disco\r- 
ered,  and  on  its  summit  are  the  remains  of  a beautifully  sculp- 
tured pyramid,  built  of  large  blocks  of  granite  or  porphyry, 
8 


114  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

quarried  many  leagues  from  the  spot,  though  some  of  them 
are  eleven  feet  long  and  three  feet  in  height.  It  is  said  that 
this  structure  consisted  of  five  receding  stories,  all  of  which 


remained  as  late  as  1755;  but  the  wholesale  vandalism,  per- 
mitted within  recent  years,  has  done  its  work;  the  stones  being 
carried  away  by  the  proprietors  of  neighboring  sugar-works,  to 
be  used  in  the  construction  of  their  furnaces. 


In  the  state  of  Oajaca,  the  ancient  home  of  the  Zapotecs  and 
Mixtecs,  there  is  also  a rich  field  for  antiquarian  research.  In 
Huahuapan,  and  elsewhere  on  its  northern  border,  are  many 
interesting  relics,  and  at  the  junction  of  the  rivers  Quiotpec 


ANTIQUITIES. 


115 


and  Salado  stands  a hill,  a mile  in  length  and  over  a thou- 
sand feet  in  height,  the  sides  of  which,  where  not  precipitous, 
are  covered  with  ruins.  The  slopes  are  terraced  and  supported 
with  perpendicular  walls  of  stone,  upon  the  terraces  being  the 
foundations  of  small  buildings,  mounds  in  great  number,  and 
underground  tombs.  On  the  summit  are  the  remains  of  more 
stately  edifices,  probably  of  palaces  and  temples. 

On  the  western  side  of  the  city  of  Oajaca  are  the  extensive 
mounds  and  fortifications  of  Monte  Alban,  built  on  a plateau 
about  900  yards  long  and  300  yards  wide,  and  extending  along 


the  summit  of  a range  of  precipitous  hills.  Here  are  to  be 
seen  the  remains  of  spacious  courts,  mounds  traversed  by  gal- 
leries at  the  base,  and  enormous  masses  of  masonry,  the  rem- 
nants of  temples,  palaces,  and  forts.  These  are  considered  by 


116 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


more  than  one  authority  the  oldest  traces  of  native  civiliza- 
tion. But  the  most  celebrated  group  of  ruins  in  Oajaca,  and 
probably  the  finest  in  all  the  territory  of  the  Nahuas,  is  the 
one  at  Mitla,  the  former  abode  and  burial-place  of  the  Zapotec 
kings.  The  figures  1,  2,  3,  and  4 mark  the  structures  usually 
regarded  as  palaces,  5 and  7 are  pyramids,  and  6 shows  the 
site  of  the  village.  No  ruins  in  Mexico  are  more  elaborately 
ornamented  in  the  peculiar  mosaic  style  which  distinguishes 
them,  the  best  preserved  being  those  of  the  palace  marked 
No.  1,  of  which  I give  cuts  representing  the  ground-plan,  and 


facade,  together  with  an  illustration  of  the  mosaic  work  in  one 
of  the  apartments. 

Farther  toward  the  south,  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec  may 
be  considered  a dividing  line  between  the  Nahuas  and  the 
Mayas,  though  one  not  clearly  defined.  A short  distance 


ANTIQUITIES. 


117 


Ruins  of  Mitla. 


from  the  city  of  Tehuantepec  are  remains  of  fortifications  ex- 
tending over  a surface  more  than  four  leagues  in  length,  and 
one  and  a half  in  width.  Vestiges  of  dwellings  have  also  been 
found,  and  on  the  summit  of  a hill  are  two  remarkable  pyra- 


Mosaic  Work. 


118 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Facade  of  Palace  No.  1. 


Pyramid  near  Tehuantepec. 


ANTIQUITIES. 


119 


mids,  both  ascended  by  a main  staircase,  thirty  feet  wide,  and 
by  two  lateral  stairways.  In  the  one  shown  in  this  cut,  the 
curved  slope  of  the  lower  story  is  a feature  not  met  with  farther 
south,  and  seldom  even  among  the  ruins  of  northern  Mexico. 
In  the  neighborhood  of  Petapa,  some  fifty  miles  to  the  north, 
is  a labyrinth  of  caves,  artificially  enlarged,  where  the  remains 
of  princes  and  nobles  Avere  deposited,  and  at  the  port  of  Gua- 
tulco  traces  of  an  ancient  city  may  yet  be  observed. 

Of  the  ruins  found  in  the  valley  of  Anahuac,  apart  from 
those  which  have  been  mentioned,  a sufficient  idea  may  be 
formed  from  the  descriptions  already  given  of  its  palaces  and 
temples.  Passing  into  the  modern  state  of  Vera  Cruz,  the 
traveller  meets  with  unnumbered  traces  of  its  native  popula- 
tion. At  Papantl  Huatusco,  Tusapan,  and  elsewhere  are 


Pyramid  near  Patantla. 


tumuli,  or  mounds,  ruins  of  pyramids  and  edifices,  sculptured 
stones  of  enormous  size,  and  fragments  of  strong  defensive 
Avorks,  extending  almost  from  Panuco  to  the  isthmus  of 
Tehuantepec.  A small  triangular  portion  of  Vera  Cruz,  two 
sides  of  which  are  formed  bv  the  higliAvavs  from  the  capital  to 


120 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Jalapa  and  Orizaba,  is  literally  covered  with  aboriginal  re- 
mains, among  which  may  be  mentioned  a very  curious  pyra- 
mid in  the  neighborhood  of  Puente  Nacional.  The  whole  of 
this  region,  no  matter  how  poor  the  soil,  was  cultivated  by  its 
former  occupants,  the  slopes  being  formed  into  terraces  by 


Huatusco  Pyramid 


ANTIQUITIES. 


121 


Pyramid  at  Tdsapan. 


parallel  stone  walls,  which  follow  all  the  variations  of  the  sur- 
face, and  were  apparently  constructed  for  the  purpose  of  pre- 
venting the  earth  from  being  washed  away  by  heavy  rains. 


Statues  Found  at  Nohpat,  Yucatan. 


122 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CITIES,  DWELLINGS,  AND  TEMPLES. 

The  most  celebrated  of  the  Nahua  cities  was  Mexico  Tenoch- 
titlan,  the  word  ‘Mexico’  being  probably  derived  frun  Mexi, 
or  Mexitl,  another  name  for  the  god  of  war;  ‘Tenochtitlan,’ 
from  tenochtli,  the  fruit  of  the  nopal, — a species  of  cactus;  and 
tetl,  a stone  or  rack;  the  termination  an  being  an  affix  denot- 
ing place.  It  is  said  that  about  the  year  1325,  the  Aztecs, 
weary  of  their  unsettled  condition  and  hard  pressed  by  their 
foes,  sought  refuge  on  the  western  shore  of  the  lake  of  Mexico. 
Here,  as  tradition  relates,  on  an  island  among  the  marshes, 
they  found  a stone  on  which,  forty  years  before,  one  of  their 
priests  had  sacrificed  a captive  prince,  named  Copil.  From  a 
cleft  in  this  stone,  in  which  was  imbedded  a little  earth,  grew 
a nopal,  where  was  perched  an  eagle  holding  in  its  beak  a 
serpent.  Impelled  by  an  unseen  power,  a priest  dived  into  a 
pool  near  by,  and  there  beheld  Tlaloc,  the  god  of  waters,  who 
gave  to  the  people  permission  to  settle  on  the  adjacent  lands. 
Thus  was  founded  the  capital  of  Anahuac,  its  circumference 
being  estimated,  some  two  centuries  later,  at  four  leagues,  the 
number  of  houses  at  60,000,  and  the  number  of  inhabitants  at 
300,000.  Fifty  other  towns,  most  of  them  containing  more 
than  3,000  dwellings,  were  scattered  among  the  islands  and 
around  the  shores  of  the  lake,  over  the  shoal  waters  of  which 
glided  200, 000  canoes. 

In  the  capital  four  grand  avenues,  paved  with  a smooth, 
hard  crust  of  cement,  were  laid  out  at  right  angles,  following 
the  cardinal  points  of  the  compass,  and  were  broad  enough  for 
the  passage  of  ten  horsemen  riding  abreast.  On  account  of  its 
position  in  the  midst  of  a lake,  canals  were  used  as  thorough- 
fares for  traffic,  many  of  them  being  provided  with  basins  and 
locks  for  retaining  the  waters.  Bridges  so  constructed  that 


CITIES,  DWELLINGS,  AND  TEMPLES. 


123 


Mexico  in  the  Time  of  the  Montezumas 

Next  in  fame  and  rank  to  Mexico  Tenochtitlan  was  Tezcuco, 
which,  with  a circumference  of  three  or  four  leagues,  was 
divided  into  numerous  wards,  each  one  occupied  by  a distinct 
class  of  tradesmen,  and  crossed  by  a series  of  regular  and 
well-defined  streets,  lined  with  tasteful  buildings.  On  a triple 
terrace,  at  the  border  of  the  lake,  stood  an  ancient  palace,  and 
at  its  northern  edge  was  a magnificent  building,  containing 
300  apartments,  in  the  construction  of  which  200,000  men 
had  been  employed.  This  city  was  regarded  by  the  Nahuas 
as  the  home  of  refinement  and  elegance,  occupying  the  same 
position  in  Mexico  that  is  now  accorded  to  Paris  among 
European  nations. 


they  could  be  drawn  up  at  will,  whenever  it  was  desired  to 
cut  off  communication  between  the  various  quarters  of  the 
city,  connected  the  cross-streets  and  lanes. 


Unlnrfrcmi  mt  (^Jcuntiiffo 

tTrttra  ui  tfarlfs 

'J&urm hsx& 
2.E  ULiJjrxM* 


124 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


In  style  of  architecture  the  dwellings  of  the  Aztecs  displayed 
little  variety,  the  difference  between  one  house  and  another 
being  mainly  in  size  and  material.  Those  of  the  nobles  were 
usually  built  on  terraces,  though  where  the  land  was  swampy, 
as  in  Mexico,  they  rested  on  tiers  of  piles.  They  commonly 
included  a group  of  buildings,  in  the  form  of  a parallelogram, 


Palace  at  Uxmal,  Yucatan. 


constructed  of  stone  and  cement,  and  whitened  and  jiolished 
with  gypsum.  Each  residence  was  detached  from  the  one 
next  to  it  by  narrow  lanes,  and  enclosed  one  or  more  courts, 
which  covered  a large  portion  of  the  space.  Most  of  them  had 
but  one  story,  and  it  is  nowhere  related  that  any  of  the  palaces 


CITIES,  DWELLINGS,  AND  TEMPLES. 


125 


or  private  houses  exceeded  two  stories.  The  courts,  which 
were  paved  with  polished  and  checkered  marble,  often  con- 
tained a beautiful  fountain,  and  sometimes  a flower-garden, 


Carving  on  Gate,  Mitla. 


was  surrounded  by  numerous  porticos  decorated  with  jasper, 
porphyry,  and  alabaster  ornaments.  In  front  were  two  large 
halls  and  several  reception-rooms,  and  in  the  rear  were  the 
bed-chambers,  bath-rooms,  'kitchen,  and  storerooms.  The 
stairway  leading  to  the  second  story  or  to  the  roof  was  fre- 


Trace  of  Original  Structure  in  Wood,  Uxmal. 


quently  on  the  outside,  and  by  its  grand  proportions  and 
graceful  form  contributed  not  a little  to  the  beauty  of  the  edi- 
fice. The  roof  was  made  of  beams,  covered  with  clay  or 
cement,  surrounded  by  a battlemented  parapet,  and  sloping  a 
little  toward  the  back.  Here  the  members  of  the  household 
assembled  in  the  cool  of  the  evening  to  enjoy  the  fresh  air  and 
the  surrounding  prospect. 


126 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


In  the  interior  the  floors  were  covered  with  a hard,  smooth 
cement,  on  which  was  laid  a coating  of  ochre  or  gypsum,  and 
the  walls  were  hung  with  cotton  or  feather  tapestry,  embel- 
lished with  gold  and  silver.  The  furniture  was  scanty,  con- 
sisting principally  of  mats  and  cushions  of  fur  or  palm-leaves, 


Palace  of  Palknque,  Chiapas. 


and  a few  small  tables  and  stools.  For  beds  mats  were  used, 
piled  one  upon  another,  and  for  pillows  cotton  or  palm-leaf 
cushions.  Sometimes  there  were  also  coverlets  and  canopies 
of  cotton  or  feather- work ; and  through  the  chambers  of  the 
rich,  smouldering  incense  diffused  its  perfume.  rl  he  winter 
apartments  were  provided  with  hearths  and  fire-screens  and 
lighted  with  torches.  There  were  no  doors,  properly  so  called, 
in  any  of  the  dwellings,  a bamboo  or  wicker-work  screen 


CITIES,  DWELLINGS,  AND  TEMPLES. 


127 


being  suspended  across  the  entrance,  and  secured  at  night 
with  a bar  when  privacy  was  desired. 

The  houses  of  the  poorer  classes  were  built  of  adobe,  wood, 
or  reeds  mixed  with  mud,  all  of  them  plastered  and  polished, 


Front  of  Building  at  Sanacte,  Yucatan. 

and  in  Mexico,  resting  on  foundations  of  rock  in  order  to 
exclude  the  damp.  They  were  usually  of  an  oblong  shape, 
were  divided  into  several  apartments,  and  some  had  a gallery 
in  front.  Though  terraced  roofs  were  not  uncommon,  most 
of  the  humbler  dwellings  were  thatched  with  long,  thick  grass, 
or  with  maguey  leaves,  and  in  place  of  a central  court,  there 
was,  where  space  permitted,  a vegetable  or  flower  garden. 

When  the  Aztecs  halted,  after  their  wearisome  migrations, 
on  the  site  of  Mexico,  their  first  care  was  to  erect  an  abode  for 


128 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


their  favorite  idol,  the  god  of  war.  The  spot  selected  for  this 
structure  — which  at  first  consisted  of  a mere  hut — was  around 
the  stone  whence  grew  the  nopal,  and  where  was  perched  the 
eagle.  Soon  afterward,  a building  more  worthy  of  the  god  was 
erected,  and  later  was  constructed  the  edifice  from  the  summit 
of  which  Cortes  looked  down  upon  the  scene  of  his  conquest. 
The  last  of  these  temples  was  completed  in  two  years,  though 
the  labor  bestowed  on  it  was  immense,  the  material  being 
brought  from  a distance  of  three  or  four  leagues,  and  that  at  a 
time  when  beasts  of  burden  were  unknown  to  the  Aztecs. 

The  building  stood  in  a great  square,  forming  the  cen- 
tre of  the  town,  and  from  which  radiated  the  four  principal 
thoroughfares.  The  court-yard  was  enclosed  by  a square  wall 
of  stone  and  lime,  plastered  and  polished,  about  4,800  feet  in 
circumference,  from  eight  to  nine  feet  in  height,  and  of  great 
thickness,  the  sides  facing  the  cardinal  points  of  the  compass. 
In  the  centre  stood  the  great  temple,  which  in  shape  formed 
the  lower  section  of  a truncated  pyramid,  being  about  375  feet 
long  and  300  feet  broad  at  the  base,  and  rising  in  perpendicu- 
lar terraces  to  a height  of  86  feet.  Flights  of  steps  led  from 
terrace  to  terrace,  so  arranged  that  the  priests  were  compelled 
to  walk  completely  round  the  edifice  in  order  to  gain  each 
succeeding  stairway.  The  structure  was  of  earth,  stones,  and 
clay,  covered  with  square  blocks  of  tetzontli,  a porous  stone,  all 
of  equal  size,  hewn  smooth,  joined  with  a fine  cement,  and 
covered  with  a polished  coating  of  lime  or  gypsum,  so  that  few 
marks  were  visible  on  the  surface. 

On  the  lower  story  were  two  sanctuaries,  one  of  them  dedi- 
cated to  the  god  of  war  and  the  other  to  Tezcatlipoca,  or  the 
Shining  Mirror.  The  gigantic  images  of  these  idols  rested 
upon  altars  of  stone,  three  or  four  feet  in  height,  and  were 
shielded  from  the  gaze  of  the  multitude  by  curtains  adorned 
with  tassels  and  hollow  golden  pellets,  which  tinkled  like  bells 
when  the  draperies  moved.  Before  the  altar  of  the  war-god 
stood  the  terrible  stone  of  sacrifice,  a block  of  jasper  about  five 
feet  in  length  and  rising  in  a ridge  at  the  top,  so  as  to  bend 


CITIES,  DWELLINGS,  AND  TEMPLES. 


129 


upward  the  body  of  the  victim,  and  thus  allow  the  heart  to  he 
more  easily  extracted.  The  upper  stories  were  used  as  recep- 
tacles for  the  ashes  of  deceased  monarchs  and  nobles,  and  for 
the  instruments  connected  with  the  service  of  the  temples.  In 
front  of  each  chapel  was  a stone  hearth,  upon  which,  as  on 
the  shrine  of  Vesta  at  Rome,  fires  were  ever  burning,  and  great 
calamity  was  apprehended  if  they  should  ever  be  extinguished. 

From  the  temple  of  the  war-god  could  be  counted  within  the 
enclosure  more  than  seventy  smaller  edifices,  with  their  six 
hundred  braziers  of  stone,  where  bright  fires,  perpetually  burn- 
ing in  honor  of  the  gods,  turned  the  night  into  day.  Of  these 
about  forty  were  temples,  each  with  its  idols  scattered  round 
the  court  and  facing  the  great  pyramid,  as  though  in  adora- 
tion. The  largest  was  that  of  Tlaloc,  which  was  ascended  by 
fifty  steps,  and  the  most  singular  in  form  was  the  one  dedi- 
cated to  Quetzalcoatl,  which  was  surmounted  by  a dome, 
symbolic  of  the  god  of  air,  the  entrance  being  in  the  shape  of 
a snake’s  jaws  with  exposed  fangs.  Among  other  remarkable 
structures  were  the  House  of  Mirrors  and  the  House  of  Shells, 
to  the  latter  of  which  the  king  retired  at  certain  seasons  to  do 
penance.  A temple  dedicated  to  Venus  contained  a large  col- 
umn painted  or  sculptured  with  the  image  of  that  planet;  and 
in  a cage-like  building,  which  also  ranked  as  a temple,  were 
kept  the  idols  of  conquered  nations,  in  order  to  prevent  them 
from  aiding  their  worshippers  to  regain  their  liberty  The 
care  of  all  these  buildings  was  intrusted  to  an  army  of  priests, 
monks,  nuns,  school  children,  and  others,  mustering  in  all  from 
five  to  ten  thousand,  all  of  whom  slept  within  the  sacred  pre- 
cincts; but  though  teeming  with  life  at  all  hours  of  the  night 
and  day,  the  most  perfect  order  and  cleanliness  were  observed. 

Scattered  throughout  the  wards  of  the  capital,  there  were 
countless  other  temples  and  public  oratories,  attended  by  their 
special  priests  and  servants.  Those  in  other  towns  resem- 
bled very  closely,  though  on  a smaller  scale,  the  buildings 
that  have  already  been  described.  The  pyramid  at  Cholula. 
however,  far  exceeded  in  size  any  of  the  temples  of  Anahuae. 

9 


130 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


its  circumference  being  estimated  at  more  than  5,700  feet,  and 
its  height  at  177  feet.  Like  the  one  in  Mexico,  it  consisted  of 
four  rectangular  terraces,  facing  the  cardinal  points.  On  its 
summit  stood  a chapel  dedicated  to  Quetzalcoatl,  in  the  shape 
of  a half-sphere,  and  with  an  entrance  so  low  that  all  who 
passed  beneath  it  must  bend  in  humility. 

The  total  number  of  temples  in  Anahuac  has  been  estimated 
at  80,000,  and  in  the  city  of  Mexico  there  were  probably  about 
2,000.  The  revenues  needed  for  their  support  and  repair  were 
derived  from  lands  belonging  to  the  church,  from  taxes,  and 
from  voluntary  contributions, — the  last  being  of  all  kinds,  from 
a cake  or  feather  to  slaves  or  priceless  gems,  given  in  perform- 
ance of  a vow.  Quantities  of  food  were  also  brought  by  the 
children  attending  the  schools,  — which  were  entirely  in 
charge  of  the  priests,  — and  there  were  never  wanting  devout 
women  to  prepare  it.  If  the  revenues  were  more  than  were 
needed  for  expenses,  then  the  surplus  was  distributed  among 
the  poor  or  presented  to  charitable  institutions. 

Such  was  Anahuac,  and  such  her  people,  at  the  date  of  the 
Spanish  conquest.  Within  less  than  two  centuries,  the  domin- 
ion of  the  Aztecs  had  been  gradually  extended  from  the  spot 
where  they  had  sought  refuge  amid  the  marshes  of  Lake  Tez- 
cuco,  until  it  included  all  the  territory  in  the  modern  states  of 
Mexico,  Puebla,  and  San  Luis  Potosi,  together  with  portions 
of  Tamaulipas,  Queretaro,  Vera  Cruz,  Guerrero,  western 
Oajaca,  and  Chiapas.  South  of  Chiapas,  they  had  pushed 
forward  into  Guatemala,  and  perhaps  even  into  Nicaragua;  but 
in  neither  of  these  countries  had  they  obtained  any  permanent 
foothold.  During  the  reign  of  Montezuma  II.,  his  armies  had 
been  constantly  engaged  in  extending  the  limits  of  Aztec  do- 
minion and  in  quelling  insurrections.  New  provinces  had 
been  subjugated;  but  his  dominion  had,  as  a whole,  been  sen- 
sibly weakened,  for  each  conquered  province  created  additional 
enemies  to  the  conquerors,  who,  impatient  of  their  grievous 
yoke,  only  awaited  an  opportunity  for  revenge  and  for  regain- 
ing their  former  liberty.  It  was  this  inherent  weakness  that 


CITIES,  DWELLINGS,  AND  TEMPLES. 


131 


alone  rendered  possible  the  conquest  by  a mere  handful  of 
European  soldiers,  leagued  with  revolted  tribes,  of  the  warlike 
hosts  of  Montezuma;  for  now,  most  suddenly  and  unexpect- 
edly, the  empire  of  the  great  Nahua  monarch  was  to  be  brought 
face  to  face  with  the  empire  of  Charles  I.  of  Spain. 

Since  the  days  when,  as  tradition  tells  us,  Quetzalcoatl  had 
promised  to  return  from  his  mysterious  kingdom  in  “ the  land 
of  the  rising  sun,”  and  restore  to  the  people  of  Cholula  the 
golden  age,  many  cycles  had  elapsed.  Meanwhile,  the  Aztecs 
had  become  the  greatest  and  strongest  nation  of  the  New  World, 
as  were  the  Spaniards  of  the  old.  But  to  the  former  there  was 
no  Old  World.  With  an  empire  extending  from  the  Pacific 
Ocean  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  beyond  these  shores  they  could 
not  cast  their  gaze;  they  could  not  cast  their  thoughts,  save 
that,  from  an  unknown  realm  beyond  the  waters  toward  the 
east  would  come  the  beneficent  god,  the  god  of  the  air,  the 
sun,  and  the  rain. 

In  the  year  1518,  the  last  great  sacrifice  of  human  beings 
ever  slaughtered  in  honor  of  Mexican  idols  was  being  offered 
up  at  the  dedication  of  the  temple  of  Coatlan.  Almost  before 
the  groans  of  the  expiring  victims  had  died  away,  there  came 
to  the  ears  of  the  Aztec  sovereign  the  startling  tidings  that 
bearded  white  men,  strangely  clad  and  armored,  had  landed 
on  the  coast  of  his  own  empire.  They  had  come  from  the  east 
in  large  canoes,  borne  over  the  waters  with  broad  white  wings, 
and  the  deafening  roar  and  destructive  force  of  their  weapons 
closely  resembled  the  thunder-laden  clouds  of  air.  Surely 
these  strangers  could  be  no  other  than  Quetzalcoatl  and  his 
descendants,  whose  advent  many  generations  had  awaited  in 
vain. 

Long  and  anxiously  the  confederate  kings  of  Anahuac  de- 
bated in  council  on  the  mysterious  visitation;  but  at  length 
all  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  leader  of  this  mighty  expedi- 
tion had  come  back  from  his  kingdom  beyond  the  seas  to  restore 
to  them  the  blessings  of  the  golden  age.  Filled  with  dread, 
and  sorely  smitten  in  conscience,  Montezuma  was  prepared  at 


132 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


once  to  surrender  his  dominion,  and  sending  five  of  his  chief 
nobles,  with  costly  presents  for  the  supposed  deity,  tendered 
his  homage  and  congratulated  him  on  his  safe  return.  He 
was  soon  to  learn  that  the  purpose  of  these  strangers’  visit  was 
by  no  means  to  restore  to  his  people  the  blessings  of  the  golden 
age. 

Montezuma  II.  was  in  his  thirty-fourth  year  when  he  was 
elected  monarch  in  preference  to  his  elder  brother.  The  rea- 
sons for  his  appointment  were  his  soldierly  qualities,  which 
had  been  tested  on  many  a field  of  battle,  while  as  a states- 
man his  words,  uttered  in  clear,  dignified  tones,  had  been 
heard  in  council  with  respect,  and  as  high-priest  his  gravity 
and  circumspection  had  won  favor  among  the  community. 
His  figure  and  presence  befitted  a monarch;  he  was  well 
versed  in  the  lore  of  the  Aztecs,  and  on  occasion  preserved 
the  taciturnity  which  often  passes  for  wisdom.  But  though 
learned  and  talented,  he  was  crafty  and  unscrupulous.  He 
had  promised  to  retain  in  office  the  merchants  appointed  by 
his  predecessor  to  high  position  in  the  realm;  but  no  sooner 
had  he  grasped  the  sceptre  than  he  threw  off  the  mask  and 
dismissed  every  member  of  that  calling,  filling  the  vacancies 
from  the  ranks  of  the  nobles.  In  war  and  diplomacy  he  was 
very  successful,  and  raised  himself  to  the  highest  pinnacle  of 
greatness  ever  attained  by  a Nahua  monarch,  being  styled  by 
his  subjects  the  Emperor  of  the  World.  Notwithstanding 
his  abilities  and  accomplishments,  he  was  extremely  supersti- 
tious, trusting  less  to  common  sense  than  to  diviners  and 
astrologers.  Men,  whom  he  knew,  he  feared  not;  but  the  gods, 
whom  he  did  not  know,  lie  feared  exceedingly,  llis  extrava- 
gance exceeded  all  bounds;  his  incessant  wars  were  expensive, 
and  to  meet  this  outlay,  excessive  taxation  was  necessary,  the 
weight  of  the  burden  falling  on  recently  conquered  provinces, 
which  were  also  required  to  furnish  most  of  the  human  victims 
for  sacrifice.  Though  a great  man,  he  was  not  a good  man; 
and  while  by  no  means  wanting  in  physical  courage,  he 
lacked  the  higher  quality  which  is  termed  moral  courage. 


PART  II.  — THE  SPANISH  CONQUEST. 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

OUTLINE  OF  SPANISH  HISTORY. 

Before  relating  the  story  of  the  Spanish  conquest,  it  may 
he  well  to  refer  briefly  to  the  history  of  Spain,  and  to  the  posi- 
tion which  she  occupied  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  at  the 
opening  of  the  sixteenth  century. 

Far  back  as  tradition  relates,  the  Spaniards,  or,  as  they 
were  then  termed,  Iberians,  followed  their  rude  vocations  of 
hunting,  fishing,  and  fighting,  guarded  on  the  north  by  the 
Pyrenees  Mountains  and  on  other  sides  by  the  sea.  Then, 
in  an  epoch  the  dates  of  which  cannot  be  determined,  the 
Celts  invaded  Spain,  and  the  race  formed  by  the  union  of 
Celt  and  Iberian  first  became  known  to  the  civilized  world 
under  the  name  of  Celtiberian.  After  them  came  the  Phoeni- 
cians, who  established  a colony  on  the  site  of  the  modern 
Cadiz,  and  the  Carthaginians,  who  founded  Nova  Cartago, 
now  Carthagena,  the  power  of  the  latter  being  broken  by  the 
Romans  toward  the  end  of  the  third  century  before  the 
Christian  era,  though  the  traces  which  they  have  left  arc 
still  to  be  found  in  the  population  and  language  of  Spain. 
After  driving  out  the  Carthaginians,  the  Romans  fought  the 
Celtiberians  long  and  fiercely;  but  the  latter  being  finally 
subjugated,  nearly  all  their  territory  was  divided  into  Roman 
provinces,  and  among  them  was  established  the  language  and 
institutions  of  their  conquerors.  Hence,  the  Spanish  tongue, 
as  spoken  to-day,  like  that  of  Italy,  France,  and  other  coun- 
tries formerly  subject  to  Rome,  is  mainly  of  Latin  derivation. 

The  fifth  century  of  the  Christian  era  opens  with  the  disso- 


134 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


lution  of  the  empire  of  the  Romans,  for  the  barbarians  were 
now  upon  them.  Over  the  Pyrenees  swept,  like  a deluge,  the 
Vandals,  the  Suevi,  and  other  barbarous  tribes  from  northern 
and  central  Europe.  Blighted  by  this  terrible  disaster,  civili- 
zation drooped,  and  the  arts  and  sciences  introduced  by  the 
Romans  fell  into  disuse.  The  churlish  invaders  would  have 
none  of  them,  and  the  culture  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome  fled 
from  the  inhospitable  west  and  took  refuge  in  Constantinople, 
the  capital  of  the  eastern  empire,  which  thenceforth  harbored 
the  wrecks  of  classic  learning.  In  their  distress,  the  people  of 
Hispania,  as  it  was  termed  in  the  Latin  tongue,  now  called  to 
their  aid  the  Visigoths,  who,  between  the  years  455  and  584, 
conquered  the  Suevi  and  the  remants  of  the  Roman  legions. 

After  some  two  centuries  of  strife  between  the  kings  and 
nobles  of  Spain,  the  Saracens,  landing  in  the  year  711,  at  the 
invitation  of  Count  Julian,  commander  of  Andalusia,  routed 
the  Visigoths,  and  in  five  short  years  became  masters  of  the 
entire  territory  except  the  mountainous  region  toward  the 
north-west.  Later  the  conquerors  made  their  headquarters  at 
Cordova,  where  in  755  a caliphate  was  established,  those  who 
held  that  office  being  the  acknowledged  successors  of  Mahomet. 
The  fairest  portions  of  the  peninsula  now  formed  one  of  the 
four  great  divisions  of  the  prophet’s  dominions,  and  Moorish 
kings  reigned  in  Cordova  until  1238,  while  in  Granada  they 
held  6way  until  1492. 

Meanwhile  the  Spaniards,  under  one  of  their  national 
heroes,  named  Pelayo,  had  taken  refuge  in  the  mountains  of 
Asturias,  where  in  716  they  founded  a small’  kingdom  which 
they  named  Oviedo.  Here  the  seeds  of  liberty  took  root,  and 
from  this  band  of  patriots  sprang  a nation  that  spread  its 
branches  far  and  wide  over  the  land.  Gradually  the  domain 
of  the  Christians  was  enlarged.  First  Galicia,  and  200  years 
later  Leon  and  Castile,  were  added  to  their  empire.  Toward 
the  close  of  the  tenth  century,  the  two  hitter  kingdoms,  together 
with  that  of  Navarre,  included  the  northern  portion  of  Spain, 
while  the  remainder  still  belonged  to  the  caliphate  of  Cordova, 


OUTLINE  OF  SPANISH  HISTORY. 


135 


And  now  from  the  mountain  fastnesses,  whither  they  had 
(led,  the  sturdy  hosts  of  the  Christians  pressed  heavily  on  the 
foe.  Step  hy  step  they  fought  their  way  from  the  Pyrenees 
toward  Granada,  until,  at  the  opening  of  the  eleventh  century, 
we  find  them  occupying  about  one  half  of  the  peninsula,  their 
territory  being  divided  into  the  kingdoms  of  Leon,  Castile, 
Aragon,  Navarre,  and  Portugal.  Leon  was  but  another  name 
for  Oviedo  or  Asturias,  the  birthplace  of  Spanish  national- 
ity; while  Castile,  so  called  from  the  Castillos  or  forts  built 
therein,  though  destined  eventually  to  absorb  all  the  rest, 
was  originally  a republic,  consisting  of  a few  small  fortified 
towns  united  for  mutual  protection. 

Finally,  the  four  kingdoms  of  the  north,  united  with  Portu- 
gal, formed  a league  against  the  infidels,  and  in  a great  battle 
fought  near  Tolosa  in  1212,  the  Mahometan  power  in  Spain 
was  effectually  broken.  In  this  decisive  engagement  the 
Christian  confederates  were  commanded  by  Alfonso  III.  of 
Castile,  who  never  rested  until  the  followers  of  the  prophet 
were  driven  from  the  central  plateau  of  Spain. 

A succession  of  brilliant  events,  culminating  in  the  empire 
of  Charles  V.,  had,  at  the  opening  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
exalted  Spain  to  the  foremost  rank  among  European  powers. 
The  marriage  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  which  in  1479 
united  the  crowns  of  Aragon  and  Castile;  the  conquest  of 
Granada  in  1492,  terminating  eight  centuries  of  almost  con- 
tinuous warfare;  the  discovery  of  America  during  the  same 
year;  the  annexation  of  Naples  in  1503  and  of  Navarre  in 
1512,  after  the  union  of  Spain  with  the  Netherlands;  — all  these 
important  events,  following  in  quick  succession,  formed  a train 
of  incidents  almost  without  a parallel  in  the  history  of  nations. 

During  the  reign  of  Philip  II.,  which  came  to  an  end  in 
1598,  the  empire  of  Spain  was  extended  to  every  quarter  of 
the  globe,  including  the  richest  portions  of  the  two  American 
continents,  which  alone  comprised  about  one  fifth  of  the  sur- 
face of  the  earth.  But  the  most  brilliant  achievements  of  the 
Spaniards  occurred  during  the  reign  of  Ferdinand  and  Isa- 


136 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


bella,  as  did  those  of  the  Germans  under  Charles  V.  and  of 
the  English  under  Elizabeth. 

To  those  who  are  not  familiar  with  the  annals  of  Spain  this 
brief  outline  of  Spanish  history  may  explain  how  it  came  to 
pass  that,  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  Mexico,  the  Spaniards, 
from  being  a semi-barbarous  people,  far  less  civilized  than 
were  the  Aztecs,  had  developed  into  a power  which  now  ranked 
foremost  among  the  nations  of  the  world. 


Serpent  Cop,  Santa  Catallna. 


EARLY  DISCOVERIES  AND  CONQUESTS. 


137 


CHAPTER  XV. 

EARLY  DISCOVERIES  AND  CONQUESTS. 

Until  the  year  145)2,  nothing  was  known  of  the  American 
continents  and  their  adjacent  islands.  To  the  obscure  allusions 
of  Aristotle,  Plato,  and  Seneca  to  a country  hidden  beyond  the 
western  ocean,  discovery  had  added  nothing  for  more  than 
2,000  years,  and  it  was  not  until  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth 
century  that  the  existence  even  of  the  Canary  Islands,  Madeira, 
and  the  Azores  was  known  to  the  world  That  there  were 
lands  west  of  the  Azores  was,  however,  suspected,  for  to  their 
western  shores  had  drifted  strange  plants  and  trunks  of  trees. 
This,  however,  was  merely  conjecture,  and  so  remained  until 


near  the  close  of  the  fifteenth  century.  Up  to  this  time  it  was 
the  general  belief  that  the  surface  of  the  earth  was  flat,  and 
that  between  Europe  and  Asia  there  lay  no  other  continent. 


138 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


In  1435  or  1436,  the  exact  date  being  uncertain,  was  born  in 
Genoa,  of  humble  parentage,  a boy  to  whom  his  father,  a wool- 
comber  by  occupation,  gave  the  name  of  Christopher  Colombo, 
or,  as  in  English,  Columbus.  Permitted  to  make  choice  of  his 
calling  when  fifteen  years  of  age,  he  selected  that  of  a sailor. 
He  was  a studious  youth,  and  mastering  all  the  sciences  that 
would  aid  him  in  his  profession,  became  in  early  manhood  a 
skilful  navigator. 

Arriving  at  Lisbon  in  the  year  1470,  after  suffering  ship- 
wreck during  a sea-fight  off  Cape  St.  Vincent,  he  married  the 
daughter  of  a captain  in  the  navy,  who,  having  served  under 
Prince  Henry  of  Spain,  was  appointed  governor  of  the  island  of 
Porto  Santo.  Here,  on  the  decease  of  his  father-in-law,  Colum- 
bus took  up  his  abode,  and  made  charts  for  a livelihood,  dis- 
coursing at  times  with  seamen  of  their  voyages,  and  of  the 
mysteries  of  the  western  ocean.  He  arrived  at  the  conclusion 
that  much  of  the  earth  was  still  undiscovered,  believed  it  to  be 
round,  and  gradually  conceived  the  design  of  reaching  the 
shores  of  Asia  by  sailing  westward,  little  dreaming  that  be- 
tween it  and  Europe  lay  two  vast  and  undiscovered  continents. 

At  this  period  the  world  was  filled  with  rumors,  which  now 
began  to  take  form  and  substance,  concerning  an  unknown  and 
mysterious  country  beyond  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  or  as  it  was 
then  called,  the  North  Sea.  Four  hundred  miles  west  of  Cape 
St.  Vincent,  a Portuguese  pilot  had  found  a piece  of  wood 
curiously  carved.  Near  Porto  Santo  his  brother-in-law  had 
picked  up  a waif,  composed  of  canes,  each  of  them  large  enough 
to  support  a vessel  containing  a gallon  of  wine,  and  had  heard 
of  two  men  being  washed  ashore,  “ very  broad  faced,  and 
differing  in  aspect  from  Christians.” 

After  many  disappointments,  some  of  those  to  whom  he 
applied  for  aid  regarding  Columbus  as  little  better  than  a 
lunatic,  Queen  Isabella,  soon  after  the  surrender  of  Granada, 
promised  to  advance  the  necessary  funds.  With  the  aid  of 
two  brothers,  named  Pinzon,  an  expedition  was  fitted  out,  and 
on  the  3d  of  August,  1492,  it  set  sail  from  the  port  of  Palos. 


EARLY  DISCOVERIES  AND  CONQUESTS. 


131) 


With  the  story  of  the  voyage  of  Columbus  all  the  world  is 
familiar:  how,  by  sailing  constantly  westward,  he  reached 
an  island  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  San  Salvador;  how 
he  afterward  established  a colony  at  Espanola,  which  on  his 
return  he  found  dispersed;  how,  toward  the  end  of  the  voyage, 
his  crew  mutinied,  believing  that,  instead  of  sailing  toward  a 
new  world,  they  were  sailing  toward  destruction;  how  at 


length  land  was  descried  when  hope  was  wellnigh  lost;  — all 
these  matters,  and  the  incidents  connected  therewith,  have 
been  a thousand  times  related.  Of  his  subsequent  voyages 
and  discoveries  merely  incidental  mention  is  required,  as  they 
have  little  bearing  on  the  subject-matter  of  this  book. 

During  the  first  quarter  of  a century  after  the  landing  of 


140 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Columbus  at  San  Salvador,  3,000  miles  of  the  mainland  coast 
was  examined  in  the  hope  of  finding  a western  passage  to 
Asia.  At  the  close'  of  this  period,  in  1517,  the  first  Spanish 


Mai*  by  Johann  Ruysch,  1508. 


vessel  that  had  ever  visited  the  shores  of  Mexico  cast  anchor 
off  the  coral  reefs  of  Yucatan.  Though  Columbus  had  heard 
of  this  country  in  1502,  and  Pinzon  had  sighted  its  coast  in 
1506,  for  reasons  that  need  not  be  explained,  neither  of  these 
navigators  had  sailed  toward  this  portion  of  the  New  World. 

The  island  of  Cuba,  or  Juana,  as  it  was  first  named,  where 
Columbus  had  touched  during  his  first  voyage,  was  colonized 
in  1511,  and  a few  years  later  its  governor,  Diego  Velazquez, 
aided  in  fitting  out  expeditions  for  exploration  and  conquest 
in  other  directions.  Meanwhile,  the  Pacific  Ocean  had  been 
discovered  by  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  and  Spanish  settle- 
ments had  been  formed  on  several  of  the  islands  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  on  the  mainland  from  Panama  northward  to  Hon- 
duras. 

The  first  expedition  fitted  out  in  Cuba  was  placed  in  charge 


EARLY  DISCOVERIES  AND  CONQUESTS. 


141 


of  Francisco  Hernandez  de  Cordoba,  and  consisted  of  110 
soldiers,  in  three  small  vessels,  in  charge  of  the  pilot  Antonio 
de  Alaininos.  “ Down  from  Cuba  Island,  in  this  sea  of  the 
west,”  said  the  latter,  “my  heart  tells  me  there  must  be  rich 
lands;  because  when  I sailed  as  a boy  with  the  old  admiral,  I 
remember  he  inclined  that  way.” 

Sailing  toward  the  north,  and  touching  on  their  way  at  an 


island  where  were  found  people  dressed  in  white  and  colored 
cotton,  and  wearing  ornaments  of  gold,  silver,  and  feathers,  on 
the  3d  of  March,  1517,  they  again  sighted  land.  While  look- 
ing for  an  anchorage,  five  canoes  approached  the  commander’s 
vessel,  and  thirty  men  stepped  fearlessly  on  board,  to  whom 
the  Spaniards  gave  presents  of  bread  and  bacon,  and  to  each 
a necklace  of  glass  beads.  After  closely  scrutinizing  the  ship, 
the  natives  put  off  to  shore;  but  early  on  the  following  day 
the  cacique,  or  chieftain,  appeared  with  twelve  canoes  and  a 
large  number  of  followers.  Making  signs  of  frienship,  he  cried 
out,  “ Conex  cotoch!”  that  is  to  say,  “Come  to  our  houses;” 


142 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


whence  the  place  was  called  Punta  de  Catoche,  or  Point 
Catoche,  which  name  it  bears  to  this  day. 

Thus  invited,  Cordoba,  with  several  of  his  officers  and 
twenty-five  soldiers  armed  with  cross-bows  and  firelocks,  ac- 


Map  prom  Ptolemy,  1513. 

companied  the  natives  to  shore,  when  the  cacique,  conducting 
them  as  he  pretended  toward  his  palace,  led  them  into  an 
ambush.  The  natives  fought  with  flint-edged,  wooden  swords, 
lances,  bows,  and  slings,  and  were  protected  by  shields  and 
thick  coats  of  quilted  cotton.  They  charged  the  Spaniards 
bravely,  with  shouts  and  noise  of  instruments,  and  several  of 
the  latter  were  wounded,  two  of  them  fatally.  At  length,  how- 
ever, they  were  forced  to  give  way  before  the  fire-arms  and  steel 


EARLY  DISCOVERIES  AND  CONQUESTS. 


143 


weapons  of  the  enemy,  leaving  fifteen  of  their  number  dead, 
while  two  youths  were  captured,  and  after  being  baptized 
under  the  names  of  Julian  and  Melchor,  were  employed  by  the 
Spaniards  as  interpreters. 

Re-embarking  and  sailing  westward,  they  arrived  a fortnight 
later  at  the  town  of  Campeche.  Here,  while  they  gazed  in 
wonder  at  its  beautiful  edifices,  a priest  ran  forth  from  one  of 
the  temples  carrying  a bundle  of  reeds,  and  setting  fire  to  it, 
indicated  by  signs  that,  unless  they  departed  before  it  was 


Yucatan. 


consumed,  all  of  them  would  be  put  to  death.  Still  sore  with 
the  wounds  received  at  Catoche,  the  Spaniards  were  in  no 
mood  to  fight;  and  coasting  along  the  western  shore  of  Yuca- 
tan, they  anchored  off  a village,  now  called  Champoton,  in 
order  to  obtain  water  and  provisions. 

Here  occurred  a desperate  conflict  with  the  natives,  who  did 
not  shrink  from  fighting  hand  to  hand  with  the  foe.  Fifty- 
seven  of  the  Spaniards  were  killed  on  the  spot,  two  were  car- 
ried off  alive,  and  five  died  on  board  the  ships.  Those  whom 


144 


HISTORY  OF  THIS  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  natives  could  not  kill  they  followed  to  the  shore,  and  even 
into  the  sea,  laying  hold  of  their  boats  and  trying  to  drag  the 
fugitives  into  the  water.  After  suffering  many  hardships,  the 
survivors  finally  reached  Cuba,  where  a few  days  afterward 
Hernandez  de  Cordoba  died  of  his  wounds. 

(ireatly  interested  in  this  discovery,  notwithstanding  the 
disasters  which  attended  it,  Velazquez  closely  questioned  the 
captives  as  to  their  country,  its  gold,  its  buildings,  and  its 
native  plants.  When  there  was  shown  to  them  a root,  called 
in  Cuba  the  yucca,  they  assured  the  governor  that  they  were 
familiar  with  it,  but  that  their  own  name  for  it  was  tale.  From 
these  two  words,  according  to  Bernal  Diaz,  who  was  a member 
of  the  expedition,  and  some1  fifty  years  dater  wrrote  a history  of 
the  conquest  of  Mexico,  comes  the  name  Yucatan. 

After  holding  conference  with  the  captains  who  had  survived 
the  defeat  at  Champoton,  and  examining  the  articles  obtained 


from  the  natives,  and  the  gold  and  images  taken  from  one  of 
the  temples  at  Catoche,  the  governor  resolved  on  a new  ex- 
pedition. Four  caravels  were  fitted  out,  Alaminos  being  again 
appointed  chief  pilot,  and  as  commander,  a handsome  and 
chivalrous  young  Spaniard,  named  Juan  de  Grijalva,  nephew 
lo  Velazquez.  There  was  no  lack  of  volunteers,  of  whom  240 


EARLY  DISCOVERIES  AND  CONQUESTS. 


145 


at  once  came  forward,  among  them  being  several  who  after- 
ward became  famous.  Grijalva,  as  commodore  of  the  squadron, 
took  charge  of  one  of  the  vessels,  and  Pedro  de  Alvarado, 
Alonso  Davila,  and  Francisco  de  Montejo  were  chosen  captains 
of  the  others. 

Touching  at  the  Island  of  Cozumel,  the  expedition  rounded 
the  northern  coast  of  Yucatan  and  cast  anchor  off  Champoton, 
where  an  affray  occurred  in  which  the  natives  were  defeated, 
though  with  severe  loss  to  the  Spaniards.  Continuing  his 
voyage  along  the  coast,  in  June  1518,  Grijalva  entered  the 
mouth  of  a river  to  which  was  given  his  own  name,  though 
called  by  the  natives  Tabasco,  after  a cacique  of  their  tribe. 
Landing  close  to  a grove  of  palm-trees,  near  their  principal 
town,  the  invaders  were  met  by  6,000  Indians,  who  at  first 
showed  signs  of  hostility,  but  by  peaceful  overtures  were  in- 
duced to  furnish  supplies  of  food  in  exchange  for  beads  and 
trinkets.  During  an  interview  which  followed,  the  interpreters 
Melchor  and  Julian  being  present,  the  Spaniards  ascertained 
that  in  a country  toward  the  north-west,  called  Culhua,  that  is 
to  say,  Mexico,  there  was  gold  in  abundance.  This  was  prob- 
ably the  first  intimation  received  by  the  Spaniards  of  the 
existence  of  the  Nahua  domain. 

Returning  to  their  ships,  the  following  day  Grijalva  received 
a visit  from  the  cacique,  who  brought  presents  of  roasted 
fish,  fowl,  maize  bread,  fruit,  feather-work,  and  gold,  receiving 
in  return  a pair  of  red  shoes,  and  a coat  and  cap  of  crimson 
velvet. 

Voyaging  a few  leagues  farther  toward  the  west,  the  Span- 
iards sighted  the  snow-clad  mountains  of  New  Spain,  as  Mexico 
was  called  for  many  years  after  the  conquest.  A few  days  later 
they  came  to  a stream  which  they  named  the  Rio  de  Bande- 
ras, or  river  of  banners,  so  called  because  the  natives  appeared 
in  large  numbers,  carrying  white  flags  on  their  lances,  with 
which  they  beckoned  the  strangers  to  land.  Thereupon 
twenty  soldiers  were  sent  ashore  under  Montejo,  and  a favor- 
able reception  being  accorded  them,  they  were  followed  by  the 
10 


146 


HISTORY  OR  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


commander  in  person.  The  utmost  deference  was  paid  to  the 
guests;  for  Montezuma,  having  already  heard  of  the  strange 
visitors  on  his  eastern  seaboard,  had  ordered  them  to  he  hos- 
pitably entertained.  As  yet  he  probably  believed  them  to  be 
the  descendants  of  Quetzalcoatl,  who  had  returned  from  their 
mysterious  realm  beyond  the  sea  to  restore  to  Anahuac  the 
golden  age.  In  the  cool  shade  was  spread,  on  embroidered 
mats,  a tempting  repast,  while  fumes  of  burning  incense  con- 
secrated the  spot  and  made  redolent  the  air.  Learning  what 
the  Spaniards  loved  best,  the  governor  of  the  province,  named 
Pinotl,  who  acted  the  part  of  host,  sent  forth  messengers,  and 
gathered  for  his  visitors  gold  to  the  value  of  15,000  crowns. 

After  a stay  of  six  days  the  flotilla  set  sail,  and  touching  at 
several  points,  among  them  being  the  Tsla  de  Saerifieios,  or  isle 
of  sacrifices,  where  were  temples  containing  the  remains  of 
human  victims,  the  Spaniards  crossed  to  the  mainland,  and 
thence  to  an  adjacent  island.  Here  they  landed,  and  built 
huts  upon  the  sand.  Of  an  Indian,  baptized  Francisco,  Gri- 
jalva asked  the  significance  of  this  detestable  rite.  Because, 
he  replied,  the  people  of  Culhua,  or  Ulua,  as  he  pronounced 
the  word,  would  have  it  so.  Hence,  the  name  of  the  com- 
mander being  Juan,  and  the  feast  of  John  the  Baptist  being 
near  at  hand,  the  island  was  named  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 

Prompted  by  zeal  in  his  master’s  service,  Pinotl  had  pros- 
trated himself  before  the  Spanish  commander  and  his  cap- 
tains as  before  kings  or  gods,  the  beads  and  trinkets  given  in 
return  for  his  gold  being  esteemed  as  priceless  gifts  from 
supernatural  beings.  When  he  explained  as  best  he  could  the 
majesty  and  wealth  of  his  sovereign,  Grijalva  promised  to 
return  erelong  and  visit  the  great  city  of  the  Aztecs.  Bearing 
with  them,  as  they  had  been  instructed,  paintings  on  maguey 
paper  of  the  vessels,  sailors,  soldiers,  arms,  dress,  and  accou- 
trements of  the  Spaniards,  Pinotl  and  the  chief  men  of  the 
province  set  forth  to  report  these  events  to  the  emperor. 

Entering  the  imperial  presence,  they  fell  prostrate  to  the 
ground,  declaring  themselves  worthy  of  death  for  having 


EARLY  DISCOVERIES  AND  CONQUESTS. 


147 


ventured  unbidden  before  their  lord;  but  their  mission  permit- 
ted no  delay.  “For  oh!  most  dread  sovereign,”  they  ex- 
claimed, “we  have  seen  gods!  All  of  us  here  present  have 
seen  their  water-houses  on  our  shores.  We  have  talked  with 
them,  and  eaten  with  them,  and  have  handled  them  with  our 
hands;  we  have  given  them  gifts,  and  have  received  in  return 
these  priceless  treasures.”  Then  they  displayed  their  beads 
and  trinkets. 

Montezuma  sat  mutely  regarding  the  messengers,  concerned 
most  of  all  lest  vassals  should  witness  his  dismay.  A council 
was  summoned  and  after  sage  consultation,  it  was  decided 
that  the  commander  of  the  Spaniards  could  he  none  other 
than  the  fair-hued  god,  who,  according  to  his  promise,  had 
returned  to  resume  the  throne.  Resistance  was  therefore  use- 
less, and  it  remained  only  to  conciliate  him  with  gifts. 
The  chiefs  were  sent  hack,  with  orders  to  the  governors  of  the 
coast  districts  to  report  any  further  arrival  of  strangers,  or 
occurrence  of  strange  events.  Following  them  was  an  em- 
bassy hearing  rich  presents,  with  instructions  to  bid  the  god 
welcome  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  and  his  court.  Well  had 
it  been  if  Juan  de  Grijalva  had  received  these  presents,  and, 
returning  messages  of  peace  and  good-will,  had  paved  the  way, 
as  doubtless  he  would  have  attempted,  for  a bloodless  con- 
quest. But  the  embassy  arrived  too  late.  Grijalva  had  gone. 


148 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 

In  a village  named  Medellin,  in  the  Spanish  province  of 
Estremadura,  was  born  in  1485  the  hero  of  the  Spanish  con- 
quest of  Mexico,  by  name  Hernan  Cortes.  lie  was  a sickly 
child,  and  but  for  the  care  of  his  nurse  would  never  perhaps 
have  lived  to  set  foot  on  the  shores  of  the  New  "World.  In 
youth  he  was  headstrong,  self-willed,  courageous,  and  keenly 
sensitive  to  disgrace.  At  the  age  of  fourteen  his  parents 
selected  for  him  the  profession  of  the  law,  and  with  such 
preparation  as  the  slender  means  of  his  father  would  allow, 
he  was  sent  to  the  university  of  Salamanca,  which,  though 
past  the  zenith  of  its  fame,  was  still  considered  the  principal 
seat  of  learning  by  the  wealthier  classes  of  Spain.  But  Her- 
nan had  little  inclination  for  intellectual  toil,  or  in  truth  for 
toil  of  any  kind,  if  he  could  live  without  it,  and  after  two 
years  of  scholastic  restraint,  during  which  he  acquired  a 
smattering  of  Latin  and  rhetoric,  he  returned  to  his  native 
village,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of  his  parents. 

When  nineteen  years  of  age,  the  youth,  inspired  by  the 
marvellous  stories  of  adventurers  who  had  returned  with  gold 
and  fame  from  the  Indies,  set  sail  for  Espanola,  carrying  with 
him  little  else  than  his  father’s  blessing.  On  his  arrival  he 
was  courteously  received  by  the  governor’s  secretary,  who 
]>ointed  out  to  him  the  common  road  to  fortune.  “Register 
yourself  a citizen,”  he  said,  “promise  not  to  leave  the  island 
for  five  years,  and  you  shall  have  lands  and  Indians;  after 
the  expiration  of  your  time  you  may  go  where  you  choose.” 
“I  want  gold,  not  work,”  replied  Cortes;  “and  neither  in  this 
island  nor  in  any  other  place  will  I promise  to  remain  so 
long.”  He  changed  his  mind,  however,  and  a revolt  soon 
afterward  occurring  among  the  natives,  joined  an  expedition 

\ 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


149 


in  charge  of  Diego  Velazquez,  afterward  appointed  governor, 
and  by  his  courage  and  ability  won  the  esteem  of  his  com- 
rades. 

Proud  in  bearing,  high-spirited,  and  of  quick  percept  ion,  there 
were  in  his  character  many  noble  traits,  chief  among  them 
being  that  of  generosity.  By  men  of  the  present  day  he  is 
branded  with  cruelty,  hut  he  should  be  judged  rather  from  the 
standard  of  his  own  age;  and  compared  with  others  of  the 
New  World  conquerors,  he  appears  at  an  advantage.  His 
natural  tendencies  were  not  in  the  main  toward  evil,  and  his 
vices  were  more  those  of  his  time  and  station  than  inherent  in 
the  man.  Yet  he  lacked  the  moral  fibre  which  should  he 
interwoven  with  a generous  and  sensitive  nature,  and  this 
want  could  not  be  atoned  for  by  the  repetition  of  prayers,  and 
singing  of  psalms,  in  both  of  which  exercises,  if  we  can  be- 
lieve his  biographers,  he  was  remarkably  proficient. 

In  1518  we  find  Cortes,  after  many  adventures,  holding  the 
position  of  alcalde  or  magistrate  at  the  town  of  Santiago  de 
Cuba.  He  was  still  in  the  prime  of  manhood,  of  medium 
stature,  well  proportioned  and  muscular,  with  broad  shoulders, 
spare,  campact  frame,  and  powerful  limbs.  His  portraits 
display  regular  features,  tinged  somewhat  with  melancholy, 
an  expression  which  was  increased  by  the  grave  look  of  his 
dark  oval  eye.  A thin  brown  beard,  cut  close,  relieved  some- 
what the  natural  pallor  of  his  face,  and  served  to  cover  a deep 
scar  on  the  lower  lip,  caused  by  a duel  fought  in  his  younger 
days. 

Long  before  the  return  of  Grijalva,  who  was  delayed  by 
further  explorations,  the  news  of  his  discovery  was  reported  in 
Cuba.  The  first  vessel  to  arrive  was  that  of  Alvarado,  who, 
together  with  Davila  and  Montejo,  severely  criticised  the  con- 
duct of  his  commander,  accusing  him,  though  most  unfairly, 
of  cowardice  and  misconduct.  So  malignant  were  the  accusa- 
tions brought  against  this  deserving  officer,  that  Velazquez 
was  heard  to  mutter:  “Had  I lost  all,  it  would  have  been  a 
just  penalty  for  sending  such  a fool.”  Thus,  when  his  nephew 


150 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


reported  himself  to  Santiago,  he  was  told  to  go  his  way,  as  the 
governor  had  no  further  use  for  him. 

But  Alvarado  had  brought  hack  with  him  more  than  20,- 
000  crowns  in  treasure,  and  tidings  of  a land  where  the  Span- 
iards could  obtain  gold  to  their  hearts’  content.  The  people 
of  Cuba  were  soon  in  a whirl  of  excitement,  and  volunteers 
pressed  forward  by  the  hundred  to  join  a fresh  expedition,  now 
being  fitted  out  for  Mexico.  After  some  hesitation,  the  com- 
mand was  given  to  Cortes,  to  whom  were  delivered,  by  Velaz- 
quez and  the  friars  of  Espahola,  instructions  that  were  in 
amusing  contrast  with  the  sequel.  He  must  conduct  himself 
as  a Christian  soldier;  he  must  prohibit  blasphemy  among  the 
men,  and  on  no  account  molest  the  natives,  but  gently  inform 
them  of  the  glory  of  God  and  of  the  Catholic  king  Notwith- 
standing this  outward  show  of  piety,  neither  the  governor  nor 
the  priests  believed  that  these  instructions  would  in  the  least 
interfere  with  his  movements.  They  were  given  merely  for 
effect,  and  in  the  hope  of  shielding  Velazquez,  who  expected 
to  receive  the  lion’s  share  of  the  spoils,  from  the  anger  of  his 
sovereign. 

No  sooner  was  his  commission  sealed  than  Cortes  began  to 
prepare  for  the  expedition.  Quickly  expending  his  few  thou- 
sand crowns  of  ready  money,  he  mortgaged  his  estates,  and 
borrowed  to  the  uttermost  from  his  friends.  He  then  threw 
open  his  doors,  and  loading  his  table  with  choice  viands  and 
wines,  drew  to  his  side  nearly  all  the  available  men  in  the 
island.  There  were  many  who  sneered  at  his  assumption,  as 
he  appeared  in  gay  uniform,  with  plume  and  medal,  with 
martial  music  and  retinue,  exclaiming:  “ Here  is  a lord  with- 
out lands;”  hut  they  little  knew  the  firmness  and  self-reliance 
of  this  Castilian  adventurer,  who  having  once  assumed  the 
task,  would  lay  it  down  only  with  his  life. 

Before  the  departure  of  the  expedition  Velazquez  repented 
of  his  choice,  having  now  become  jealous  of  Cortes,  and 
suspicious  as  to  his  allegiance;  but  the  stronger  his  suspi- 
cions,, the  firmer  became  the  determination  of  the  latter  to 


THE  HERO  OF  THE  CONQUEST. 


151 


prosecute  an  adventure  in  which  he  had  risked  his  all. 
Warned  by  friends  of  his  danger,  he  hurried  forward  his 
preparations,  at  the  same  time  giving  orders  for  all  to  be  in 
readiness  to  embark  at  a moment’s  notice.  Finally,  the  hour 
having  arrived,  Cortes,  with  a few  trusty  adherents,  presented 
himself  before  the  governor,  and  politely  took  his  leave.  From 
the  governor’s  house  he  hastened  to  the  public  meat  deposi- 
tory, seized  and  added  to  his  stores  the  town’s  supply  for  the 
ensuing  week,  and  in  payment  gave  to  the  keeper  a gold 
chain,  all  that  he  had  in  the  world  apart  form  his  interest  in 
the  venture. 


Bronze  Bells  — Chrlsty  Collection. 


152 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

THE  EXPEDITION. 

On  a dull,  gray,  winter  morning,  the  18th  of  November, 
1518,  the  squadron,  composed  of  six  vessels,  sailed  out  of  the 
harbor  of  Santiago  amid  the  cheers  of  the  populace  and  the 
suppressed  anathemas  of  the  governor.  Before  reaching  the 
island  of  Cozumel  the  number  of  ships  had  been  increased  to 
twelve,  ineluding  the  flag-ship  of  100  tons,  three  others  of  sixty 
to  eighty  tons,  the  remainder  being  brigantines  and  open  craft. 


The  soldiers  numbered  508,  and  the  sailors  109,  including 
officers  and  pilots.  Under  Juan  Benitez  and  Pedro  de  Guz- 
man were  thirty-two  cross-bowmen,  and  thirteen  only  carried 
firelocks,  the  rest  being  armed  with  swords  and  spears.  The 
artillery  consisted  of  ten  bronze  guns  and  four  falconets,  200 
Cuban  Indians  being  pressed  into  service  as  carriers.  Sixteen 
of  the  Spaniards  were  mounted,  and,  as  we  shall  see  later, 
their  horses  played  an  important  part  in  the  approaching 
campaign.  The  supplies  included  5,000  tocinos,  or  pieces  of 
salt  pork,  and  6,000  loads  of  maize,  yucca,  vegetables,  poultry, 


THE  EXPEDITION. 


153 


groceries,  and  other  provisions.  For  barter  and  presents  there 
were  heads,  bells,  mirrors,  needles,  ribbons,  knives,  hatchets, 
cotton  goods,  and  many  other  articles. 

The  forces  were  divided  into  eleven  companies,  each  under 
a captain  having  control  on  sea  and  land.  Their  names  were 
Alonso  Hernandez  Puertoearrero,  Alonso  Davila,  Diego  de  Or- 
daz,  Francisco  de  Montejo,  Francisco  de  Morla,  Escobar,  Juan 
de  Escalante,  Juan  Velazquez  de  Leon,  Cristobal  de  Olid, 


Navio,  or  Ship. 


Pedro  de  Alvarado,  and  Cortes,  with  Alaminos  still  chief  pilot. 
The  priests  who  accompanied  the  expedition  were  Juan  Diaz 
and  Bartolome  de  Olmedo,  of  the  order  of  Mercy. 

Reviewing  his  troops  before  reaching  the  mainland,  Cortes 
addressed  them  in  words  of  fire.  Pointing  to  nations  un- 
baptized, he  awakened  their  religious  zeal;  dwelling  on  the 
grandeur  of  the  undertaking,  he  stimulated  their  ambition; 
referring  to  the  vast  wealth  which  these  unknown  lands  con- 
tained, he  stimulated  their  cupidity.  They  were  setting  out 
on  a career  of  conquest  in  the  name  of  their  God,  who  had 
always  befriended  the  Spaniards,  and  in  the  name  of  their 
emperor,  for  whom  they  would  achieve  more  heroic  deeds  than 


154 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


had  yet  been  accomplished.  Riches  lay  before  them;  but, 
like  good  and  brave  men,  they  must  look  with  him  to  the 
higher  and  nobler  reward  of  glory.  “Nevertheless,”  he  said, 
“ be  true  to  me,  as  I am  to  you,  and  erelong  I will  load  you 
with  wealth,  such  as  you  have  never  dreamed  of.” 

During  the  voyage  there  was  little  worthy  of  note,  except 
that  at  the  Rio  Tabasco  a skirmish  took  place  with  the 
natives,  in  which  the  losses  of  the  Spaniards  almost  equalled 
those  of  the  Indians.  On  Thursday,  in  passion  week  of  1519, 
the  squadron  lay  at  anchor  under  the  island  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulua. 

The  ships  had  been  watched  from  afar  with  eager  eyes,  and 
now,  from  the  wondering  multitude  that  thronged  the  shore, 
came  two  large  canoes,  from  which  there  stepped  on  hoard  the 
flag-ship  men,  who  with  reverential  mien  asked  for  the  tlntonni, 
or  white  chief,  saying  that  they  were  ordered  by  the  cacique 
of  the  nearest  town  to  welcome  him,  and  to  ask  whither  he 
came  and  why.  To  the  embassy  Cortes  made  friendly  answer. 
He  would  explain  his  purpose  to  the  cacique  in  person. 
Meanwhile  the  messengers,  after  being  invited  to  a banquet, 
and  receiving  as  gifts  some  worthless  trinkets,  were  informed 
that  presents  of  gold  were  regarded  by  the  Spaniards  as  sure 
tokens  of  friendship.  Then  they  returned  to  the  shore,  the 
appearance  of  which  was  not  very  inviting,  with  its  broad 
reaches  of  sand  and  sandy  hillocks,  where  now  stands  the  city 
of  Vera  Cruz. 

Early  on  good  Friday  Cortes  landed,  and  planting  his  guns 
on  one  of  the  hillocks,  began  the  construction  of  a fortified 
camp,  placing  in  its  centre  a large  cross.  On  easter  Sunday 
the  cacique  arrived  with  a large  retinue  of  attendants  and  a 
number  of  slaves,  bearing  presents.  Cortes,  with  his  escort, 
advanced  to  receive  them,  and  after  an  interchange  of  cour- 
tesies led  the  way  to  the  altar,  where  Father  Olmedo  celebrated 
mass.  The  service  over,  he  invited  them  to  dinner,  and  in- 
formed them  that  he  was  a captain  of  the  greatest  of  earthly 
monarchs,  Charles  V.  of  Spain,  who,  hearing  of  Montezuma’s 


TIIE  EXPEDITION. 


155 


renown,  had  sent  him  presents  and  a message,  which  must  be 
delivered  to  him  in  person  and  at  once. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  Montezuma  had  already  heard  of 
the  defeat  of  the  Spaniards  at  Champoton,  for  the  Aztec 
officers  replied,  somewhat  haughtily,  “ Be  it  known  to  you  that 
our  master  is  inferior  to  none;  and  for  the  present  let  these 
gifts  suffice.”  Thereupon  at  a given  signal  the  slaves  ad- 
vanced and  delivered  their  burdens,  consisting  of  food,  cotton 
fabrics,  feather-work  in  brilliant  colors,  and  a cacaxtli , or 
basket,  filled  with  wrought  gold,  set  with  precious  stones  and 
pearls.  Cortes  expressed  his  thanks,  and  sent  to  Montezuma 
in  return  a few  presents  of  no  great  value,  among  them  being 
a bright  red  cap  and  a carved  and  inlaid  arm-chair;  and 
“ would  the  emperor  deign  to  wear  the  cap  and  occupy  the 
chair  when  it  became  his  pleasure  to  receive  him?”  The 
chieftain  promised  to  deliver  the  gifts,  and  pointing  to  the  gilt 
helmet  of  a soldier,  which  resembled  the  head-dress  of  Quet- 
zalcoatl,  asked  permission  to  display  it  to  his  sovereign. 
“ Take  it,”  said  Cortes,  “ and  bring  it  back  filled  with  gold- 
dust,  that  we  may  show  our  monarch  what  kind  of  metal  your 
land  contains.”  Meanwhile,  orders  had  been  given  that  all 
the  wants  of  the  Spaniards  should  be  supplied,  2,000  natives 
being  detailed  to  act  as  their  servants. 

Observing  that  some  of  the  attendants  were  depicturing  on 
maguey  paper  the  appearance,  dress,  weapons,  horses,  and 
accoutrements  of  the  Spaniards,  Cortes  mounted  his  steed, 
ordering  his  troops  to  fall  into  line  and  the  cannon  to  be 
loaded.  The  infantry  passed  in  review,  with  bands  playing 
and  banners  unfurled.  Then  came  the  squadron  of  cavalry, 
led  by  Alvarado,  dashing  past  in  swift  and  varied  evolutions. 
The  movements  of  these  animals,  their  rearing  and  prancing, 
their  power  and  speed,  the  flashing  swords,  the  glittering 
armor,  all  appeared  to  this  simple  people  as  the  hosts  of 
heaven.  But  admiration  changed  to  terror  when  the  guns 
belched  forth  flame  and  smoke,  and  cannon-balls  tore  up  thg 
beach  or  crashed  ftmong  the  trees, 


156 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


When  the  picture-writings  were  delivered  to  Montezuma, 
and  he  was  told  that  the  dread  strangers  insisted  on  delivering 
to  him  in  person  the  message  of  their  king,  terror  filled  his 
soul.  A council  was  summoned,  and  though  opinions  were 
divided,  it  was  finally  resolved  that  the  emperor  should  decline 
the  interview,  but  not  rudely,  lest  peradventure  they  might 
be  gods.  He  would  propitiate  them  with  gifts,  and  beseech 
them  to  depart  from  the  shores  of  Mexico.  A noble  was  de- 
spatched to  the  coast,  and  with  him  a retinue  and  more  than 
a hundred  slaves,  bearing  costly  presents.  Bowing  low  before 
Cortes,  the  envoy  touched  the  earth  with  his  hand,  carrying  it 
to  his  lips,  and  then,  in  token  of  respect  or  reverence,  swung 
the  copal  censer. 

The  slaves  were  then  ordered  to  display  the  presents,  among 
which  were  thirty  bales  of  cotton  fabrics,  white,  colored,  plain, 
and  figured,  interwoven  w’ith  feathers  or  embroidered  with 
gold  and  silver  threads.  There  wTere  disks  of  gold  and  silver 
representing  the  sun  and  moon,  ornamented  in  demi-relief  and 
as  large  as  a carriage  wheel;  there  were  ducks,  dogs,  monkeys, 
lions,  and  other  animals,  well  fashioned  in  gold;  there  wrere 
ten  golden  collars  and  a necklace  with  more  than  a hundred 
pendant  stones,  which  the  Spaniards  declared  to  be  emeralds 
and  rubies.  Finally,  there  was  the  helmet  returned  full  of 
virgin  gold,  fine  dust  and  coarse,  and  in  nuggets.  “This,”  says 
the  historian  Torquemada,  “cost  Montezuma  his  life;”  for  its 
contents  were  a sure  indication  that  there  were  rich  mines  in 
the  realm  of  the  Aztecs. 

For  the  presents  Cortes  returned  his  thanks  and  some  gifts 
of  trifling  value;  but  after  so  long  a voyage,  he  declared,  he 
could  not  face  his  master  without  having  first  beheld  the  great 
Montezuma.  Ten  days  later,  the  governor  of  the  province 
laid  more  treasures  at  the  feet  of  the  Spanish  commander. 
Further  messages  to  the  emperor  were  useless,  he  said,  for  the 
desired  interview  could  never  be  granted.  He  hoped  that  the 
Spaniards  would  now  be  content,  and  depart  in  peace.  Turn- 
ing to  his  comrades,  Cortes  remarked:  “Truly,  this  must  be  a 


THE  EXPEDITION. 


157 


great  lord,  and  rich.  God  willing,  some  day  we  will  visit 
him.”  At  that  instant  the  bell  sounded  for  the  ave  Maria, 
and  instantly,  with  uncovered  head,  the  soldiers  knelt  around 
the  cross,  while  one  of  the  priests  proclaimed  the  true  faith  in 
the  hearing  of  the  governor.  His  words  made  a bad  impres- 
sion, as  did  the  message  of  Cortes.  The  governor  hade  them 
a cold  farewell,  and  on  the  following  day  the  supplies  of  pro- 
visions were  removed,  and  the  native  encampment  deserted. 

The  Spaniards  were  now  threatened  with  famine;  many  of 
them  were  sick;  the  majority  were  in  favor  of  returning  to 
Cuba,  especially  the  friends  and  relatives  of  Velazquez.  But 
by  placing  some  in  irons,  and  appeasing  others  with  gold, 
Cortes  quelled  the  threatened  mutiny,  and  was  chosen  by  his 
men  captain-general,  with  a command  independent  of  Velaz- 
quez. A few  days  later  he  moved  his  camp  to  the  present  site 
of  Vera  Cruz;  and  messengers  were  sent  to  Spain,  asking  that 
his  appointment  be  confirmed. 

No  sooner  had  the  messengers  departed  than  certain  of  the 
malecontents  formed  a plot  to  seize  one  of  the  vessels  and 
escape  to  Cuba.  It  was  betrayed,  however,  by  one  of  the 
party  on  the  eve  of  their  intended  embarkation.  Cortes  wds 
profoundly  moved;  for  although  the  ringleaders  were  severely 
punished,  he  foresaw  that  desertions  might  occur  at  any  time, 
and  thus  would  the  purpose  of  his  life  be  frustrated.  Morn 
and  eve,  and  all  day  long,  disaffected  men  were  plotting,  and 
wistfully  gazing  at  the  ships. 

There  was  but  one  remedy,  and  that  was  to  destroy  them. 
If  this  were  done,  each  man  would  put  forth  his  utmost  effort, 
and  even  craven  souls  would  be  inspired  at  least  with  the 
courage  of  desparation.  Then  if  Montezuma  still  refused  to 
admit  him  peaceably,  he  would  gather  such  a force  of  his 
enemies  as  would  sweep  his  kingdom  from  the  face  of  the 
earth.  Already  the  Totonacs,  in  whose  territory  he  was  en- 
camped, had  thrown  off  their  allegiance  to  the  emperor,  and 
other  provinces  only  awaited  an  opportunity.  Finally,  if  the 
ships  were  destroyed,  the  sailors,  who  would  otherwise  be 


158 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


required  to  guard  them,  might  be  added  to  the  force  of  com- 
batants. Such  were  the  arguments  which  the  commander 
advanced  to  win  the  consent  of  his  captains  to  one  of  the 
most  daring  and  desperate ‘acts  ever  achieved. 

Not  that  the  consent  of  the  oflicers  was  necessary,  for  the 
deed  once  accomplished  there  would  be  only  one  course  open 
to  them.  Nevertheless  lie  preferred  that  they  should  partici- 
pate in  his  scheme,  rather  than  consider  themselves  unfairly 
dealt  with.  Thus  it  came  to  pass  that  a few  days  afterward, 
the  masters  of  several  of  the  largest  vessels  appeared  before 
the  captain-general  with  rueful  countenances,  and  with  the 
sad  intelligence  that  their  Craft  were  unseaworthy.  They 
omitted,  however,  to  say  that  they  had  secretly  bored  holes  in 
them  according  to  instructions.  Cortes  was  astonished,  — nay, 
he  was  deeply  affected;  he  was  by  nature  an  actor,  and 
Roscius  himself  could  not  have  played  the  part  better.  “Well,” 
he  said,  “the  will  of  God  be  done;  but  look  you  sharply  to  the 
other  ships.” 

So  well  did  the  captains  carry  out  their  instructions  that 
soon  all  were  able  to  swear  the  vessels  were  unsafe,  except 
three  which  might  be  made  seaworthy  by  costly  repairs.  Soon 
it  became  apparent  that  they  must  be  abandoned.  “And  in- 
deed, fellow-soldiers,”  remarked  Cortes,  “I  am  not  sure  hut  it 
were  best  to  doom  to  destruction  also  the  others,  and  so  secure 
the  co-operation  of  the  sailors  in  the  coming  campaign,  instead 
of  leaving  them  in  idleness  to  hatch  new  treachery.”  This 
intimation  was  successful,  as  was  intended.  Sails,  anchors, 
cables,  and  everything  that  could  he  utilized  were  removed, 
and  on  the  following  day  a few  small  boats  were  all  that  was 
left  of  the  Cuban  flotilla.  One  vessel,  however,  remained, 
which  had  recently  arrived  from  Cuba  with  a small  re-enforce- 
ment under  Francisco  de  Salcedo,  better  known  among  his 
comrades  as  “the  dandy  warrior.” 


THE  CAMPAIGNS  IN  TLASCALA  AND  C HO LULA.  159 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE  CAMPAIGNS  IN  TLASCALA  AND  CHOLULA. 

“ To  Mexico ! ” was  now  the  cry,  and  it  was  resolved  to 
begin  immediately  the  march  toward  the  capital.  Leaving  a 
small  detachment  in  the  neighborhood  of  Vera  Cruz,  Cortes 
set  forth  on  the  lGtli  of  August,  1519,  with  450  Spaniards,  and 
six  or  seven  guns,  accompanied  by  a large  number  of  Indian 
warriors  and  carriers.  The  Totonac  force  included  forty  chief- 
tains, who  were  in  reality  hostages,  among  them  being  one 
who  proved  a most  able  and  trustworthy  guide  and  counsellor. 
By  their  advice,  the  captain-general  adopted  the  route  through 
Tlascala,  as  the  Tlascaltecs  were  bitter  enemies  of  the  Mex- 
icans. On  the  fourth  day  came  in  sight  of  the  city  of  Xoco- 
tlan,  on  the  plateau  of  Anahuac.  The  cacique  with  his  suite 
came  forth  to  meet  the  strangers  and  conducted  them  through 
the  plaza  to  their  quarters,  near  which  were  the  houses  oc- 
cupied by  himself  and  the  2,000  servants  who  attended  to  his 
wants,  and  those  of  his  thirty  wives. 

Impressed  by  this  magnificence,  Cortes  inquired  whether  he 
was  a subject  or  an  ally  of  Montezuma.  “Who  is  not  his 
slave?”  was  the  reply.  He  himself  ruled  over  20,000  subjects, 
and  yet  was  but  a lowly  vassal  of  the  emperor,  at  whose  com- 
mand thirty  chieftains  could  place  each  100,000  warriors  in 
the  field.  “But  we,”  says  Bernal  Diaz,  who  accompanied  the 
expedition,  wished  we  were  already  at  the  capital,  striving 
for  fortunes,  despite  the  dangers  described.” 

From  Xocotlan,  four  Totonac  chieftains  were  sent  forward 
to  ask  permission  of  the  Tlascaltecs  to  pass  through  their 
boundaries.  Appearing  before  the  senate  at  Tlascala,  the 
messengers  informed  them  of  the  arrival  of  powerful  gods 
from  the  east,  who,  though  few  in  number,  were  more  than 
equal  to  a host.  Then  they  depicted  their  appearance,  their 


160 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


swift  and  powerful  steeds,  their  savage  dogs,  and  their  terrible 
weapons,  saying,  in  conclusion,  that  they  had  already  delivered 
the  Totonacs  from  the  tyranny  of  Montezuma,  and  now  desired, 
on  their  way  to  Mexico,  to  offer  the  Tlascaltecs  their  friend- 
ship and  alliance.  After  some  deliberation,  it  was  decided  to 
adopt  a middle  course.  The  Otonn  frontier  settlers,  who  were 
thoroughly  devoted  to  the  Tlascaltecs,  were  to  be  encouraged 
to  attack  the  invaders,  under  command  of  the  aged  chieftain 
Xicotencatl.  If  successful,  the  latter  would  claim  the  glory; 
if  not,  they  would  grant  the  victors  the  permission  which  they 
desired,  while  casting  the  blame  for  the  assault  on  the  Otomis. 

After  advancing  a few  leagues  into  the  territory  of  the  Tlas- 
caltecs, the  Spaniards  were  met  by  a body  of  more  than  1,000 
warriors,  to  whom  Cortes  sent  three  prisoners,  captured  during 
a previous  skirmish,  with  assurances  of  his  friendly  intentions. 
The  only  reply  was  a shower  of  arrows,  darts,  and  stones, 
whereupon  Cortes,  giving  the  battle-cry  of  “Santiago  and  at 
them  ! ” ordered  his  men  to  charge.  The  enemy  retreated  with 
their  faces  toward  the  pursuers,  enticing  them  into  a pass, 
formed  of  broken  ground,  where  they  were  surrounded  by  a 
large  force,  placed  in  ambuscade  and  bearing  the  red  and  white 
banners  of  Xicotencatl.  Missiles  wrere  now  hurled  upon  them, 
while  on  every  side  bold  warriors,  with  swords,  clubs,  and 
double-pointed  spears,  pressed  close  around.  Many  were  the 
hearts  that  quaked,  and  many  believed  that  their  last  moment 
had  arrived,  for  the  Spaniards  were  in  greater  peril  than  ever 
before.  But  the  commander  rode  along  the  line,  cheering 
his  men,  and  giving  orders  to  press  onward  and  keep  well 
together. 

The  pass  was  of  no  great  length,  and  soon  the  invaders 
emerged  into  an  open  plain,  but  only  to  find  themselves  con- 
fronted by  the  main  body  of  the  enemy,  mustering  more  than 
30,000  warriors.  How  long  was  this  to  continue,  each  new 
host  being  tenfold  greater  than  the  last?  Yet  once  more  the 
Spaniards  took  courage,  and  prepared  for  instant  attack.  The 
cavalry  charged  with  loose  reins  and  lances  poised,  so  as  to 


THE  CAMPAIGNS  IN  TLASCALA  AND  CHOLULA.  161 

strike  at  the  heads  of  the  foe,  thus  spreading  confusion  through 
their  dense  ranks,  and  opening  a path  for  the  infantry.  It  is 
related  that  a body  of  natives,  determined  to  slay  one  of  the 
horses,  surrounded  a man  named  Pedro  de  Moron,  who  was 
mounted  on  a racing  steed,  dragged  him  from  his  saddle,  and 
thrust  their  swords  and  spears  through  the  animal.  In  the 
struggle  which  ensued  ten  Spaniards  were  wounded,  and  four 
of  the  native  chiefs  were  slain.  Moron  was  rescued,  but  only 
to  die  soon  afterward  of  his  wounds,  while  his  steed  was  cut 
into  pieces,  which  were  sent  all  over  the  country,  to  be  used  in 
triumphal  celebrations.  This  loss  was  greatly  regretted,  as  it 
would  allay  the  terror  caused  by  the  horses  of  the  Spaniards, 
hitherto  deemed  invulnerable,  those  which  had  previously 
been  slain  having  been  buried  in  secret. 

The  battle  was  continued  for  several  hours,  but  the  Indians 
were  unable  to  make  any  further  impression  on  the  Spanish 
forces,  while  their  own  ranks  were  being  rapidly  thinned  by 
the  charges  of  cavalry  and  the  volleys  of  artillery  and  firelocks. 
The  slaughter  had  been  very  heavy  among  the  chiefs,  and  this 
was  the  main  reason  for  the  retreat  which  Xicotencatl  now 
commanded,  his  troops  retiring  in  good  order  and  with  no 
symptoms  of  panic.  Their  exact  loss  could  not  be  ascertained, 
for  with  humane  devotion  the  wounded  and  dead  were  carried 
away  as  soon  as  they  were  stricken,  and  in  this  constant  and 
self-sacrificing  effort  they  lost  many  advantages. 

Cortes  attempted  no  pursuit;  but  hastening  to  a town  situ- 
ated on  a neighboring  hill,  fortified  himself  on  its  temple 
pyramid,  where  he  and  his  allies  celebrated  their  victory  with 
feasting,  song,  and  dance.  On  the  following  day,  he  sallied 
forth  with  the  horsemen,  100  infantry,  and  700  Totonecs,  partly 
for  the  purpose  of  foraging,  and  also  to  show  the  enemy  that 
his  men  were  prepared  to  renew  the  conflict.  He  returned  with 
400  captives,  whom  he  treated  kindly,  and  with  fifteen  others, 
taken  during  the  battle,  despatched  to  the  camp  of  Xicotencatl 
with  friendly  messages.  The  cacique  replied  that  peace  would 
be  celebrated  at  his  father’s  town  with  a feast  on  the  Spaniards’ 
n 


162 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


flesh,  while  their  hearts  would  be  offered  up  to  the  gods.  He 
would  give  them  a more  decisive  answer  on  the  morrow.  With 
this  threat  came  the  report  that  a Tlascalan  army  was  prepar- 
ing to  march  against  them. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the  5th  of  September,  the  Indian 
array  could  be  seen  extending  far  over  the  plain,  terrible  in 
war-paint,  plumed  helmets,  and  gaudy  shields,  with  their 
swords  and  lances  gleaming  in  the  sun,  while  the  air  resounded 
with  yells,  mingled  with  the  melancholy  notes  of  drums  and 
the  doleful  blasts  of  conches  and  trumpets.  It  was  the  largest 
and  best  equipped  army  yet  encountered  by  the  Spaniards, 
numbering,  according  to  the  lowest  estimate,  50,000  men,  in 
four  divisions,  each  distinguished  by  its  own  banner  and  colors. 

The  Indians  advanced  in  dense  columns  up  the  sides  of  the 
hill,  and  despite  all  resistance,  pressed  onward  into  the  very 
camp  of  the  Spaniards,  but  were  soon  obliged  to  yield  before 
thei.  keen  blades  aifd  murderous  bullets.  Cortes  waited  until 
the  foe  became  tired  and  discouraged  by  repeated  efforts,  and 
then,  with  a ringing  cry  of  “Santiago!”  rushed  forward  and 
drove  them  in  confusion  to  the  plain,  where  the  cavalry  fol- 
lowed up  the  advantage,  cutting  down  the  fugitives  in  all 
directions.  Rallying  on  their  reserves,  however,  the  enemy 
turned  with  renewed  courage  on  their  pursuers.  The  shock 
was  overwhelming;  the  wearied  Spaniards  gave  way;  their 
ranks  were  broken,  and  all  seemed  lost.  Even  Cortes  was  for 
a moment  dismayed, — but  only  for  a moment.  Leading  his 
handful  of  horsemen  to  the  rescue,  he  raised  his  voice  above 
the  din  of  battle  and  called  on  his  men  to  follow.  They 
responded  nobly,  and  nerved  by  his  words  and  deeds,  plied 
lustily  their  swords,  driving  back  the  Indians  and  forming  line 
anew.  The  victory  might  yet,  however,  have  turned  in  favor 
of  the  latter,  but  for  a quarrel  between  Xicotcncatl  and  one  of 
the  chief  captains,  who  withdrew  his  troops  and  persuaded  the 
commander  of  another  division  to  follow  him.  Thus  left  with 
only  two  divisions,  and  those  shattered  and  discouraged,  the 
Tlascalan  commander  was  forced  to  retreat,  though  in  excel- 


T1IE  CAMPAIGNS  IN  TLA  SC  ALA  AND  CHOLULA.  163 


lent  order,  and  carrying  with  him  his  dead  and  wounded, 
while  of  the  Spaniards  at  least  sixty  were  seriously  hurt,  of 
whom  several  died  soon  afterward. 

Once  more  Cortes  sent  to  the  Tlascalans  overtures  for  peace; 
and  now  his  offers  were  favorably  received,  for  whether  gods 
or  men,  the  strangers  were  apparently  invincible.  Ambassa- 
dors despatched  with  provisions  and  gifts  bowed  low  before  the 
conqueror,  expressed  the  contrition  of  their  chieftains,  and 
humbly  sued  for  peace.  With  a grave  reproval  for  their  obsti- 
nacy, the  apology  was  accepted  and  the  envoys  dismissed.  A 
final  effort,  however,  was  made  by  Xicotencatl,  who  proposed 
to  attack  the  Spaniards  by  night;  but  his  purpose  being  dis- 
covered, the  cacique  was  himself  attacked  under  cover  of  dark- 
ness, and  his  forces  routed. 

Great  was  the  alarm  caused  in  Mexico  through  reports  of 
the  victories  obtained  by  this  insignificant  band  of  foreigners 
over  the  veteran  troops  of  Tlascala,  which  had  defied  the  com- 
bined armies  of  the  allied  kings  of  Anahuac.  Again  a council 
was  summoned,  and  again  it  was  resolved  that,  if  possible,  the 
strangers  should  be  appeased  with  gifts,  and  asked  to  depart 
from  their  shores.  Six  of  the  most  prominent  nobles  were 
sent  to  their  camp  to  congratulate  the  white  chieftain  on  his 
victories,  and  to  offer  annual  tribute  in  gold,  silver,  jewels, 
and  cloth, — to  do,  in  fact,  almost  anything  that  their  king 
might  desire,  provided  they  would  advance  no  farther  toward 
the  capital.  The  envoys  entered  the  presence  of  Cortes,  fol- 
lowed by  200  attendants,  and  laying  before  him  100,000  caste- 
llanos  in  gold-dust,  with  twenty  bales  of  rich  feathers  and 
embroidered  cloth,  delivered  their  message.  The  captain- 
general  expressed  his  thanks,  accepted  the  presents,  and  said 
that  he  would  consider  the  matter. 

While  entertaining  the  Mexican  envoys,  the  Spanish  camp 
was  startled  by  the  announcement  that  a Tlascalan  embassy 
was  approaching,  fifty  in  number,  at  the  head  of  whom  was 
Xicotencatl  in  person.  With  pride  subdued,  he  who  hut  for  the 
defection  in  his  ranks  would  probably  have  been  the  conqueror 


164 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


of  the  Spaniards  now  came  as  their  suppliant,  and  offered  the 
best  amends  in  his  power,  by  personally  humbling  himself 
before  the  white  chieftain,  who  had  torn  from  his  brow  the 
wreath  of  victory.  Approaching  Cortes  with  profound  salute, 
while  over  the  cacique  his  attendants  swung  the  copal  censer, 
he  declared  that,  in  the  name  of  the  lords  of  Tlascala,  he  had 
come  to  offer  submission  to  the  greatest  of  men,  so  gentle  and 
yet  so  valiant.  He  frankly  took  upon  himself  the  blame  for 
the  resistance  offered  to  the  invincible  captain,  but  pleaded 
the  Tlascalan  love  of  liberty,  threatened  as  he  supposed  by  an 
ally  of  Montezuma;  for  were  there  not  Mexican  allies  in  the 
Spanish  camp?  and  had  not  the  Aztec  monarch  exchanged 
with  them  friendly  intercourse?  Cortes  administered  a slight 
rebuke,  but  since  the  Tlascaltecs  had  already  suffered  severely, 
he  freely  pardoned  them,  and  in  the  name  of  his  sovereign 
received  them  as  allies.  He  hoped  the  peace  would  be  per- 
manent, for  if  not,  he  would  be  compelled  to  destroy  their 
capital  and  its  inhabitants. 

Xicotencatl  assured  him  that  his  people  would  thenceforth 
be  as  faithful  as  before  they  had  been  loyal  to  themselves. 
He  begged  Cortes  to  visit  his  city,  where  the  lords  and  nobles 
awaited  him,  and  regretted  that  he  could  offer  no  present 
worthy  of  acceptance.  All  that  his  people  once  possessed  had 
been  surrendered  to  the  Mexicans,  and  now  they  were  poor  in 
treasure.  Mass  was  then  said,  and  the  Spaniards  and  their 
allies  concluded  the  day  with  festivities  and  demonstrations 
of  delight.  Meanwhile  the  Mexican  envoys  were  not  a little 
chagrined  at  the  conclusion  of  a peace  which  foreboded  evil  to 
their  nation.  They  ridiculed  the  entire  proceeding  as  a ruse 
on  the  part  of  the  Tlascaltecs,  who  they  said  were  too  treach- 
erous to  be  trusted,  and  once  they  had  the  Spaniards  within 
the  walls  of  their  city,  would  avenge  on  them  the  defeats 
which  still  rankled  in  their  hearts.  Cortes  replied  that  the 
Spaniards  could  not  be  overcome  in  town  or  field,  by  day  or 
night.  He  would  accept  the  invitation  to  Tlascala,  and  if  its 
inhabitants  proved  treacherous,  they  would  be  destroyed. 


THE  CAMPAIGNS  IN  TLASCALA  AND  CHOLULA.  165 


Thereupon  the  envoys  begged  him  to  remain  in  camp  for  a 
few  days,  while  they  sent  word  to  the  emperor.  The  request 
was  granted;  but  the  only  result  appears  to  have  been  that  the 
ambassadors  were  sent  back  with  further  presents,  and  with 
instructions  to  prevent  the  Spaniards  from  proceeding  either 
to  Tlascala  or  to  Mexico.  Cortes  again  accepted  the  presents, 
but  held  out  no  hope  that  he  would  change  his  determination 
to  advance. 

The  Spaniards  entered  the  city  of  Tlascala  on  the  twenty- 
third  of  September,  thenceforth  set  apart  as  a feast-day  among 
its  people.  The  road,  about  six  leagues  in  length,  passed 
through  a hilly  but  well-cultivated  region,  skirted  on  the  east 
by  a snow-crowned  peak,  while  in  every  direction  were  ver- 
dure-clad slopes,  spotted  with  clusters  of  oak,  above  and  beyond 
which  were  dark  green  fringes  of  fir,  that  seemed  to  rise,  like 
bulwarks,  around  the  settlements  in  the  valley. 

When  a quarter  of  a league  distant  from  the  capital,  the 
Spaniards  were  met  by  the  lords  and  nobles,  accompanied  by 
an  immense  retinue.  Women  of  rank  came  forward  with 
flowers  in  garlands  and  bouquets,  and  priests  marched  in  long 
procession,  swinging  their  censers,  while  around  them  surged 
a crowd  estimated  at  100,000  persons.  Through  streets 
adorned  with  festoons  and  arches,  and  past  houses  covered 
with  cheering  multitudes,  they  proceeded  to  the  palace  of 
Xicotencatl,  who,  as  was  customary  on  such  occasions,  came 
forward  to  invite  them  to  a banquet.  Cortes  saluted  him  with 
the  respect  due  to  his  age,  and  was  conducted  to  the  banquet 
hall.  The  feasting  ended,  appartments  were  assigned  for  his 
men  in  the  courts  and  buildings  surrounding  the  temple, 
couches  of  matting  and  maguey  cloth  being  spread  for  them, 
while  close  at  hand  were  the  quarters  of  the  allies  and  the 
Mexican  envoys. 

Strict  discipline  was  maintained  among  the  troops;  and  so 
well  pleased  were  the  Tlasealtec  nobles  with  their  conduct 
that  they  urged  the  Spaniards  to  remain  with  them,  giving  to 
the  captains  their  daughters  for  wives,  and  offering  lands  and 


1GG 


HISTORY  OF  T1IE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


1 louses  for  the  entire  party.  But  Cortes  was  resolved  on  reach- 
ing Mexico,  the  more  so  as  lie  had  now  received  an  invitation 
from  Montezuma,  who,  fearing  that  the  dreaded  visit  could 
not  be  prevented,  had  decided  at  least  to  hasten  his  departure 
from  Tlascala. 

After  remaining  for  three  weeks  beneath  the  hospitable  roofs 
of  Tlascala,  the  Spaniards  set  forth  for  the  capital,  escorted  by 
an  immense  throng  of  warriors,  all  of  whom  would  gladly  have 
joined  him  in  his  quest  for  wealth  and  glory  among  the  hated 
Mexicans.  Cortes  had  no  desire,  however,  thus  to  trammel 
his  movements,  and  only  5,000  of  the  Indians  were  permitted 
to  accompany  him. 

The  route  selected  was  by  way  of  Cholula,  mainly  through 
the  advice  of  the  Mexican  envoys,  though  sorely  against  the 
will  of  the  Tlascaltecs,  who  declared  it  to  be  the  very  hatch- 
ing-ground for  the  emperor’s  plots.  The  road  to  it,  they  said, 
and  every  house  therein,  was  full  of  snares  and  pitfalls.  An 
Aztec  army  would  surely  be  concealed  within  the  city,  and 
from  its  temple-pyramid  could  be  let  loose  a mighty  stream, 
which  in  a moment  would  inundate  its  streets.  But  to  show 
the  least  symptom  of  timidty  would  be  fatal  to  the  cause  of 
the  Spaniards,  and  to  their  leader  the  sensation  of  fear  was 
unknown. 

Cholula  was  one  of  the  most  ancient  cities  of  Anahuac,  with 
traditions  reaching  back  to  the  earliest  records  of  the  Nahuas. 
Here  Quetzaleoatl,  as  ruler  and  prophet,  had  left  the  final 
impress  of  the  golden  age,  and  here  a grateful  people  had  raised 
to  him  the  grandest  of  their  many  temples,  while  400  towers 
with  their  gleaming  decorations  rose  far  above  the  surface  of 
the  vast  surrounding  plain,  in  which  it  is  said  “ not  a span  of 
ground  remained  uncultivated.”  With  its  200,000  inhabitants, 
its  broad,  regular  streets,  and  neat,  substantial  buildings,  inter- 
spersed with  gardens  and  groves,  Cholula  ranked  next  in  wealth 
to  the  metropolis,  and  had  long  been  esteemed  as  the  commer- 
cial and  manufacturing  centre  of  the  great  plateau  of  Huitzi' 
lapan, 


THE  CAMPAIGNS  IN  TLASCALA  AND  CHOLULA.  167 

As  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies  advanced  toward  the  city, 
they  were  met  by  a stately  procession,  at  the  head  of  which 
were  the  nobles,  who,  bowing  obsequiously  before  Cortes,  begged 
that  their  foes,  the  Tlascaltecs,  should  not  be  allowed  to  enter 
the  city.  The  request  was  granted,  only  a few  of  their  carriers 
being  admitted,  together  with  the  Spaniards  and  Totonecs. 
The  courts  of  one  of  the  temples  were  offered  as  quarters,  and 
presently  appeared  servants  laden  with  provisions.  On  the 
following  day,  the  quantity  was  diminished,  and  on  the  third 
day  none  were  furnished,  the  chieftains  excusing  themselves 
by  saying  that  their  stock  was  almost  exhausted.  At  this 
moment  came  envoys  from  Montezuma,  laden  with  the  usual 
presents,  and  represented  that  to  proceed  toward  Mexico  would 
he  useless,  for  the  roads  were  impassable,  and  the  supply  of 
food  insuflicient. 

The  condition  of  affairs  was  now  somewhat  critical.  The 
Totonecs  reported  that  barricades  had  been  erected,  large 
stones  piled  upon  the  house-roofs,  and  excavations  made  in 
the  main  street,  set  with  pointed  sticks,  and  loosely  covered 
with  thin  planks  and  earth.  Then  came  messengers  from  the 
Tlascaltecs,  who  announced  that  women  and  children  were 
leaving  the  city  with  their  effects,  and  that  unusual  prepara- 
tions were  in  progress.  Finally,  as  Cortes  was  informed,  Mon- 
tezuma’s emissaries  had  bribed  the  chieftains  to  attack  the 
Spaniards,  on  that  very  night,  while  an  Aztec  army  was  sta- 
tioned close  to  the  city. 

Summoning  the  nobles  of  Cholula,  the  captain-general  ex- 
pressed his  displeasure  at  the  treatment  which  he  had  received, 
and  said  that  on  the  morrow  he  would  rid  them  of  his  presence. 
Meanwhile  he  demanded  provisions  for  the  journey,  and  2,000 
warriors  to  accompany  his  army.  The  chieftains  promised 
compliance,  and  protested  their  devotion,  at  the  same  time 
whispering  to  each  other,  “What  need  have  these  men  of  food 
when  they  themselves  are  soon  to  be  eaten,  cooked  with  chile?” 

Soon  after  nightfall,  the  Spaniards  planted  their  guns  so  as 
to  command  the  avenues  of  approach,  looked  well  to  their 


168 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


horses  and  accoutrements,  and  sent  word  to  the  Tlascaltecs 
to  join  them  on  hearing  the  first  shot.  No  attack  was  made, 
however,  and  on  the  following  day  came  the  lords  and  high- 
priests,  with  an  immense  throng,  a force  of  warriors  larger 
than  had  been  required  following  them  to  the  Spanish  quarter. 

Now  comes  the  darkest  page  in  the  annals  of  the  Conquest, 
and  one  that  has  afforded  ground  for  much  well-deserved 
reproach  against  Cortes.  Inviting  the  nobles  into  his  room, 
as  he  pretended,  to  bid  them  farewell,  he  upbraided  them  with 
their  perfidy,  declaring  that,  under  the  mask  of  friendship, 
they  had  plotted  against  the  lives  of  the  Spaniards.  The 
chieftains  admitted  their  guilt,  but  attempted  to  cast  the 
blame  on  Montezuma.  This,  replied  Cortes,  did  not  justify 
treachery,  and  the  excuse  would  avail  them  nothing. 

Then,  at  a given  signal,  volleys  poured  from  cannon  and 
arquebuse  upon  the  troops  in  the  court,  and  the  Spaniards 
rushed  in  with  sword  and  lance,  slaughtering  without  mercy 
the  panic-stricken  host.  The  high  walls  permitted  no  escape, 
and  at  the  gates  gleamed  a line  of  lances  above  the  smoking 
mouths  of  the  guns.  Pressing  one  upon  another,  the  victims 
fell  in  heaps,  the  dead  and  dying  intermingled,  while  many 
were  trampled  under  foot. 

When  the  populace  rushed  forward  to  rescue  their  warriors 
from  butchery,  cannon  again  belched  forth  destruction.  Ter- 
rified at  their  thunder  and  mysterious  missiles,  the  Cholulans 
fell  back.  And  now  the  cavalry  were  upon  them,  trampling 
them  to  death,  and  opening  a path  for  the  infantry  and  allies, 
who  pressed  forward  to  take  advantage  of  the  confusion. 
Though  armed  with  intent  to  attack,  the  Indians  offered  but 
little  resistance,  for  they  were  dismayed  by  the  strange  weapons 
and  tactics  of  the  Spaniards.  Without  leaders,  they  had  none 
to  restrain  their  flight,  and  rushed  down  the  streets  and  into 
buildings,  anywhere  out  of  reach  of  the  terrible  blades  of  the 
foe  and  the  iron-shod  hoofs  of  their  steeds.  On  their  flanks 
were  the  Tlascaltecs,  glorying  in  the  opportunity  of  wreaking 
vengeance  on  enemies  whom  they  hated  oven  more  bitterly 
than  the  Aztecs. 


THE  CAMPAIGNS  IN  TLASCALA  AND  CHOLULA.  109 


Five  hours  the  carnage  continued,  and  if  we  can  believe 
Cortes,  the  number  of  victims  exceeded  6,000.  That  it  was 
not  greater  was  due  to  the  eagerness  of  the  Tlascaltecs  to 
obtain  captives  for  sacrifice,  and  of  the  Spaniards  to  secure 
the  gold  and  trinkets  contained  in  the  city.  When  the  work 
was  done,  Xicotencatl  appeared  at  the  head  of  20,000  men, 
and  tendered  his  services,  but  was  ordered  to  return,  after 
receiving  a share  of  the  booty,  wherewith  to  celebrate  the  mas- 
sacre, or  as  the  Spaniards  termed  it,  victory.  Submission 
followed,  and  soon  afterward  the  captain-general,  having  now 
received  a second  invitation  from  Montezuma,  after  that  mon- 
arch had  consulted  his  gods,  set  out  toward  the  capital. 


Teponaztle,  or  Musical  Instrument  from  Tlascala. 


170 


HISTORY  OF  T1IE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  SPANIARDS  ENTER  THE  CAPITAL. 

On  a wintry  day  toward  the  end  of  October  1519,  after 
climbing  through  the  snow  and  in  the  face  of  chilling  blasts 
the  steep  ascent  of  a mountain  pass,  a turn  in  the  road  dis- 
closed to  the  travel-worn  Spaniards  the  valley  of  Mexico, 
dotted  as  far  as  the  eye  could  reach  with  the  well-cultivated 
farms,  gardens,  and  groves  that  skirted  the  margin  of  the 
lakes.  Around  them,  towns  were  thickly  clustered,  and  con- 
spicuous above  all  shone  the  gleaming  temples  and  towering 
edifices  of  the  queen  city  of  Anahuac. 

A few  days  later,  the  Spaniards  approached  the  capital, 
and  were  met  by  a procession  of  moYe  than  1,000  nobles 
and  merchants,  arrayed  in  embroidered  robes,  and  with 
jewelry  of  pendent  stones  and  gold.  Passing  in  file  before 
their  visitors,  they  touched  the  earth  with  their  hands,  carry- 
ing the  fingers  to  the  lip,  in  token  of  respect.  At  the  junc- 
tion of  the  causeway  with  the  main  avenue  of  the  city  was  a 
wooden  bridge,  ten  paces  in  width.  On  this  spot  the  captain- 
general  dismounted  to  await  the  arrival  of  the  emperor,  who, 
borne  in  solitary  grandeur  through  the  ranks  of  his  nobles, 
lords,  and  court  dignitaries,  all  of  them  marching  with  bare 
feet  and  bowed  heads,  descended  from  his  richly  adorned 
litter,  and  with  the  dignified  mien  of  an  Aztec  sovereign,  ad- 
vanced toward  Cortes.  Above  his  head  four  chieltains  held 
a canopy  covered  with  green  feathers,  adorned  with  gold  and 
silver  and  jewels,  and  before  him  attendants  swept  the  path 
and  spread  tapestry,  lest  the  imperial  feet  should  be  soiled  by 
contact  with  the  earth.  The  monarch  was  arrayed  in  a blue 
timatli,  or  mantle,  which,  bordered  with  gold,  and  richly  em- 
broidered and  jewelled,  hung  in  loose  folds  from  the  neck. 
On  his  head  was  a mitred  crown  of  gold  and  plumes  and 


THE  SPANIARDS  ENTER  THE  CAPITAL. 


171 


on  his  feet  were  golden  sandals,  their  fastenings  embossed 
with  precious  stones. 

Saluting  Cortes  with  the  grace  of  an  Old  World  monarch, 
Montezuma  presented  to  him  a bouquet  of  flowers  in  token  of 
welcome.  In  return,  the  Spaniard  took  from  his  person  and 
placed  around  the  neck  of  the  emperor  a necklace  of  glass,  in 
the  form  of  pearls  and  diamonds,  strung  on  cords  of  gold, 
and  scented  with  musk.  With  these  baubles,  false  as  were 
the  assurances  of  friendship  that  accompanied  them,  the  sov- 
ereign pretended  to  be  pleased,  and  after  many  expressions  of 
good-will  returned  to  his  palace. 

The  Spaniards  then  marched  into  the  capital.  In  front 
were  scouts  on  horseback,  followed  by  the  cavalry,  at  the  head 
of  which  rode  the  captain-general,  then  came  the  infantry, 
with  the  artillery  and  baggage  in  the  centre,  and  last  the 
allies.  The  streets,  which  had  been  deserted  in  deference  to 
the  emperor,  were  now  alive  with  spectators,  who  thronged 
the  lanes,  the  windows,  and  the  roofs. 

At  the  plaza,  from  which  rose  the  nugc  pyramid-temple, 
surrounded  on  all  sides  by  palatial  structures,  the  procession 
turned  to  the  right,  and  Cortes  was  escorted  up  the  steps  of  a 
palace  facing  the  eastern  side  of  the  temple  enclosure.  Hence, 
through  a court-yard  shaded  with  colored  awnings,  and  cooled 
with  fountains,  Montezuma  conducted  him  in  person  into  a 
spacious  hall,  and  seated  him  on  a gilded  dais  bedecked  with 
jewels.  “Malinche,”  he  said,  — the  word  meaning  ‘companion 
of  Marina,’  the  attendant  of  Cortes,  — “everything  in  the  palace 
is  at  your  disposal,  and  every  want  shall  be  attended  to.” 
Then,  with  the  courtesy  of  a monarch  he  retired,  while  the 
Spaniards  arranged  their  quarters,  and  enjoyed  the  banquet 
spread  before  them  by  the  emperor’s  servants. 

In  the  afternoon,  Montezuma  returned,  attended  by  bis  suite, 
and  expressing  his  delight  at  meeting  such  valiant  men,  de- 
clared that  he  had  sought  to  prevent  them  from  visiting  the 
capital  solely  because  his  subjects  feared  them.  lie  then  re- 
lated the  myth  of  Quctzalcoatl,  expressing  bis  belief  that  the 


172 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Spaniards  were  the  predicted  race.  “ Hence,”  he  said  to  Cortes, 
if  we  can  believe  the  statement  of  the  latter,  “be  assured  that 
we  shall  obey  you,  and  hold  you  as  lord-lieutenant  of  the  great 
king.  You  may  command  in  all  my  empire  as  you  please,  and 
shall  be  obeyed.  All  that  we  possess  is  at  your  disposal.” 
The  captain-general  replied  that  his  sovereign,  the  mightiest 
in  the  world,  and  the  ruler  of  many  great  princes,  was  indeed 
Quetzalcoatl.  He  desired  not,  however,  to  interfere  with  the 
emperor’s  authority,  and  had  sent  his  envoys  only  to  serve 
him  and  instruct  him  in  the  true  faith. 

A few  days  later,  the  visitors  asked  permission  to  erect  a 
church  in  their  own  quarters,  and  with  the  help  of  native 
artisans  the  work  was  completed  in  three  days.  While  select- 
ing a site  for  the  altar,  relates  Bernal  Diaz,  the  carpenter  ob- 
served that  an  opening  in  the  wall  had  been  recently  closed 
up  and  coated  with  plaster.  Cortes,  ever  on  his  guard  against 
treachery,  immediately  ordered  the  wall  to  be  opened.  Alad- 
din on  entering  his  cave  could  not  have  been  more  astonished 
than  were  the  Spaniards  on  stepping  into  the  chamber  thus 
exposed.  Here  were  riches  for  them  to  their  hearts’  content. 
Bars  of  gold  were  there,  nuggets,  large  and  small,  and  figures, 
implements,  and  jewelry  of  the  same  metal;  there  was  silver; 
there  were  embroidered  and  jewelled  fabrics;  and  there  were 
emeralds  and  other  precious  stones.  The  commander  allowed 
his  followers  to  revel  in  ecstasy  at  the  sight,  but  on  their  greed 
he  set  restraint.  He  had  reasons  of  his  own  for  not  at  that 
moment  disturbing  the  treasures,  and  gave  orders  that  the 
wall  should  be  closed  up,  all  being  enjoined  to  keep  secret  the 
discovery. 

Already  rumors  in  circulation  among  the  Spaniards  had 
roused  anew  the  fears  which  had  been  soothed  by  the  emper- 
or’s friendly  and  hospitable  reception.  It  was  even  said  that 
the  nobles  had  prevailed  on  him  to  break  down  the  bridges, 
arm  the  entire  populace,  and  fall  on  the  Spaniards  with  all  his 
available  strength.  Whether  these  reports  were  originated  by 
Cortes,  in  order  to  carry  out  his  plans,  cannot  be  determined. 


THE  SPANIARDS  ENTER  THE  CAPITAL. 


173 


At  least,  they  served  as  an  excuse  for  holding  a council,  at 
which  a most  daring  expedient  was  proposed  and  accepted. 
This  was  no  less  than  to  seize  the  person  of  the  emperor,  and 
hold  him  as  a hostage. 

If,  instead  of  committing  this  outrage,  the  captain-general 
had  now  been  content  to  depart  with  his  treasure  from  the 
capital,  it  is  probable  that  the  conquest  of  Mexico  would  have 
been  completed  without  further  bloodshed.  There  was  in 
truth  no  foundation  for  the  rumors.  Montezuma  desired  the 
friendship  of  the  strangers,  and  had  even  offered  Cortes  his 
daughter  in  marriage.  His  real  reasons  for  such  an  unhal- 
lowed deed  were  best  known  to  himself;  he  was  zealous  for  his 
religion,  burning  with  ambition,  and  deemed  this  the  shortest 
and  surest  road  to  the  full  realization  of  his  purposes. 

On  the  morrow,  Cortes  sent  word  that  he  was  about  to  visit 
the  emperor,  and  ordering  out  small  parties,  as  if  for  a stroll 
around  the  palace  and  the  paths  leading  to  it,  gave  them 
instructions  to  be  ready  for  any  emergency.  Twenty-five  sol- 
diers followed  him  in  twos  and  threes  to  the  audience-cham- 
ber, all  armed  to  the  teeth,  but  as  this  was  nothing  unusual, 
no  suspicion  was  aroused. 

Assuming  a serious  tone,  the  captain-general  produced  a let- 
ter from  Vera  Cruz,  containing  information  of  an  outrage 
committed,  as  was  believed,  at  the  emperor’s  instigation, 
whereby  several  Spaniards  had  been  slain.  The  latter  indig- 
nantly denied  the  charge,  and  Cortes  assured  him  that  he 
believed  it  to  be  false;  but  as  commander  of  the  party,  he 
must  account  for  their  lives  to  the  king,  and  ascertain  the 
truth.  In  this,  Montezuma  said  he  would  aid  him,  and  calling 
a trusted  officer,  gave  him  a bracelet  from  his  wrist,  bearing 
the  imperial  signet,  and  bade  him  conduct  to  Mexico  the 
guilty  parties.  Cortes  expressed  his  satisfaction,  but  added 
that,  in  order  to  convince  his  men  of  the  emperor’s  innocence, 
it  would  be  advisable  for  him  to  remove  to  their  quarters  until 
the  offenders  were  brought  to  justice. 

Montezuma  was  thunder-struck  at  this  matchless  impudence. 


174 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


He,  the  august  sovereign,  before  whom  princes  fell  prostrate, 
at  whose  word  armies  sprang  into  existence,  and  at  whose 
name  great  potentates  trembled,  to  be  thus  treated  in  his  own 
palace  by  a score  of  men,  whom  he  had  received  as  guests, 
and  loaded  with  presents!  For  a moment  he  stood  mute;  but 
the  changing  aspect  of  his  countenance  revealed  the  agitation 
of  his  mind.  Then  lie  declared  that  he  would  not  go.  They 
could  always  find  him  at  his  palace.  At  length,  however,  he 
yielded,  and  closely  surrounded  by  the  Spaniards,  though, 
merely,  he  was  told,  as  a guard  of  honor,  was  borne  on  his  lit- 
ter, through  wondering  and  excited  multitudes,  to  the  apart- 
ments of  Cortes. 

To  relate  all  the  indignities  offered  to  the  Aztec  sovereign 
and  to  his  subjects,  together  with  the  story  of  the  conflicts  and 
massacres  that  followed,  would  require  more  space  than  is 
contained  in  all  the  pages  of  this  book.  Only  the  leading  in- 
cidents will,  therefore,  be  mentioned,  and  those  in  brief  and 
simple  phrase. 

Though  not  held  a close  prisoner,  being  permitted  at  times 
to  visit  under  a strong  escort  his  palaces,  temples,  and  hunt- 
ing-grounds, the  mere  fact  of  his  captivity  was  itself  a burden 
almost  greater  than  the  monarch  could  bear.  At  first  he  was 
not  unkindly  treated,  respect  for  his  person  being  enforced 
among  the  Spaniards  under  severe  penalties.  It  is  related 
that  one  of  the  sentinels  exclaimed  in  his  hearing,  “ Confusion 
on  this  dog ! By  guarding  him  constantly,  I am  sick  at 
stomach  unto  death.”  When  informed  of  this  insult,  Cortes 
ordered  the  man  to  be  publicly  lashed  in  the  soldiers’  hall. 
We  may  presume,  however,  that  the  lash  was  not  applied  with 
undue  severity. 

Within  a fortnight  after  the  seizure  of  Montezuma,  a chief- 
tain named  Quauhpopoca,  the  ringleader  in  the  disturbance 
already  mentioned,  made  his  appearance  at  the  capital.  As 
a Spanish  historian  relates,  though  his  may  not  be  the  cor- 
rect version  of  the  matter,  he  confessed  his  guilt,  and  aftei 
some  hesitation,  admitted  that  he  had  acted  under  the  era- 


THE  SPANIARDS  ENTER  THE  CAPITAL. 


175 


peror’s  orders.  This  excuse  availed  him  not,  however,  and  he 
was  at  once  condemned  to  the  stake,  together  with  his  own 
son  and  the  members  of  his  suite,  who  had  accompanied  him 
to  Mexico. 

Before  the  pyre  was  lit,  Cortes  presented  himself  before  the 
emperor,  and  in  a severe  tone  declared  that  his  life  was  forfeit; 
but  as  he  loved  him,  for  himself  and  for  his  generosity,  he 
would  inflict  only  a nominal  punishment.  He  then  turned 
on  his  heel,  while  one  of  the  soldiers  clasped  round  the  pris- 
oner’s ankles  a pair  of  shackles.  For  a moment  Montezuma 
stood  rooted  to  the  ground.  Then  he  groaned  in  anguish  at 
this,  the  greatest  indignity  that  could  he  offered  to  his  sacred 
person. 

But  the  cup  of  his  bitterness  was  not  yet  full.  The  kings 
of  Tezcuco  and  Tlacopan,  and  a number  of  the  principal  ca- 
ciques, were  now  in  the  captain-general’s  power.  This  was 
surely  a good  opportunity  to  exact  of  them  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  Spanish  sovereignty.  He  reminded  the  emperor  of  a 
promise  already  made  to  pay  tribute,  and  required  that  he 
and  his  vassals  should  tender  their  allegiance.  Instead  of 
objecting,  as  had  been  anticipated,  Montezuma  at  once  acqui- 
esced, mainly  for  the  reason,  perhaps,  that  he  imagined  his 
consent  would  be  followed  by  the  departure  of  his  persecutors. 

The  chieftains  and  dignitaries  of  his  court  were  summoned, 
and  in  their  presence  he  declared  that  the  long-expected  race 
had  arrived  from  the  land  of  the  rising  sun,  and  demanded 
their  allegiance  in  the  name  of  Quetzalcoatl,  to  whom  of  right 
the  sovereignty  belonged.  The  gods  had  willed  that  their 
own  generation  should  repair  the  omission  of  their  ancestors. 
“Hence,”  he  continued,  his  words  being  probably  dictated  by 
the  Spaniards,  “I  pray  that  as  you  have  hitherto  honored  and 
obeyed  me  as  your  lord,  so  you  will  henceforth  honor  and  obey 
this  great  king,  for  he  is  your  legitimate  ruler,  and  in  his  place 
accept  this  mighty  captain.  All  the  tribute  and  service 
hitherto  tendered  to  your  emperor,  bestow  upon  him,  for  I 
must  also  serve  him,  and  bestow  upon  him  all  that  he  may 


176 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


require.  In  aoing  bo,  you  will  please  me,  and  fulfil  your 
duty.”  The  concluding  words  of  the  self-deposed  monarch 
were  choked  with  sohs,  which,  in  the  humiliation  of  his  soul, 
he  could  no  longer  stifle.  The  courtiers  and  chieftains  wept, 
and  even  the  eyes  of  the  Spaniards  were  dimmed  with  tears. 


Pipe  from  Casas  Grasdes 


LA  NOCIIE  TRISTE. 


177 


CHAPTER  XX. 

LA  NOCHE  TRISTE. 

We  must  now  return  for  a moment  to  Cuba,  where  Velazquez 
had  received  a royal  commission  granting  him  the  control  of 
all  the  lands  discovered  under  his  auspices.  Toward  the  close 
of  the  year  1519,  the  largest  expedition  ever  fitted  out  in  the 
New  World  set  sail  from  Santiago.  It  consisted  of  eighteen 
vessels,  with  more  than  900  soldiers,  of  whom  eighty  were 
horsemen,  with  a large  force  of  sailors,  several  hundred  In- 
dians, and  a park  of  artillery.  The  armament  was  placed  in 
charge  of  Panfilo  de  Narvaez,  and  was  directed  as  much  against 
Cortes  as  against  Montezuma. 

When  news  was  received  of  its  arrival  at  Vera  Cruz,  Cor- 
tes sent  to  the  commander  the  priest  Guevara,  expressing 
his  delight  at  finding  an  old  comrade  at  the  head  of  the  expe- 
dition, though  he  regretted  that  hostile  measures  had  been 
taken  against  one  who,  as  a loyal  servant,  held  the  country  for 
his  king.  If  Narvaez  had  brought  with  him  a royal  commis- 
sion, it  would  of  course  be  obeyed;  otherwise,  he  was  willing 
to  come  to  a friendly  agreement.  But  Narvaez  would  not 
listen  to  any  overtures.  He  knew  that  the  forces  of  Cortes 
were  inferior  to  his  own,  and  of  the  Indians  he  had  no  fear. 
Father  Olmedo  was  then  sent  to  his  camp  with  valuable  pres- 
ents, but  Narvaez  remained  stubborn,  and  declared  that  the 
conquerors  were  acting  the  part  of  traitors. 

Cortes  must  now  look  to  himself,  for  a single  defeat  might 
prove  his  ruin.  If  Narvaez  were  to  advance  on  Mexico,  the 
Aztecs  would  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  the  opportunity, 
either  to  join  their  supposed  deliverer,  or  to  attack  the  invaders 
on  their  own  account.  This  would  place  them  between  two 
fires,  to  which  famine  would  prove  an  effectual  ally.  There 
was  but  one  resort,  and  this  was  to  divide  his  forces  in  order 
12 


178 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


to  meet  the  new  danger.  Leaving  140  men  to  guard  the  capi- 
tal, in  charge  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  he  set  out  with  only  seventy 
Spaniards  toward  Vera  Cruz,  but  on  reaching  Cholula  was 
joined  hy  its  garrison  of  150,  and  before  arriving  at  the  coast 
hy  sixty  others. 

With  this  little  band,  280  in  all,  Cortes  attacked  the  enemy’s 
camp  by  night,  and  after  a feeble  resistance,  gained  possession 
of  it,  the  entire  force  being  surrendered,  together  with  the  ves- 
sels and  munitions  of  war.  When  brought  into  the  presence 
of  the  conqueror,  Narvaez,  who  was  a boastful  and  arrogant 
man,  exclaimed:  “Senor,  you  may  hold  high  the  good  fortune 
you  have  had,  and  the  great  achievement  of  securing  my  per- 
son.” With  a twinkle  of  malicious  merriment,  the  captain- 
general  regarded  his  fallen  foe  for  an  instant,  and  replied: 
“ Senor  Narvaez,  many  deeds  have  I performed  since  coming 
to  Mexico;  but  the  least  of  them  all  has  been  to  capture  you.” 

During  the  absence  of  the  captain-general,  the  forces  of 
Alvarado  in  the  capital  were  exposed  to  imminent  peril.  At 
the  time  of  Cortes’  departure,  the  festival  of  Tezcatlipoca  was 
in  progress,  and  the  Mexicans  had  received  permission  to 
celebrate  it  in  their  temple,  on  condition  that  no  human 
victims  were  sacrificed,  a portion  of  it  being  used  for  Christian 
worship.  Hearing  that  a new  and  more  powerful  band  of 
invaders  had  landed  on  the  coast,  the  caciques  resolved  to 
attack  the  slender  garrison  remaining  in  the  city,  before  it 
could  be  re-enforced.  The  strictest  secrecy  was  preserved  as 
to  their  plans,  but  nevertheless  they  were  discovered.  Where- 
upon Alvarado  formed  a most  infamous  resolve.  He  would 
enter  the  sanctuary  while  the  priests  and  chieftains  were 
celebrating  the  festival,  and  he  and  his  men  would  hew  them 
in  pieces.  This  design  was  executed  only  too  faithfully,  and  at 
least  GOO  of  the  leading  men  among  the  Aztecs  were  put  to  the 
sword,  the  temple  being  then  plundered  by  the  Spaniards  and 
their  allies. 

But  the  Spaniards  were  now  to  find  that  they  had  mistaken 
the  character  of  the  Aztecs.  Under  the  outward  guise  of 


LA  NOCUE  T JUSTE. 


179 


humility  slumbered  a fierce  and  warlike  nature,  and  though 
that  nature  might  be  seemingly  cold  and  impassive  as  the 
stones  of  the  pavement,  the  iron  heel  of  their  oppressors  had 
now  struck  fire  from  it.  At  this  last  outrage,  the  people  flew 
to  arms,  and  when  Cortes  returned,  a few  days  later,  he  found 
the  garrison  in  a state  of  siege.  Fierce  encounters  were  of 
daily  occurrence;  and  at  length  the  Spaniards  attempted  to 
force  their  way  out  of  the  city  by  way  of  the  Tlacopan  cause- 
way, but  found  this  no  easy  task.  At  the  pyramid-temple 
there  was  a desperate  conflict,  in  which  many  of  the  invaders 
were  killed  or  wounded,  and  soon  their  retreat  by  the  cause- 
way was  cut  off.  The  only  means  of  exit  was  by  the  lake, 
which  was  already  covered  with  canoes  filled  with  armed  and 
resolute  men.  A council  was  summoned,  and  it  was  resolved 
to  force  an  exit  from  the  city  at  once,  and  at  all  hazards,  as 
starvation  was  at  hand,  and  delay  would  only  diminish  their 
strength,  without  corresponding  gain. 

To  add  to  the  troubles  of  the  Spaniards,  there  occurred  at 
this  juncture  the  death  of  the  emperor.  During  the  fight  at 
the  pyramid-temple,  he  had  interceded  with  his  people,  at  the 
instance  of  Cortes,  and  had  thus  addressed  them:  “You  are 
in  arms,  my  children,  and  in  battle.  Why  is  this?  You  will 
only  he  slain,  and  there  will  he  heard  throughout  the  land  for 
many  years  the  wail  of  wives  and  little  ones.  You  would 
give  me  my  liberty,  and  I thank  you.  You  do  not  turn  from 
me  in  anger,  and  I thank  you.  You  have  not  chosen  another 
king  in  my  stead,  and  I thank  you.  Such  an  act  would  dis- 
please the  gods,  and  bring  destruction  on  all.  And  see!  I am 
no  prisoner.  By  divine  command,  I must  remain  the  guest  of 
the  Spaniards  yet  a little  longer,  and  you  must  not  molest 
them,  for  soon  they  will  return  whence  they  came.  Alas!  my 
people,  my  country,  my  crown!  ” 

As  he  ceased  to  speak,  his  head  fell  upon  his  breast,  with  a 
heavy  sigh,  and  with  copious  tears.  The  monarch’s  strength 
had  departed  from  him,  and  he  was  thoroughly  unmanned. 
His  subjects  knew  that  he  had  spoken  falsely,  and  that  lie 


180 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


was  no  longer  fitted  to  rule  over  them.  A while  ago  his  words 
would  have  been  received  as  those  of  a god;  hut  now  the 
scales  had  fallen  from  their  eyes,  and  they  saw  him  as  he  was. 
“Coward!  chicken!”  they  exclaimed;  “woman-slave  to  the 
Spaniards,  fit  only  for  the  gown  and  the  spindle!  ” Presently 
came  a shower  of  arrows  and  stones,  and  before  his  guard  could 
interpose  their  shields,  several  missiles  struck  him,  one  of  them 
on  the  left  temple,  which  caused  him  to  fall  senseless  into  the 
arms  of  the  by-standers.  From  his  injuries,  and  from  the  dis- 
tress of  his  broken  heart,  Montezuma  never  recovered,  refusing 
all  nourishment,  assistance,  and  sympathy,  until,  three  days 
later,  death  came  to  his  relief. 

About  the  end  of  June  1520,  the  Spaniards  began  their 
retreat,  again  attempting  the  capture  of  the  Tlacopan  cause- 
way. The  path  swarmed  with  warriors,  and  the  waters  around 
it  with  canoes,  whence  myriads  of  missiles  were  hurled  on  the 
retiring  foe.  After  a desperate  struggle,  they  were  compelled 
to  retreat  to  their  quarters;  but  as  they  approached  the  last 
bridge  of  the  causeway,  nearest  the  city,  they  found  it  removed, 
and  there  was  no  alternative  but  to  take  to  the  water,  amid  a 
storm  of  javelins  and  stones,  while  men  armed  with  spears 
pressed  on  their  disordered  ranks.  Cortes  remained  to  the 
last  to  cover  the  retreat,  and  single-handed  charged  again  and 
again  on  the  Aztec  host,  striking  with  the  energy  of  despair. 
Eager  to  secure  the  great  captain,  the  enemy  pressed  heavily 
upon  him,  and  but  for  his  horse  and  his  stout  armor  he  would 
certainly  have  perished.  But  ringing  loud  his  battle-cry,  he 
leaped  his  heavily  laden  steed  across  a chasm  more  than  six 
feet  in  width,  and  quickly  left  behind  him  the  disappointed 
warriors. 

A little  before  midnight,  on  the  30th  of  June,  the  Spaniards 
and  their  allies  again  set  forth  on  their  retreat,  stealthily  creep- 
ing down  the  temple  stairs  and  reaching  the  Tlacopan  cause- 
way. The  streets  were  deserted,  and  no  sound  was  heard 
save  the  measured  tramp  of  the  soldiers.  Along  the  path  like 
phantoms  the  army  moved,  and  the  causeway  was  almost 


LA  NOCUE  TRISTE. 


181 


reached.  Already  they  began  to  breathe  more  freely,  and  to 
enjoy  a feeling  of  intense  relief.  But  suddenly  the  piercing 
cry  of  a woman  awoke  the  stillness  of  the  night,  like  a warning 
note  from  the  watch-tower  of  Avernus.  Instantly  the  war- 
drum  at  the  temple  of  Tlatelulco  sounded  an  alarm,  chilling 
the  fugitives  to  their  hearts’  core,  and  its  dread  tones  were 
quickly  followed  by  shrill  trumpet  blasts  and  the  shouts  of 
warriors  echoed  and  re-echoed  from  every  quarter. 

Meanwhile  the  advanced  guard  had  reached  the  broken 
crossing  that  formerly  connected  the  road  with  the  causeway. 
Here  a portable  bridge  was  laid,  over  which  the  van  marched 
with  quickened  step,  followed  by  the  centre  with  the  baggage 
and  artillery.  At  this  moment,  the  enemy  fell  on  the  rear, 
rending  the  air  with  their  yells,  while  from  the  cross-roads 
issued  a swarm  of  warriors,  who  attacked  them  on  the  flank 
with  lance  and  sword.  To  add  to  the  horrors  of  the  scene, 
several  men  and  horses  slipped  on  the  wet  bridge  and  fell  into 
tbe  water,  while  others  were  crowded  over  its  edge.  The  re- 
mainder succeeded  in  crossing,  except  about  100,  who,  bewil- 
dered by  the  battle-cries  and  death-shrieks,  turned  back  to  tbe 
fort,  where  they  held  out  until  compelled  by  hunger  to  surren- 
der. They  were  afterward  offered  up  in  sacrifice  at  the  coro- 
nation feast  of  Cuitlahuatzin,  a younger  brother  of  Montezuma, 
and  now  the  emperor  elect. 

The  half-mile  of  causeway  between  the  first  and  second 
breaches  was  now  filled  with  the  Spaniards  and  their  allies, 
whose  flanks  wrere  constantly  harassed  on  either  side.  Fear- 
lessly the  Aztecs  jumped  from  their  canoes  to  the  banks,  and 
fought  the  enemy  with  lance  and  javelin.  Some  crept  up  the 
side,  and  seizing  the  legs  of  the  soldiers,  tried  to  drag  them 
into  the  water.  So  crowded  were  they  that  they  could  with 
difficulty  defend  themselves,  and  aggressive  movements  were 
out  of  the  question. 

Repeated  orders  had  been  sent  to  hasten  the  removal  of  the 
bridge  to  the  second  crossing,  but  the  structure  was  so  deeply 
imbedded  that  the  men  labored  for  some  time  in  vain,  exposed, 


182 


IHSTOTtT  OF  TITE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


meanwhile,  to  a fierce  onslaught.  At  length  it  was  extracted, 
but  before  it  could  be  drawn  over  the  causeway,  it  was  borne 
down  by  the  enemy  at  the  farther  end,  and  became  a complete 
wreck.  This  was  a great  calamity;  for  the  Spaniards  were 
now  hemmed  in  between  two  deep  channels  on  a causeway 
across  which  only  twenty  men  could  march  in  line.  Presently, 
a rush  was  made  for  the  second  channel,  where,  in  the  face  of 
the  foe,  the  soldiers  had  already  begun  to  cross  on  the  single 
beam  that  had  been  left  intact.  As  this  was  a very  slow 
process,  many  took  to  the  water,  only  to  receive  their  death- 
blow; some  were  taken  prisoners,  and  some  sank  beneath  the 
burden  of  their  gold.  The  canoes  were  as  numerous  here  as 
elsewhere,  and  the  enemy  as  determined.  At  this  moment, 
the  captain-general  almost  lost  his  life,  being  seized  by  the 
Indians,  who  attempted  to  drag  him  off  his  horse.  The  effort 
would  probably  have  succeeded  but  for  the  prompt  aid  of  a 
Tlascaltec,  afterward  christened  Antonio. 

Thus  in  the  darkness  the  din  of  battle  continued,  the  shouts 
and  strokes  of  the  combatants  falling  on  the  ear  in  one 
continuous  roar.  Little  regular  fighting  was  attempted,  the 
Spaniards  being  intent  on  escape,  and  the  Aztecs  yielding 
readily  before  the  cavalry,  and  taking  refuge  in  their  canoes. 
On  reaching  the  next  channel,  which  was  the  last,  the  fugitives 
found  it  deeper  than  the  others;  and  here,  also,  the  foe  was 
gathering,  in  ever-increasing  numbers,  to  watch  this  death- 
trap. All  efforts  to  clear  a passage  were  stubbornly  resisted, 
and  the  men  growing  more  irresolute,  a messenger  was  sent  to 
Cortes.  Before  bis  arrival,  however,  the  chivalrous  Sandoval 
had  already  plunged  into  the  lake  with  a number  of  horsemen, 
followed  by  foot-soldiers,  who  fell  into  their  wake,  holding  on 
to  the  trappings  of  the  horses,  or  striking  out  for  themselves. 
The  passage  was  extremely  difficult,  and  several  horsemen 
fell  under  the  pressure  of  friends  and  foes.  Those  who  fol- 
lowed suffered  yet  more,  being  pushed  aside  by  their  comrades, 
struck  with  clubs  and  stones,  wounded  with  spear-thrusts,  or, 
most  horrible  fate  of  all,  drawn  into  the  canoes  by  dusky  boat- 
men, to  be  reserved  for  the  dread  stone  of  sacrifice. 


LA  NOCHE  T JUSTE. 


183 


On  reaching  the  channel  where  Sandoval  had  taken  his 
stand  to  keep  clear  the  hank  and  protect  the  passage,  Cortes 
heard  that  Alvarado  was  in  danger.  Proceeding  at  once  to 
the  rear,  beyond  the  second  channel,  he  found  it  hotly  con- 
tested, and  his  arrival  gave  new  courage  to  the  troops,  as  with 
gallant  charges  he  relieved  them  from  the  terrible  pressure. 
When  he  looked  around  in  vain  for  the  remainder  of  the 
force  that  had  been  ordered  to  protect  this  post,  Alvarado  as- 
sured him  that  all  the  living  were  there.  The  rear-guard  had 
been  overwhelmed,  and  those  who  had  escaped  death  or  cap- 
ture had  been  thrown  into  disorder,  from  which  he  had  extri- 
cated them  with  the  utmost  difficulty. 

Leaving  Alvarado  to  cover  the  retreat  as  best  he  could, 
Cortes  hastened  to  direct  the  passage  of  the  middle  channel. 
Here  was  a sickening  spectacle,  and  of  all  the  horrors  of  this 
mournful  night  this  was  the  most  horrible.  A bridge  had 
been  wanting,  and  now  a bridge  was  there;  but  one  formed  of 
the  dead  and  dying,  piled  in  heaps  on  either  side  of  the  one 
slippery  beam  over  which  Spaniards  and  allies  were  rushing, 
heedless  of  the  groans  of  their  fallen  comrades. 

But  the  end  was  not  yet.  At  the  last  channel  was  a yawn- 
ing abyss,  over  which  was  also  a single  remaining  beam,  serv- 
ing rather  as  a snare  than  a support.  The  slow  motion  of  the 
army  had  enabled  the  Mexicans  to  surround  this  point  in 
swarms,  while,  harassed  on  every  side,  the  fugitives  thought 
only  of  escaping  this  new  danger.  Throwing  aside  their  arms 
And  treasure,  they  plunged  into  the  dark  waters,  bearing  each 
other  down,  regardless  of  the  claims  of  friendship  or  humanity. 
Some  cried  to  the  saints  for  mercy;  some  cursed  their  fate  and 
him  who  had  brought  them  there,  and  many  sank  with  mute 
despair  into  the  arms  of  death,  while  above  the  tumult  rang 
forth  the  fierce  yells  and  insults  of  the  foe. 

Cortes  was  everywhere  present,  cheering,  guiding,  and  pro- 
tecting his  troops.  What  man  could  do  he  did;  hut  at  length, 
seeing  that  further  effort  at  the  channels  was  unavailing,  he 
hastened  forward  to  look  to  those  who  had  already  crossed. 


184 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Heedless  of  companies  or  officers,  the  men  were  banded  to- 
gether in  parties  of  a score  or  two,  and  sword  in  hand,  where 
this  had  not  been  thrown  away,  were  hurrying  along  the  cause- 
way. Finding  the  advance  comparatively  safe,  the  captain- 
general  returned  with  a few  horsemen  and  foot-soldiers  to 
protect  the  remainder  of  his  forces.  At  this  moment  the  rem- 
nant of  the  rear-guard  was  approaching  the  last  channel,  and 
the  men,  being  now  panic-stricken,  offered  but  slight  resist- 
ance, crowding  against  each  other,  and  presenting  their  backs 
as  a target  for  the  enemy’s  missiles. 

Alvarado,  who  was  wounded  and  had  lost  his  horse,  finding 
the  men  beyond  control,  gathered  around  him  a small  band  and 
sought  the  channel,  leaving  the  rest  to  take  care  of  themselves. 
It  is  related  that,  when  he  reached  this  spot,  the  beam  had 
been  broken  down;  and  now  indeed  was  his  life  in  peril,  safety 
depending  on  instant  action.  With  a searching  glance  into 
the  troubled  pool,  and  across  the  awful  chasm,  he  stepped 
back  to  prepare  for  a final  spring,  and  then,  rushing  forward, 
planted  his  long  pike  on  the  yielding  debris,  and  vaulted  across. 
The  Indians,  it  is  said,  prostrated  themselves  in  admiration, 
exclaiming:  “Truly,  this  man  is  the  Tonatiuh ! ” or  sun-god. 
To  this  day  the  place  is  still  known  by  the  name  of  El  Salto 
de  Alvarado,  or  the  leap  of  Alvarado.  While  leading  the 
remnant  of  his  forces  toward  Tlacopan,  Cortes  seated  himself 
on  a stone  near  the  village  of  Popotla,  to  weep  over  the  disas- 
ters of  this  mournful  night,  ever  afterwards  termed  by  the 
Spaniards  La  Noche  Triste. 


Skull  and  Cross-bones  — Nohpat,  Yucatan. 


CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  MEXICO. 


185 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  MEXICO. 

In  July  1520,  the  army  readied  the  city  of  Tlascala,  though 
for  several  days  it  was  hotly  pursued  by  the  Mexicans,  while 
on  the  plain  near  Otumba  a vast  array  was  gathered  to  inter- 
cept its  passage.  At  length,  however,  the  worn-out  Spaniards 
were  in  safe  quarters,  being  accorded  by  the  Tlascaltecs  a 
hospitable  reception.  In  vain  the  Aztecs  despatched  an  embassy 
to  the  latter,  deploring  the  long  feud  which  had  existed  be- 
tween them,  recalling  their  intimate  relationship  in  blood  and 
language,  and  urging  the  mutual  benefit  of  a permanent  peace. 
One  obstacle  alone,  declared  the  envoys,  stood  in  the  way,  and 
that  was  the  presence  of  the  Spaniards,  to  whom  was  due  the 
unfortunate  condition  of  the  entire  country.  All  overtures 
were  rejected;  for,  said  a leading  chieftain  in  the  Tlascalan 
council,  the  strangers  had  delivered  them  from  want  and 
danger;  they  had  enriched  them  with  trade  and  spoils,  and 
had  raised  their  republic  to  a more  prominent  position  than  it 
had  ever  before  enjoyed.  The  interests  of  the  state  required 
the  friendship  of  those  who  had  opened  for  them  the  path  to 
glory  and  riches;  while  in  good  faith  they  must  be  loyal  to 
their  invited  guests. 

Cortes  held  forth  the  most  brilliant  prospects  as  the  result 
of  this  alliance,  and  at  once  resolved  to  renew  the  campaign. 
When  this  determination  was  made  known  to  his  followers,  a 
formal  request  was  presented  to  him,  asking  that  the  expedi- 
tion should  return  to  Vera  Cruz,  for  with  their  small  numbers, 
scantily  supplied  with  arms,  ammunition,  horses,  and  clothing, 
many  of  them  being  maimed  and  wounded,  they  were  entirely 
unprepared  to  take  the  field.  Cortes  declined.  Before  him 
were  fame  and  wealth,  while  to  retreat  would  bring  on  him 
disgrace  and  poverty,  perhaps  imprisonment  and  death.  He 


186 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


had  sacrificed  the  lives  of  many  of  his  countrymen,  and  as  yet 
he  had  nothing  to  show  for  it,  not  even  gold. 

“What  is  this  I hear?”  he  asked  of  his  assembled  troops. 
“ Is  it  true  that  you  would  retire  from  the  fertile  fields  of  New 
Spain, — you,  Spaniards,  Castilians,  Christians?  leave  the  ship- 
loads of  gold  which  in  the  Aztec  capital  we  saw  and  handled? 
leave  standing  the  abominable  idols  with  their  blood-stained 
ministers,  and  tamely  summon  others  to  enjoy  the  riches  and 
glory  which  you  are  too  craven  to  grasp?  Alas  for  your 
patriotism,  your  duty  to  your  emperor  and  your  God!  Alas 
for  the  honor  of  the  Spanish  arms!  Go  all  who  will;  abandon 
your  sacred  trusts,  and  with  them  the  wealth  in  mines  and 
tributes,  and  the  fair  estates  awaiting  you.  For  myself,  if  left 
alone,  then  alone  will  I remain,  and  take  command  of  Indians, 
since  my  Spanish  followers  have  all  turned  cowards!  ” 

Shouts  of  approval  arose  from  the  old  comrades  of  the  cap- 
tain-general, who  declared  that  not  a man  should  be  allowed 
to  depart  for  the  coast.  The  troops  were  soon  afterward  mus- 
tered at  a village  near  Tlascala,  and  were  found  to  include  450 
Spaniards,  with  about  20  horses,  a few  firelocks  and  field- 
pieces,  and  a number  of  cross-bows,  though  most  of  their 
remaining  weapons  were  swords  and  pikes.  The  greater  por- 
tion of  the  men  consisted  of  the  command  of  Narvaez,  many 
of  whom  had  cast  in  their  fortunes  with  Cortes.  There  were 
also  6,000  Tlascaltec  allies,  and  a larger  army  of  Indians  was 
being  assembled  under  the  cacique  Xicotencatl.  Before  reach- 
ing the  city  of  Mexico,  several  re-enforcements  arrived,  increas- 
ing the  force  of  Spaniards  to  more  than  900,  of  whom  86  were 
horsemen,  with  three  heavy  guns  and  fifteen  smaller  pieces 
of  artillery,  the  Tlascaltec  contingent  numbering  more  than 
50,000.  Meanwhile  a number  of  brigantines  had  been  pre- 
pared at  Tezcuco,  and  were  carried  in  pieces,  with  their  spars, 
cordage,  and  sails,  on  the  backs  of  Indians. 

After  subduing  number  of  provinces  and  towns,  among 
the  latter  being  Xaltocan,  Quauhtitlan,  Tcnayocan,  and  several 
other  strongholds  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  in  May  1521  the 


CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  MEXICO. 


187 


Spaniards  laid  siege  to  the  capital.  The  day  on  which  the 
brigantines  were  launched  into  the  lake  was  celebrated  as  one 
of  rejoicing  and  festivity,  the  royal  banner  of  Castille  being 


hoisted  on  all  the  vessels  amid  cheers  and  salvos  of  artillery. 
Each  craft  was  placed  in  charge  of  a captain,  with  twenty-four 
Spaniards,  including  cross-bowmen,  cannoneers,  and  arque- 
busiers.  While  the  hunting  was  being  unfurled,  the  strains  of 


188 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  te  deuin  were  heard  floating  over  the  waters  of  the  lake  of 
Mexico. 

On  whitmonday,  the  20th  of  May,  the  troops  were  divided 
into  three  divisions,  their  command  being  intrusted  to  Alvarado, 
Olid,  and  Sandoval,  who  led  the  cavalry  in  person,  directing 
the  movements  of  the  infantry  through  the  captains,  and  of 
the  allies  through  native  chieftains.  The  commanders  were 
placed  at  various  points,  so  as  completely  to  invest  the  city, 
and  to  each  of  them  were  assigned  about  thirty  horsemen,  with 
150  infantry,  and  a large  force  of  allies.  For  himself,  Cortes 
selected  for  the  present  the  management  of  the  fleet,  on  which 
at  the  opening  of  the  siege  he  placed  his  chief  reliance. 

During  the  first  week  of  June,  a combined  attack  was  made 
on  the  city  from  several  quarters;  but  though  the  assailants 
succeeded  in  penetrating  to  the  heart  of  the  capital,  even  be- 
yond the  plaza,  setting  fire  to  a number  of  buildings,  they  were 
finally  driven  back,  after  a hard  struggle,  to  their  encamp- 
ments. In  the  mean  time  further  large  re-enforcements,  with 
supplies,  arrived  from  the  Xochimilcans,  the  Otonn's,  and  the 
Tezcucans,  swelling  the  forces  of  the  Spaniards  to  at  least 
200,000  men.  Three  days  later,  another  assault  was  made,  but 
each  channel  and  intrenchment  taken  during  the  first  attack 
had  to  be  captured  anew.  On  reaching  the  plaza,  where  the 
houses  were  yet  intact,  missiles  were  hurled  upon  the  assailants 
with  such  destructive  force  that  Cortes  found  it  necessary  to 
apply  the  torch  to  several  edifices,  among  them  being  the 
palace  of  Axayacatl,  his  former  headquarters,  where  he  and 
his  comrades  had  sustained  so  fierce  a siege,  and  the  House  of 
Birds,  a prominent  and  beautiful  feature  in  the  capital.  When 
evening  came,  the  signal  was  given  to  return  to  camp,  and  the 
conflict  closed  without  decisive  result. 

Thus  day  by  day  the  siege  continued  with  varying  result,  but 
after  six  weeks  of  incessant  warfare  the  end  seemed  little  nearer 
than  before.  At  one  time,  three  fourths  of  the  city  was  reduced; 
but  nearly  all  this  advantage  had  been  lost,  mainly  on  account 
of  the  narrow  streets,  which,  encompassed  by  houses,  served 


CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  Ob'  MEXICO. 


189 


both  for  attack  and  retreat,  and  the  numerous  traps,  in  the  form 
of  channels  and  canals.  Bo  long  as  these  obstacles  remained, 
progress  must  be  slow,  and  the  troops  would  he  constantly  in 
danger  of  surprise.  Cortes  resolved  therefore  to  tear  down 
every  building  as  he  advanced,  and  fill  up  every  channel,  “ not 
taking  one  step  in  advance  without  leaving  all  desolate  behind, 
and  converting  water  into  firm  land,  regardless  of  delay.”  So 
wrote  the  captain-general  in  his  despatches,  while  expressing 
regret  for  the  destruction  of  a city  which  he  declared  to  be  the 
most  beautiful  in  the  world. 

Vast  stores  of  provisions  had  been  accumulated  by  the 
Mexicans,  but  the  large  influx  of  fugitives  from  the  lake  towns 
had  greatly  diminished  the  supply,  which  had  received  hut 
scanty  additions,  on  account  of  the  close  blockade  preserved 
by  the  brigantines.  Famine  was  now  raging  in  their  midst, 
and  jewels  and  gold  were  offered  by  the  handful  for  equal 
quantities  of  food.  The  poor  searched  among  the  canals  for 
snails,  lizards,  and  rats;  they  skimmed  the  water  of  its  scum, 
and  tore  up  the  earth  for  roots  and  weeds,  glad  even  to  chew 
the  bark  of  trees,  and  anxiously  waiting  for  their  scant  allow- 
ance of  brackish  water.  Disease  marched  hand  in  hand  with 
hunger,  and  weakened  by  their  sufferings,  hundreds  were  left 
to  linger  in  torment  until  relieved  by  death. 

Rapid  progress  was  made  by  the  troops  under  Cortes  in  the 
work  of  demolition.  The  Tlacopan  road  was  levelled,  thus 
affording  easy  communication  with  the  camp  of  Alvarado,  and 
on  the  25th  of  July,  the  eve  of  Santiago’s  day,  the  greater  part 
of  the  main  street  leading  to  the  principal  market  was  cap- 
tured. The  progress  made  in  the  direction  of  the  market, 
which  was  the  objective  point  of  all  the  operations,  caused 
Alvarado  to  make  desperate  efforts  to  win  this  position  in  ad- 
vance of  his  comrades.  It  was  large  and  level,  capable,  as 
will  be  remembered,  of  holding  60,000  persons,  and  once 
within  it,  he  felt  confident  of  holding  his  ground.  Advancing 
by  night  with  all  his  forces,  he  took  the  Aztecs  by  surprise,  and 
effecting  an  entrance  without  difficulty,  met  in  good  order  the 


190 


HISTORY - OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


onset  of  the  Mexicans.  The  latter  were  driven  back  by  the 
cavalry,  while  the  infantry  took  possession  of  a number  of 
stalls  and  began  the  work  of  pillage. 

An  officer  named  Gutierre  de  Badajoz  was  now  ordered  to 
capture  the  pyramid-temple  which  overlooked  the  market- 
place. His  advance  was  fiercely  disputed,  and  again  and 
again  were  his  men  driven  back,  or  hurled,  bruised  and  bleed- 
ing, down  the  steps.  Nevertheless  he  persevered,  and  step  by 
step  climbed  upward,  sustained  by  re-enforcements,  until  after 
two  hours  of  hard  fighting  the  summit  was  reached.  Then  the 
two  wooden  towers  containing  the  altars  and  idols  were  gained, 
and  the  torch  being  applied,  dense  columns  of  smoke  arising 
from  them  announced  the  victory  of  the  Spaniards.  Loud 
rose  the  wail  of  the  Mexicans  as  they  witnessed  this  disaster, 
foreboding  destruction  to  their  cause;  but  at  once  they  re- 
newed the  onslaught,  and  with  such  fierce  determination  that 
the  Spaniards  were  finally  driven  back  with  considerable  loss. 

Nothing  daunted,  Alvarado  renewed  his  attack  the  following 
day,  and  on  this  occasion  met  with  little  resistance,  the  Mexi- 
cans being  discouraged  by  the  fall  of  their  temple  and  the 
resolute  bearing  of  the  foe.  After  passing  through  the  market- 
place, he  came  in  sight  of  a detachment  under  Cortes,  whose 
men  received  him  with  ringing  and  repeated  cheers.  The  lat- 
ter had  just  captured  the  intrenclnnents  nearest  to  the  market- 
place, and  the  captain-general  and  his  lieutenant  ascended 
together  the  lofty  pyramid  over  which  the  royal  banner  of 
Spain  was  already  unfurled.  Surveying  the  city  beneath  him, 
Cortes  afterward  remarked  in  his  despatches:  “ It  already 
seemed  undoubted  that  of  eight  parts  we  had  gained  seven.” 

The  splendid  metropolis  of  Anahuac,  the  finest  and  largest 
in  all  the  northern  continent  of  America,  was  now  a mass  of 
ruins,  through  which  the  broad  paths  levelled  by  the  invaders 
led  to  the  one  quarter  that  remained  to  the  beseiged.  Here, 
amid  famine,  disease,  and  putrefying  bodies,  the  natives  were 
huddled  in  dense  masses,  amid  an  atmosphere  so  pestiferous 
that  the  soldiers  who  entered  the  recently  abandoned  lanes 


CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  MEXICO. 


191 


were  almost  stifled,  and  fires  were  lit  to  purify  the  air.  The 
inhabitants  met  their  foe  with  passive  indifference,  and  with 
the  recklessness  of  despair,  while  on  the  roofs  of  the  houses 
beyond  stalked  the  warriors,  gaunt  and  yellow,  like  caged  and 
starving  beasts. 

Appalled  at  this  hideous  spectacle,  Cortes  ordered  a suspen- 
sion of  hostilities,  and  despatched  to  Quauhtemotzin,  the  com- 
mander of  the  Aztecs,  some  captive  chieftains  with  proposals 
for  peace.  He  pointed  out  that  further  resistance  would  but 
involve  needless  suffering  and  slaughter,  and  imbitter  against 
the  Aztecs  the  besieging  forces.  He  was  ready,  he  declared, 
to  forget  the  past;  he  would  respect  the  persons  and  property 
of  the  Mexicans  and  the  rights  of  their  sovereign,  demanding 
in  return  only  a renewal  of  the  allegiance  already  tendered 
during  the  life-time  of  Montezuma.  Quauhtemotzin  barely 
listened  to  the  messengers.  “Tell  Malinche,”  he  replied, 
“that  I and  mine  elect  to  die.  We  will  intrust  ourselves 
neither  to  the  men  who  commit,  nor  to  the  god  who  permits, 
such  atrocities!”  Further  proposals  were  made,  but  without 
avail,  for  the  priests  now  declared  that  the  gods,  appeased  by 
sacrifice,  had  promised  victory  within  three  days.  Meanwhile 
Cortes  was  not  impatient  to  renew  the  conflict,  for  disease  and 
hunger  were  fighting  on  his  side,  and  already  the  capital  was 
doomed. 

No  sooner  were  the  three  days  expired  than  the  Mexicans 
made  a sudden  and  furious  attack  on  the  besiegers,  throwing 
their  front  ranks  into  confusion.  The  troops  quickly  rallied, 
however,  under  cover  of  the  artillery,  and  Cortes  resolved  to 
inflict  a severe  chastisement.  Alvarado  was  ordered  to  carry 
by  assault  a large  ward,  containing  more  than  1,000  build- 
ings, while  the  remainder  of  the  forces  attacked  the  main 
quarter.  The  Aztecs  fought  with  such  indifference  as  to  their 
fate  that  the  battle  soon  became  a butchery,  and  more  than 
12,000  of  them  were  killed  or  captured.  Thus  the  promised 
victory  proved  a defeat,  and  now  the  hearts  even  of  the  most 
hopeful  sank  within  them.  The  despair  was  greatly  increased 


192 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


by  a strange  phenomenon  which  occurred  about  this  time,  de- 
scribed in  native  records  as  a fiery  whirlwind,  resolving  itself 
into  flames  and  smoke.  Rising  with  a great  uproar  toward 
the  north,  it  revolved  over  the  doomed  quarter  after  sunset, 
and  disappeared  in  the  lake,  filling  the  souls  of  the  Mexicans 
with  terror. 

Returning  the  following  day  to  renew  the  fight,  Cortes  was 
met  by  throngs  of  haggard  and  emaciated  beings,  careless  of 
their  lives,  yet  clamoring  for  bread,  lie  ordered  that  they 
should  not  be  molested,  and  proceeded  to  hold  parley  with 
certain  of  the  chieftains  who  had  requested  a conference. 
“ Son  of  heaven!”  they  cried,  “ within  one  brief  day  and  night 
the  tireless  orb  returns.  Why  dost  not  thou  also  finish  thy 
task  as  quickly?  Kill  us,  so  that  we  may  no  longer  suffer, 
but  enter  paradise  and  join  the  happy  throng  already  sent 
thither.”  The  answer  was  that  in  their  own  hands  lay  the 
remedy.  Jf  they  would  but  desist  from  their  insane  opposi- 
tion, bread  would  be  given  to  all,  and  their  lives  and  property 
would  be  secured  from  harm.  No  definite  answer  was  re- 
turned, for  though  eager  to  speak,  the  caciques  seemed  afraid. 
It  now  became  evident  that  the  emperor  and  a few  of  the  lead- 
ing nobles  alone  stood  in  the  way  of  peace,  and  one  more  effort 
was  made  to  prevent  further  bloodshed,  but  without  success. 

On  the  sickening  details  that  attended  the  close  of  the  siege, 
we  need  not  longer  dwell.  Day  after  day,  conflicts,  or  rather 
massacres,  followed  in  quick  succession,  and  on  one  occasion 
it  is  said  that  no  less  than  40,000  of  the  inhabitants  were 
butchered.  In  helpless  despair,  like  beasts  penned  in  the 
shambles,  the  survivors  awaited  their  death-blow  as  a deliver- 
ance. The  streets  were  piled  with  the  dead  bodies  of  these 
unoffending  victims,  while  on  the  living  settled  the  blackness 
of  despair  and  desolation.  “ Never,”  writes  Cortes,  attempting 
to  throw  the  blame  on  his  allies,  “ was  such  cruelty  seen, 
beyond  all  bounds  of  nature,  as  among  these  natives.” 

Fearing  that  the  emperor  would  escape  him,  Cortes  directed 
Sandoval  to  place  vessels  on  the  watch  for  fugitives,  especially 


CAPTURE  AND  DESTRUCTION  OF  MEXICO. 


193 


at  a point  named  the  harbor  of  Tlatelulco,  into  which  it  was 
proposed  to  drive  the  besieged,  and  secure  the  monarch  and 
his  courtiers  with  their  gold  and  jewels.  Observing  that  many 
were  taking  to  their  canoes,  Sandoval  bore  down  upon  them 
with  his  brigantines,  capsizing  the  greater  portion,  filled  as 
they  were  with  the  nobles  and  their  families,  of  whom  a large 
number  perished. 

At  this  moment  a few  boats  of  larger  build  emerged  from 
their  hiding-place,  and  were  paddled  rapidly  toward  the  open 
lake.  Sandoval  observed  the  movement,  and  immediately 
ordered  the  captain  of  his  swiftest  vessel  to  pursue  the  fugitives, 
who  were  probably  persons  of  note.  As  the  craft  gained  upon 
them,  the  canoes  scattered  in  all  directions;  but  a captive  on 
board  the  brigantine  pointed  out  the  one  most  likely  to  contain 
the  emperor.  On  approaching  it,  the  archers  levelled  their 
cross-bows,  whereupon  the  signal  was  made  of  surrender,  with 
the  cry  that  Quauhtemotzin  was  there. 

While  passing  along  the  streets  into  the  presence  of  the  con- 
queror, all  eyes  were  turned  on  the  captive,  and  men  ceased 
even  from  the  work  of  carnage  to  gaze  upon  the  fallen  sovereign. 
He  walked  with  a firm  step,  and  the  majestic  dignity  of  his 
bearing  impressed  all  beholders.  His  grave,  careworn  features 
betokened  suffering,  and  the  pallor  which  overspread  his  face 
was  increased  by  the  feverish  brilliancy  of  the  eyes,  now  look- 
ing straight  before  him,  and  now  bent  sorrowfully  on  the 
ground. 

On  hearing  of  the  emperor’s  capture,  Cortes  gave  orders  that 
a dais  should  be  prepared,  and  a table  spread  with  refresh- 
ments. As  he  approached,  the  guard  drew  up  in  line,  and 
saluting  him  with  the  utmost  courtesy,  the  captain-general  led 
him  to  a seat  by  his  side.  “Malinche,”  said  the  fallen  monarch, 
“I  have  done  all  within  my  power  for  the  defence  of  my  peo- 
ple; but  the  gods  have  not  favored  me.  My  empire  is  gone, 
my  city  is  destroyed,  and  my  vassals  are  dead.  For  what 
have  I to  live?  Rid  me,  therefore,  of  a worthless  existence.” 
Thus  saying,  he  touched  a dagger  in  the  Spaniard’s  belt. 

*13 


194 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Cortes  sought  to  reassure  him,  declaring  that  none  could  resist 
the  God  of  the  Christians.  lie  had  performed  his  duty  like  a 
hrave  and  noble  prince,  and  as  such  he  should  be  treated. 
We  shall  see  presently  how  this  promise  was  fulfilled. 

Until  long  after  vespers  on  this  day  sacred  to  St  Hippolytus, 
the  13th  of  August,  1521,  the  slaughter  and  pillage  were  con- 
tinued. Shortly  afterward  rain  set  in,  followed  toward  mid- 
night by 'a  furious  thunder-storm,  which  to  the  homeless  Mexi- 
cans seemed  like  the  tumult  of  their  departing  deities.  To  the 
conquerors,  the  roar  of  heaven’s  artillery  appeared  as  a salvo 
in  honor  of  victory,  and  their  triumph  was  celebrated  with 
feasting  and  merriment,  until  at  length  came  slumber,  with 
visions  of  gold,  and  lands,  and  vassals. 

For  seventy-five  days  the  siege  had  lasted,  amidst  almost 
hourly  scenes  of  bloodshed,  in  which  nearly  1,000  Spaniards 
were  engaged,  and  some  200,000  of  their  allies.  The  losses  of 
the  former  did  not  exceed  100,  while  of  the  latter  there  fell 
vast  numbers,  and  of  the  Mexicans  at  least  100,000  perished 
by  the  sword,  in  addition  to  those  who  died  of  famine  and 
disease.  Peace  being  proclaimed,  the  surviving  Aztecs  began 
to  crawl  forth  from  their  pest-holes  and  seek  the  fields  adjacent, 
now  lustrous  green  under  the  refreshing  rains,  fding  in  long 
procession  over  the  causeway,  while  the  very  sun  struck  black 
on  their  pinched  features  and  plague-stricken  forms. 

Cortes  then  summoned  the  allies,  whose  services  were  no 
longer  needed,  and  as  he  bade  them  farewell,  complimented 
them  on  their  loyalty  and  bravery,  which,  he  said,  would  be 
represented  to  his  sovereign  and  suitably  rewarded.  To  the 
chieftains  were  given  shields,  robes,  and  other  articles  of 
trilling  value,  accompanied  with  promises  of  more  substantial 
gifts.  Then  they  went  their  way,  contented  with  their  slaves 
and  spoils,  with  the  humiliation  of  their  foe,  and  with  the 
promises  of  the  Spaniards,  little  dreaming  that,  throughout 
the  long  days  and  nights  of  this  terrible  siege  they  had  been 
forging  their  own  fetters,  which  they  and  their  children  were 
soon  to  wear. 


PART  III.— VICEREGAL  OR  COLONIAL 

PERIOD. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  II  URN  AN  CORTES. 

At  the  division  of  spoils  made  soon  after  the  discovery  of 
the  treasure-chamber  in  the  pyramid-temple,  there  remained, 
after  making  the  usual  deductions,  only  one  hundred  pesos,  or 
dollars,  for  each  of  the  rank  and  file.  So  at  least  relates  Ber- 
nal Diaz,  though  by  pesos  he  may  probably  have  meant  pesos 
de  oro,  or  pieces  of  gold,  worth  about  twelve  silver  dollars. 
Accepting  even  the  latter  version,  this  was  no  very  munificent 
return  for  the  risk  and  hardships  encountered  by  the  soldiers 
of  Cortes.  Many  refused  to  accept  this  as  their  share,  and 
those  who  did  accept  it  joined  in  the  clamor  of  the  discon- 
tented. It  is  probable  that  the  present  money  value  of  all  the 
plunder  and  presents  obtained  by  the  Spaniards  was  little 
short  of  $10,000,000,  and  by  some  authorities  it  is  estimated 
at  a higher  figure.  But  from  this  sum  was  first  deducted  the 
royal  fifth,  and  then  the  fifth  promised  to  the  captain-general, 
after  which  a large  portion  was  set  apart  for  the  expenses  and 
losses  of  the  expedition,  while  double  or  special  shares  were 
assigned  to  the  priests,  the  captains,  those  who  owned  horses, 
and  those  who  carried  fire-arms  and  cross-bows. 

At  the  close  of  the  siege,  the  final  distribution,  increased 
somewhat  by  the  presents  and  tributes  of  neighboring  prov- 
inces, gave  to  each  horseman  about  a hundred  pesos  de  oro, 
and  to  the  foot-soldiers  a smaller  amount.  Thereupon  insub- 
ordination broke  out  in  the  camp.  The  riches  of  Mexico  had 
already  been  severely  drained,  and  now  little  was  left  of  the 
fabled  wealth  of  Anahuac;  but  there  were  few  among  the 


196 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Spaniards  who  did  not  believe  that  gold  and  jewels  had  been 
concealed  by  the  commander,  or  by  his  captives.  “Cortes  is 
conniving  with  Quauhtemotzin,”  they  cried,  “in  order  to  se- 
cure possession  of  the  treasures.”  To  the  never-ending  shame 
of  the  captain-general,  it  must  be  related  that,  in  order  to 
pacify  his  troops,  he  ordered  the  emperor  and  the  king  of 
Tlacopan  to  be  put  to  the  torture. 

The  mode  of  torture  was  simple  but  extremely  effective; 
their  feet  were  roasted  before  a slow  fire,  oil  being  applied  to 
prevent  a too  rapid  charring  of  the  flesh,  for  this  might  lessen 


the  pain  and  defeat  the  purpose.  Quauhtemotzin  bore  his  suf- 
ferings with  the  stoicism  of  an  Aztec  warrior.  When  his  fellow- 
victim  turned  toward  him  in  anguish  as  if  appealing  for  com- 
passion, he  exclaimed,  “Think  you  that  I enjoy  it?”  Never- 
theless he  bethought  himself  how  to  escape  the  torment,  and 
mentioned  a number  of  places  where  gold  and  jewels  might 
he  found.  Little  of  value  was  recovered,  however,  although  to 
this  day  it  is  related  that  beneath  the  waters  of  the  lake  of 
Mexico  lie  buried  treasures  of  untold  value. 

What  must  now  be  done  with  the  remains  of  the  captured 
city,  was  the  question  among  the  Spanish  captains.  A strong- 
hold was  certainly  needed,  in  order  to  secure  possession  of  the 


Stone  Found  Bukied  in  the  Plaza  of  Mexico. 


THE  LAST  DA  YS  OF  HERN  AX  CORTtS. 


197 


valley;  and  after  some  discussion,  it  was  resolved  that  its  site 
should  be  at  Mexico.  The  dead  were  buried,  fires  were  lighted 
to  purify  the  atmosphere,  the  streets  were  opened,  and  the 
ruins  removed.  All  this  was  accomplished  by  the  allies  from 
the  lake  districts,  to  whom,  during  the  siege,  the  Aztecs  had 
used  no  vain  threat  when  they  exclaimed,  “ Raze  and  tear 
down,  ye  slaves,  but  all  must  be  rebuilt  with  your  own  hands 
for  the  victor  ! ” 


Mexico  Rebuilt,  1521. 


A plan  was  drawn  out  for  the  Spanish  quarter,  in  the  centre 
of  which  was  the  plaza,  the  name  Tenochtitlan,  or  as  the 
Spaniards  wrote  it,  Temixtitan,  being  long  applied  in  official 
documents  to  this  portion  of  the  capital.  Two  additional 
causeways  were  constructed,  and  the  levee  which  protected 
the  southern  front  of  the  city  was -strengthened  and  named  San 
Lazaro. 

The  temple  court  now  served  for  a market-place,  around 
which  were  reserved  sites  for  a church,  a convent,  the  gov- 
ernor’s palace,  the  town  hall,  and  other  public  buildings.  For 


198 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


himself,  Cortes  built  two  large  dwellings,  on  the  ground  where 
formerly  stood  the  palaces  of  Montezuma.  All  the  structures 
wero  substantially  built,  many  being  of  stone,  and  with  towers 
at  each  corner,  loop-holed  for  defence.  The  arsenal,  with  its 
fortified  docks  for  sheltering  the  fleet,  was  protected  by  batlle- 
mented  turrets,  the  first  commandant  being  Pedro  de  Alva- 
rado. No  church  was  built  for  several  years,  a hall  in  the 
residence  of  the  captain-general  being  used  as  a chapel. 

The  work  of  rebuilding  progressed  rapidly,  the  native  work- 
men and  artisans  provided  by  the  chieftains  relieving  their 


Coat  ok  Mail  of  the  City  ok  Mexico.  From  a Rake  Print. 


toil  with  songs  and  jokes.  Among  them  was  a number  of 
Aztecs,  who  appeared  to  have  already  forgotten  their  recent 
troubles,  glad  even  to  obtain  the  dole  of  food  which  rewarded 
each  day’s  labor.  So  rapid  was  the  growth  of  the  city,  that 
in  1523  it  was  presented  by  the  Spanish  monarch  with  a coat 
of  arms  representing  a blue  field,  in  allusion  to  the  lake  of 
Mexico,  and  having  in  the  centre  a gilded  castle,  to  which  led 
three  paved  causeways.  The  lions  rampant,  as  represented 
above,  are  in  token  of  Spanish  victory.  A gilt  border,  on 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  HERN  AN  CORTtiS. 


199 


which  appear  eight  maguey  leaves,  surrounds  the  field.  Seven 
years  later  the  city  was  accorded  the  same  pre-eminence  as 
was  granted  to  Burgos,  and  in  1548  received  the  title  of  “muy 
noble,  grande,  y muy  leal  ciudad,”  or  very  noble,  great,  and 
very  loyal  city. 

The  Aztec  coat  of  arms,  representing  a maguey  plant  in  the 
middle  of  a lake,  whereon  was  perched  an  eagle  holding  in  its 
beak  a serpent,  was  also  used  on  some  occasions  during  the 
reign  of  the  viceroys,  anil  was  afterward  adopted  by  the  re- 
public of  Mexico. 


Arms  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico. 


Expeditions  were  now  despatched  toward  the  south,  east, 
and  west,  for  conquest  and  colonization,  Cortes  setting  forth  in 
1525  for  Honduras,  where  affairs  were  at  this  date  in  evil  case. 
It  cannot  he  said  with  trutli  of  the  conqueror  of  Mexico,  that 
he  was  by  nature  a bad  or  a cruel  man;  rather  let  us  say  that 
through  the  influence  of  ambition,  priestcraft,  the  intoxication 
of  success,  and  a quality  which  for  the  moment  we  will  call 
patriotism,  the  darker  phase  of  his  nature  was  developed. 
During  this  expedition,  famine  beset  the  invading  host,  among 
them  being  many  Nahua  warriors,  under  command  of  Quauh- 
temotzin,  the  last  emperor  of  Mexico,  and  the  kings  of  Tlaco- 
pan  and  Tezcuco. 


200 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


A conspiracy  broke  out  among  the  allies  and  was  revealed 
to  Cortes.  Among  the  conspirators  arrested  being  Quauhtc- 
motzin,  who  admitted  that  hardship  and  danger  had  kindled 
rebellion  among  his  people,  hut  claimed  that  he  was  not  its 
author.  A secret  trial  was  held,  and  the  emperor  of  Mexico 
and  the  king  of  Tlacopan  were  sentenced  to  he  hanged.  In 
the  stillness  of  night,  they  were  dragged  to  a ceiba-tree,  and, 
says  Bernal  Diaz,  Quauhtemotzin  thus  addressed  the  captain- 
general:  “ Malinche,  many  a day  have  I suspected  the  falsity 
of  thy  words,  and  that  thou  hadst  destined  this  end  to  my 
life.  Why  dost  thou  kill  me  without  justice  ? God  will  de- 
mand of  thee  thy  answer.” 

In  the  year  1540,  Cortes  embarked  for  Spain,  accompanied 
by  a retinue  of  nobles.  In  the  suburbs  of  Madrid  he  was  met 
by  members  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  and  other  dignitaries, 
with  outward  show  of  respect,  but  the  politeness  native  to 
Spaniards  gradually  turned  to  coldness,  and  when  asking 
for  a settlement  of  his  affairs,  the  conqueror  of  Mexico  was 
treated  as  any  other  suitor.  Joining  as  a volunteer  on  board 
the  flag-ship,  an  expedition  fitted  out  against  Algiers,  his  ves- 
sel, the  Espernnza,  was  cast  ashore.  Prestige,  honor,  and 
wealth  were  gone,  his  treasure,  including  the  five  emeralds 
presented  to  him  by  Montezuma  II.,  and  worn  on  his  person 
as  a charm,  being  lost  in  the  waves.  And  now  followed  slight 
and  insult. 

A council  of  war  was  summoned,  the  occasion  being  a pro- 
posed attack  on  a Saracen  fortress;  but  to  that  council  Cortes 
was  not  summoned,  his  very  presence  being  ignored.  Stung 
by  this  affront,  he  exclaimed:  “Had  I but  a handful  of  my 
veterans  from  New  Spain,  not  long  would  they  remain  outside 
of  yonder  fortress  ! ” “ Indeed,  senor,”  was  the  reply,  “ no 

doubt  you  would  accomplish  wonders;  but  you  would  find  the 
Moors  quite  a different  foe  from  your  naked  savages.” 

Bowed  with  age  and  infirmity,  some  four  years  later  the 
captain-general  appealed  to  his  sovereign  for  redress,  asking 
for  a final  settlement  of  his  claims.  As  on  other  occasions,  no 


THE  LAST  DAYS  OF  HERN  AN  CORT&S. 


201 


answer  was  received  to  his  petition,  and  after  three  years  of 
waiting  and  disappointment,  the  conqueror  embarked  for 
Mexico,  saying  farewell,  as  he  thought  forever,  to  his  native 
land. 

At  Seville,  the  nobles  of  Spain  hade  him  adieu  with  hollow 
courtesy;  but  now  already  his  days  were  numbered.  Fever- 
stricken  and  broken-hearted,  he  was  conveyed  to  the  village 
of  Castillejo  de  la  Cuesta,  where  on  the  2d  of  December,  1547, 
he  breathed  his  last.  The  body  was  deposited  in  the  monas- 
tery of  San  Isidro,  the  sepulchre  of  the  dukes  of  Medina  Si- 
donia,  being  afterward  removed  by  order  of  Cortes’s  soil  to  the 
city  of  Tezcuco,  and  thence  to  other  portions  of  Anahuac.  Over 
his  grave  still  hangs  the  shroud  of  mystery,  and  it  is  related 
that  for  many  years  his  remains  were  carried  to  and  fro,  find- 
ing nowhere  a resting-place. 


Sculptured  Vase  — Tlahauc,  Mexico. 


21)2 


HISTORY  OR  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

AUDIENCIAS  AND  VICEROYALTY. 

The  Consejo  de  Indias,  or  Council  of  the  Indies,  held,  in 
conjunction  with  the  audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo,  control  over 
the  affairs  of  the  New  World.  The  word  ‘audiencia,’  from 
the  Latin  audire,  to  hear,  had  a variety  of  significations,  apart 
from  its  literal  meaning,  being  applied,  not  only  to  the  tri- 
bunal and  its  jurisdiction,  but  also  even  to  the  court-room  and 
building.  The  members  of  an  audiencia  were  termed  oidores, 
or  those  who  hear. 

During  his  second  expedition,  Columbus  imposed  on  the 
natives  of  Espanola  a tribute;  on  some  a bell-measure  of  gold, 
and  on  others  an  arroba,  or  twenty-five  pounds,  of  cotton,  to  be 
paid  four  times  in  the  year.  So  severe  was  the  tax  that  many 
were  unable  to  meet  it,  and  in  1496  service  was  accepted  in 
place  of  tribute.  This  was  the  origin  of  the  repartimiento, 
or  as  it  was  afterward  known  encomienda,  system,  under 
which  the  natives  of  a conquered  country  were  compelled  to 
serve  the  Spaniards.  The  first  audiencia  of  Mexico  was  es- 
tablished in  the  year  1528,  its  president  being  Nuno  de  Guz- 
man, a ruler  noted  for  his  cruelty  and  his  many  acts  of 
oppression.  Imitating  his  example,  the  oidores  cast  aside  all 
sense  of  duty  to  the  emperor,  to  their  God,  and  to  their  fellow- 
man;  strengthening  their  hands  for  evil  by  usurping  the  func- 
tions of  the  ordinary  ministers  of  justice,  and  in  order  to 
conceal  their  iniquities,  suppressing  all  letters  that  contained 
complaints  of  their  conduct 

During  the  brief  existence  of  this  tribunal,  the  rapacious 
schemes  of  Guzman  and  his  confederates  spread  throughout 
the  land  like  a fell  disease,  until  natives  and  Spaniards  alike 
groaned  under  the  infliction.  The  first  step  taken  by  the 
members  of  the  audiencia  was  to  extort  gold  from  the  most 


A UDIENCIAS  AND  VICEROYALTY. 


203 


prominent  chieftains,  whom  as  yet  they  dared  not  seize.  In 
this  proceeding,  they  were  aided  by  a native  interpreter,  at 
whose  suggestion  the  caciques  were  ordered  to  present  them- 
selves at  Mexico,  for  the  consideration  of  matters  of  impor- 
tance. As  was  their  custom,  the  chiefs  brought  with  them 
valuable  gifts,  which  served  but  to  whet  the  appetite  of  the 
recipients,  and  the  greater  the  liberality  displayed,  the  more 
frequently  were  they  summoned.  Among  them  was  the  king 
of  Michoacan,  who  became  the  victim  of  his  own  generosity; 
for  at  length  he  was  lodged  in  the  house  of  the  president, 
where  it  is  related  that  his  feet  were  roasted  before  a slow  tire, 
in  order  to  wring  from  him  the  last  ounce  of  treasure.  Enco- 
miendas  were  seized  in  all  directions,  and  the  natives  forced 
to  work  without  the  reward  enjoined  by  royal  cedula,  or  ordi- 
nance. The  complaint  of  an  individual  thrall  was  punished 
with  stripes  or  torture,  and  at  the  least  symptom  of  discon- 
tent, entire  towns  were  declared  in  a state  of  rebellion,  subdued 
by  force  of  arms,  and  their  inhabitants  sold  into  slavery  in 
provinces  remote  from  the  land  of  their  birth. 

At  length  the  clergy,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Bishop  Zu- 
marraga,  drew  up  a statement  setting  forth  the  misrule  of  the 
audiencia,  and  stating  that  they  were  not  only  powerless  to 
aid  either  native  or  Spaniard,  but  unable  to  save  even  them- 
selves from  persecution.  New  Spain  was  groaning  under 
oppression,  and  to  secure  the  prosperity  of  the  people,  and  the 
spread  of  the  true  faith,  there  was  need  of  a ruler  able  to  com- 
prehend the  condition  of  the  country,  and  willing  to  shape 
aright  its  destinies.  This  document  was  smuggled  into  Spain 
concealed  in  a hollow  wooden  image,  sent  home,  as  was  pre- 
tended, to  show  the  progress  made  by  the  natives  in  the  art 
of  sculpture. 

To  the  charges  made  by  the  clergy  were  added  others  still 
more  damnatory.  Whereupon  Charles  V.  resolved  that  the 
members  of  the  audiencia  should  be  recalled.  As  his  presence 
was  needed  elsewhere  at  this  juncture,  he  desired  the  Empress 
Isabel  of  Portugal,  a woman  of  noble  sentiments  and  sterling 


204 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


qualities,  to  see  that  the  malefactors  were  punished,  and 
worthy  officials  elected  in  their  stead.  After  the  matter  had 
been  submitted  to  the  council,  it  was  resolved  to  establish  a 
viceroyalty  in  New  Spain,  and  to  send  thither  a ruler  chosen 
from  the  nobles  of  the  court,  whose  birth  and  position  would 
insure  his  loyalty,  and  act  as  a safeguard  against  malfeasance. 
But  delay  was  needed  to  select  such  a person,  and  to  enable 
him  to  make  his  preparations.  Meanwhile,  as  the  affairs  of 
New  Spain  required  an  immediate  remedy,  it  was  decided  to 
send  forth  a new  audiencia,  composed  of  men  whose  honesty 
and  ability  had  stood  the  test  of  time  and  of  temptation. 
The  presidency  was  conferred  on  Sebastian  Ramirez  de  Fuen- 
leal,  formerly  inquisitor  of  Seville,  and  at  this  date  president 
of  the  audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo.  Among  the  oidores,  of 
whom  there  were  four,  may  be  mentioned  Alonso  de  Maldo- 
nado, who  was  afterward  appointed  the  first  president  of  the 
Audiencia  of  the  Confines. 

As  little  more  remains  to  be  said  on  the  subject  of  audien- 
cias,  it  may  be  in  place  to  mention  that  their  number  in  Span- 
ish America  was  ultimately  increased  to  eleven,  including 
those  of  Mexico,  Lima,  and  Santa  Fe  de  Bogota,  each  of  these 
three  having  as  president  a viceroy,  with  eight  oidores,  four  alcal- 
des del  crimun,  or  judges  in  criminal  cases,  and  two  fiscales,  or 
crown  prosecutors.  There  were  similar  tribunals,  the  number 
of  officials  varying  as  to  place  and  date,  at  Santiago  de  Guate- 
mala, Guadalajara,  Venezuela,  Chile,  Quito,  Santo  Domingo, 
Puerto  Principe,  and  Buenos  Ayres.  Thus  it  will  be  seen 
that,  during  the  viceregal  period,  the  dominion  of  Spain  in  the 
New  World  was  of  vast  extent;  and  if  to  these  acquisitions  be 
added  the  Philippine  and  other  islands  between  Asia  and 
America,  it  is  probable  that  the  Spaniards  made  no  idle  boast 
when  they  declared  that  theirs  was  the  first  empire  on  which 
the  sun  never  set. 

Early  in  1531  the  oidores  opened  their  court  in  the  palace 
of  Cortes,  whose  residencia  was  now  being  taken,  this  word 
meaning  an  investigation  as  to  the  official  acts  of  an  executive 


A UDIENCIAS  AND  VICEROYALTY. 


205 


or  judicial  officer  during  his  term  of  residence  within  his 
province.  In  September  of  the  same  year,  they  were  joined  by 
the  president,  who  had  awaited  their  arrival  at  Santo  Domingo. 

The  affairs  of  the  residencia,  the  administration  of  justice, 
and  the  inauguration  of  reforms,  proved  no  easy  task  for  the 
members  of  the  audiencia,  who  were  compelled  to  work  daily 
twelve  hours  out  of  the  twenty-four,  not  excepting  feast-days. 
At  .a  special  council,  the  treatment  of  the  natives,  the  tribute 
system,  and  cognate  branches  were  considered,  and  it  was 
resolved  to  replace  the  encomienda  system  by  that  of  corregi- 
mientos,  in  charge  of  officials  termed  corregidores,  who  were 
to  govern  the  natives  as  tributary  vassals,  though  granting 
them  almost  the  same  freedom  as  was  accorded  to  the  Span- 
iards. 

The  corregidores  were  instructed  to  report  on  the  industrial 
condition  of  their  districts,  so  that  the  higher  authorities  might 
determine  the  kind  and  amount  of  tribute  to  he  collected. 
They  must  see  that  the  natives  tilled  their  land,  and  were 
kept  at  work,  so  that  the  tribute  did  not  fall  off;  they  must 
aim  at  their  conversion,  at  the  spread  of  Christianity  in  this 
distant  jiortion  of  the  empire,  and  they  must  protect  them 
from  abuse,  and  maltreatment,  taking  heed  as  magistrates  for 
the  observance  of  social,  religious,  and  political  regulations.  It 
will  presently  appear  that  these  instructions  were  not  very 
faithfully  executed. 

Near  the  capital,  the  town  of  Santa  Fe  was  established  for 
converted  natives;  and  here,  under  care  of  friars,  they  were  to 
be  instructed  in  European  arts,  sciences,  and  customs,  some 
being  apprenticed  to  Spanish  artisans.  Efforts  were  made  to 
relieve  the  sufferings  created  by  strange  diseases,  as  measles 
and  small-pox,  which  appear  to  be  inseparable  adjuncts  to  the 
progress  of  civilization  in  all  distant  lands.  Moors  and  Jews, 
and  descendants  of  those  who  had  been  condemned  by  the 
inquisition,  were  expelled,  so  that  they  might  not  profane  the 
presence  of  the  ever-increasing  number  of  converts. 

Among  other  measures  of  the  second  audiencia  was  the 


206 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


removal  to  higher  ground,  on  the  hanks  of  the  river  Atoyac, 
some  twenty  leagues  east  of  the  capital,  of  the  site  of  Puebla 
de  los  Angeles,  a settlement  founded  in  1530  by  Hernando  de 
Saavedra.  By  cedula  of  the  20th  of  March,  1532,  the  empress 
conferred  on  it  the  title  of  city,  granting  also  a coat  of  arms, 
and  exemption  from  taxes  for  a term  of  thirty  years. 

After  the  conquest  of  Nueva  Galicia  by  Nuho  de  Guzman,  dur- 
ing which  the  ex-president  burned  some  of  his  captives  at  the 


Arms  of  Pueblo  de  los  Angeles. 


stake,  and  roasted  the  feet  of  others  until  their  toes  dropped 
off,  the  settlement  of  Espiritu  Santo  was  founded  by  Juan  de 
Onate.  Its  original  site  was  at  Nochistlan,  but  in  1541  it  was 
removed  to  a spot  south  of  the  Rio  Grande  de  Tololotlan,  the 
name  of  the  town  being  changed  to  Guadalajara,  in  honor  of 
Guzman’s  birthplace. 

The  first  viceroy  of  new  Spain  was  Antonio  de  Mendoza, 
who  accepted  office  in  1530,  though  his  formal  appointment 
was  not  made  until  five  years  later.  Of  patrician  birth,  he 
was  well  fitted,  both  by  character  and  ability,  for  his  station, 
while  there  were  none  who  doubted  his  integrity  of  purpose. 
Austere  of  habit,  and  abstemious  to  a degree  that  was  injuri- 
ous to  his  health,  he  was  ever  faithful  and  diligent  in  the  dis- 
charge of  his  duties,  and  none  of  his  successors  felt  moro 
keenly  the  responsibilities  of  a difficult  and  by  no  means 
enviable  position. 

Before  his  appointment  as  viceroy,  Mendoza  had  been  elected 


AUDIENCIAS  AND  VICEROYALTY. 


207 


president  of  the  audiencia  in  place  of  Fuenleal,  who  was  on 
the  point  of  returning  to  Spain.  His  privileges  and  preroga- 
tives were  most  ample,  and  all  affairs  of  government  were 
placed  under  his  direction.  Though  advised  to  consult  with 
the  audiencia  on  matters  of  importance,  he  was  fully  author- 
ized, after  receiving  their  opinions,  to  act  on  his  own  judgment. 
He  must,  however,  confer  with  the  prelates  on  such  ecclesiasti- 


cal matters  as  the  establishment  and  extent  of  dioceses  and 
the  building  of  churches. 

Although  the  emperor  was  seemingly  anxious  for  the  spir- 
itual welfare  of  the  realm,  worldly  interests  were  by  no  means 
to  be  neglected.  The  power  of  the  natives  to  bear  increased 
tribute  was  to  be  considered,  as  well  as  the  question  whether 
portions  of  the  territory  hitherto  exempt  could  not  be  taxed. 
Industries  were  to  be  encouraged  for  the  benefit  of  the  country, 
and  for  the  benefit  of  the  royal  treasury,  and  forts  were  to  be 
erected  and  provisioned  for  the  purpose  of  holding  the  natives 
in  subjection. 


Coat  of  Arms  of  the  City  of  Guadalajara. 


208 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


About  the  beginning  of  October  1535,  Mendoza  arrived  at 
Vera  Cruz,  where  he  was  received  with  becoming  ceremony, 
and  conducted  in  state  to  the  capital,  though  his  reception  was 
tame  when  compared  with  that  of  the  later  viceroys.  During 
his  administration,  which  lasted  for  fifteen  years,  provinces 
were  conquered,  both  in  the  north  and  south,  although  conspira- 
cies, revolts,  and  rebellions  were  not  infrequent.  Mines  were 
discovered  and  developed;  towns,  churches,  convents,  hospitals, 
and  schools  were  established;  roads,  bridges,  and  other  public 
works  were  constructed,  and  agriculture,  industry,  and  com- 
merce were  in  a flourishing  condition. 

The  emperor  could  not  well  afford  to  dispense  with  so  able 
and  conscientious  a servant;  but  at  this  date  the  Spaniards 
in  South  America,  led  by  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  were  in  a state  of 
rebellion,  and  Charles  V.,  anxious  to  establish  there  a stable 
government,  requested  Mendoza  to  accept  the  viceroyalty  of 
Peru,  where  on  the  21st  of  July,  1552,  he  breathed  his  last 


SPANISH  CRUELTIES  AND  TllE  NEW  LAWS.  209 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

SPANISH  CRUELTIES  AND  THE  NEW  LAWS. 

About  the  year  1541,  the  Milanese  chronicler,  Girolamo 
Benzoni,  journeying  across  the  isthmus  of  Panama  in  com- 
pany with  a party  of  Spaniards,  entered  some  Indian  huts  to 
obtain  a supply  of  provisions.  The  inmates,  he  relates,  think- 
ing they  were  about  to  he  enslaved,  attacked  them  savagely 
with  hands  and  teeth,  tearing  their  clothes,  spitting  in  their 
faces,  uttering  doleful  cries,  and  exclaiming,  “Guacci!  guacci!” 
which  Benzoni  interprets  as  “ the  name  of  a quadruped  that 
prowls  by  night  in  search  of  prey.”  One  of  them,  who  after- 
ward consented  to  act  as  guide,  informed  the  travellers  that 
there  wrere  no  other  Indian  habitations  on  their  line  of  route, 
for  the  Spaniards  had  either  killed  or  made  slaves  of  the  en- 
tire population. 

In  Honduras,  slaves  were  kidnapped  and  sold  by  the  ship- 
load, so  that  in  the  neighborhood  of  Trujillo,  wrhere  formerly 
might  be  seen  Indian  villages  with  from  GOO  to  3,000  houses, 
there  were  in  1547  not  more  than  180  persons  left.  At  a 
coast  town  named  La  Haga,  nine  leagues  from  Trujillo,  and 
containing  900  dwellings,  there  wras  but  a single  inhabitant,  all 
of  them  having  been  sold  into  bondage. 

Cruel  as  w'as  the  treatment  of  the  natives  in  every  part  of 
the  Spanish  provinces,  nowhere  was  oppression  carried  to  such 
an  extreme  as  in  Guatemala.  Here,  little  distinction  was 
made  between  the  allies  and  the  conquered  races,  even  the 
faithful  Tlascaltecs,  many  of  whom  had  settled,  after  the  Con- 
quest, at  Almalonga,  being  enslaved,  overworked,  and  mal- 
treated, until  in  1547  there  were  barely  a hundred  survivors. 

If  such  was  the  treatment  to  which  the  most  steadfast  allies 
of  the  Spaniards  were  exposed  in  time  of  peace,  what  fell 
14 


210 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


cruelties  may  we  not  suppose  were  inflicted  on  those  who,  un- 
deterred by  defeat,  rose  again  and  again  upon  their  oppressors? 
No  words  can  depict  the  miseries  of  these  hapless  creatures. 
Wholesale  slaughter,  hanging  and  burning,  torturing,  mutilat- 
ing, and  branding,  followed  the  suppression  of  a revolt;  while 
starvation,  exhaustion,  blows,  and  fainting  under  intolerable 
burdens  were  their  lot  in  time  of  peace. 

During  the  life-time  of  Pedro  de  Alvarado,  the  waste  of  life 
in  Guatemala  and  elsewhere  in  Central  America  was  wanton 
and  most  sickening.  While  in  the  field,  starving  auxilaries 
were  fed  on  human  flesh,  captives  being  butchered  like  cat- 
tle, children  were  killed  and  roasted,  and  even  when  food  was 
plentiful,  human  beings  were  slaughtered  that  their  hands  and 
feet  might  be  served  up  as  delicacies  to  Indian  warriors.  Nor 
were  the  families  of  the  natives  more  respected  than  if  they 
had  been  by  nature  the  brutes  which  the  Spaniards  made  of 
them  in  practice.  Households  were  desolated,  wives  being 
torn  from  husbands  and  daughters  from  parents,  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  the  soldiers  and  sailors,  while  boys  were  put 
to  work  at  the  gold  mines,  there  to  perish  by  the  thousand. 

As  early  as  1525,  tidings  reached  the  emperor  of  the  terrible 
rapidity  with  which  depopulation  was  progressing;  and  on  the 
17th  of  November  in  that  year,  he  issued  a cedula  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  fast-decreasing  races.  In  1519,  the  Council  of 
the  Indies  was  ordered  to  draw  up  regulations  for  the  better 
government  of  the  Spanish  provinces,  and  that  body  issued  a 
decree,  in  which,  while  the  protection  of  the  monarch’s  interests 
was  of  course  a prominent  feature,  sympathy  and  moderation 
were  enjoined  toward  the  natives.  But,  as  we  have  seen,  r-oyal 
cedulas  counted  for  little  with  the  Spaniards,  their  conduct  in 
this  respect  reminding  us  somewhat  of  the  Russian  slave-own- 
ers in  Alaska,  among  whom  a favorite  remark  was:  “ Heaven 
is  high  above,  and  the  tzar  is  far  away.” 

In  the  year  1542,  a Dominican  friar  named  Bartolome  de  las 
Casas  placed  in  the  hands  of  Charles  V.  the  manuscript  of  his 
work  entitled,  “A  History  and  Very  Brief  Account  of  the  De- 


SPANISH  CRUELTIES  AND  THE  NE]V  LA  ll'S. 


211 


struction  of  Western  India,”  the  book  being  published  in  Span- 
ish and  Italian,  and  a similar  volume  issued  in  Latin  in  1564. 
Through  the  exertions  of  this  never-tiring  missionary,  a junta 
composed  of  jurists  and  ecclesiastics  assembled  at  Valladolid, 
before  which  the  great  apostle  of  the  Indies  pleaded  his  favorite 
cause  with  all  the  fire  of  his  eloquence,  urging  that  the  natives 
of  the  New  World  were  free  by  the  laws  of  nature  and  of 
nature’s  God. 

The  ordinances  framed  by  the  junta  received  the  emperor’s 
approval;  and  after  being  somewhat  amplified,  were  published 
in  Madrid  in  1543,  and  were  thenceforth  known  as  the  New 
Law-s.  The  code  contained  a large  number  of  articles,  whereby 
it  was  enacted,  among  other  provisions,  that  all  Indian  slaves 
should  be  released,  unless  their  owners  could  establish  a legal 
title  to  their  possession,  and  that  none  should  thenceforth  be 
enslaved  under  any  pretext. 

This  measure  caused  much  loss  and  annoyance  to  the  Span- 
iards, although,  in  portions  of  Spanish  America,  the  labor  of 
African  negroes  was  substituted  in  part  for  that  of  natives, 
especially  at  the  mines,  where  excessive  toil,  exposure,  and 
inhuman  treatment  had  caused  a fearful  rate  of  mortality. 
There  were  other  clauses  in  the  code  which  were  equally  dis- 
tasteful. The  audiencia  of  Panama,  organized  in  1533,  was 
abolished,  and  two  other  tribunals  were  established,  one  in 
Peru,  at  the  city  of  Los  Reyes,  which  about  this  date  was  first 
called  Lima,  and  the  other,  named  the  audiencia  de  Los  Con- 
finos,  or  audiencia  of  the  Boundaries,  at  Comayagua,  then  near 
the  border  line  between  Guatemala  and  Honduras.  The  latter, 
which  was  afterward  removed  to  Gracias  a Dios,  and  thence  to 
Santiago  de  Guatemala,  held  jurisdiction  over  Chiapas,  Yuca- 
tan, Guatemala,  Honduras,  Nicaragua,  and  the  province  of 
Castilla  del  Oro,  the  limits  of  which  wrcre  similar  to  those  of 
the  modern  department  of  Panamd,  but  extending  farther 
toward  the  south.  From  the  decisions  of  these  courts,  and  from 
those  of  the  audiencias  of  New  Spain  and  Santo  Domingo, 
there  was  in  criminal  cases  no  appeal.  In  civil  actions,  the 


212 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


losing  party  could  demand  a new  trial,  the  benefit  of  which, 
however,  is  not  apparent,  as  new  evidence  was  not  admitted, 
and  the  cause  was  tried  by  the  oidores  who  rendered  the  first 
judgment. 

To  the  new  laws  may  he  attributed  in  part  the  insurrection 
in  Peru,  which  was  broken  by  the  defeat  and  execution  of 
Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  1550,  and  the  revolt  of  Hernan  and  Pedro 
de  Contreras  in  Nicaragua,  during  the  same  year.  Though  in 
New  Spain  there  was  no  overt  rebellion,  discontent  was  none 
the  less  widely  seated. 

At  the  first,  Las  Casas  attempted  to  enforce  the  provisions 
of  the  code;  hut  soon  it  became  virtually  inoperative,  and  a 
few  years  later  was  repealed.  In  1547,  he  embarked  for  Spain; 
hut  the  revocation  of  the  new  laws,  of  which  he  must  have 
heard  before  his  departure,  proved  a death-blow  to  his  hopes. 
During  the  first  two  years  after  his  arrival,  all  his  efforts  on 
behalf  of  the  natives  produced  only  a few  unimportant  decrees. 
Later,  he  retired  to  the  college  of  San  Gregorio  de  Valladolid, 
still  continuing,  however,  to  take  a deep  interest  in  the  affairs 
of  the  Indies.  From  this  retreat  he  soon  afterward  came  forth 
to  defend  the  principles  which  it  had  been  his  life-labor  to 
maintain. 

In  1555,  Philip  II.,  who  had  recently  succeeded  to  the  throne 
of  Spain,  proposed  to  sell  the  right  of  the  crown  to  the  rever- 
sion of  encomiendas,  that  is,  virtually,  to  the  slaves  of  deceased 
Spaniards  in  the  New  World.  In  Spain,  an  encomienda  was  a 
dignity  in  one  of  the  military  orders,  endowed  with  a rental, 
and  bestowed  by  the  crown  on  certain  members  of  the  order 
as  a reward  for  services  in  the  wars  against  the  Moors.  In  the 
Indies,  the  word  signified  the  ownership  conferred  by  royal  favor 
of  a number  of  natives,  coupled  with  the  obligation  to  teach 
them  the  doctrines  of  the  church,  and  to  defend  their  persons 
and  property,  though,  as  we  have  seen,  this  obligation  was  sel- 
dom fulfilled. 

Las  G’asas  foresaw  that  the  measure  proposed  by  his  sover- 
eign would  doom  the  Indians  to  perpetual  slavery,  and  at  once 


SPANISH  CRUELTIES  AND  THE  NEW  LAWS.  213 


resolved  to  exert  all  his  influence  to  prevent  it.  Through  the 
king’s  confessor,  who  had  written  to  him  on  the  subject,  he 
made  a bold  and  earnest  appeal  to  the  royal  conscience.  The 
appeal  was  not  in  vain,  and  thus  he  helped  to  pave  the  way 
for  the  final  emancipation  of  the  natives.  He  did  not,  however, 
live  to  see  his  purpose  accomplished,  for,  being  seized  with  a 
severe  sickness  at  Madrid,  when  in  his  ninety-second  year,  he 
breathed  his  last  in  July  1566,  and  was  buried  with  becoming 
honors  in  the  convent  chapel  of  Our  Lady  of  Atocha. 

Judged  by  his  works,  the  apostle  of  the  Indies  was  one  of 
the  greatest  men  of  his  age.  His  compassion  for  the  natives, 
and  his  abhorrence  for  their  oppressors,  were  increased  from 
year  to  year  by  his  failure  to  alleviate  their  sufferings,  until 
they  became  the  all-absorbing  idea  which  colored  his  every  act 
and  word.  In  pursuit  of  this  idea  no  obstacle  could  intimi- 
date him.  He  hesitated  not,  in  the  advocacy  of  his  cause,  to 
brave  the  anger  of  an  emperor,  or  the  frenzy  of  an  excited 
populace,  and  for  that  cause  he  suffered  insult,  persecution, 
the  loss  of  friends,  the  enmity  of  his  countrymen. 

If  by  his  contemporaries  he  has  been  accused,  not  without 
reason,  of  harshness,  arrogance,  uncharitableness,  these  faults 
were  probably  due  to  the  intolerant  spirit  of  his  order,  rather 
than  to  defects  inherent  in  the  man.  The  purity  of  his 
motives  none  can  doubt,  and  while  no  defence  can  shield  his 
adversaries  from  the  charges  of  injustice  and  cruelty,  the 
errors  of  Bartolome  de  las  Casas  have  been  forgotten,  and  his 
spirit  of  noble  self-devotion  and  high-souled  philanthropy  have 
stamped  him  as  one  of  the  foremost  benefactors  of  his  age. 


Sectiov  of  Aztec  Tomb  at  Chii.a  Puebla. 


214 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 

To  describe  all  the  expeditions  of  the  Spaniards  in  quest  of 
gold  and  slaves,  and  for  the  acquisition  of  new  territory,  would 


Building  at  Cozumel. 

be  but  a tiresome  and  fruitless  task.  During  the  sixteenth 
century,  the  dominion  of  New  Spain  was  extended,  as  appears 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


215 


in  the  accompanying  map,  from  the  gulf  of  Honduras,  north- 
ward beyond  the  twenty-eighth  parallel,  the  most  dillicult 
portion  of  the  task  being  the  conquest  of  Yucatan. 

In  152G,  Francisco  de  Montejo,  whom  Bernal  Diaz  describes 
as  a man  of  medium  stature  and  pleasing  appearance,  one 
fond  of  pleasure,  lavish  of  expense,  and  an  indifferent  soldier, 
was  appointed  governor  and  adelantado,  or  captain-general,  of 
Yucatan.  An  expedition  was  fitted  out,  and  on  reaching  the 
island  of  Cozumel,  the  Spaniards,  whose  forces  mustered  about 
four  hundred,  were  received  with  all  outward  show  of  friend- 
ship. Arriving  at  the  mainland,  they  disembarked  without 
opposition,  and  unfurled  the  royal  banner  of  Spain  amid  cries 
of  “Espafia!  Espafia!  viva  Espaha!  ” The  natives  looked  on 
with  seeming  indifference,  hut  indifference  feigned  only  for  the 
purpose  of  luring  them  inland  and  cutting  off  their  retreat  to 
the  ships. 

The  country  was  rugged,  difficult,  and  all  but  unknown  to 
the  Spaniards;  of  rivers  there  were  none,  and  soon  provisions 
began  to  run  short.  On  reaching  the  village  of  Clioaco,  where 
the  adelantado  hoped  to  obtain  supplies,  he  found  the  place 
deserted,  no  morsel  of  food  being  left.  Here  the  men  rested 
for  several  days,  and  then,  worn  and  spiritless,  resumed  their 
journey,  advancing  northward  without  fear  of  opposition  to  the 
town  of  Ake. 

As  yet,  however,  they  knew  little  of  the  character  and  dispo- 
sition of  the  natives.  There  were,  among  Montejo’s  command, 
some  who  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the  fight  during  the  darkest 
hours  of  the  Noclie  Triste;  but  even  these  veterans  had  not 
beheld  a more  appalling  sight  than  that  which  faced  them 
when,  on  the  dawn  of  a wintry  day,  toward  the  close  of  1527, 
they  drew  near  to  the  town  of  Ake.  Hordes  of  Indians, 
hideous  in  their  war-paint,  “came  forth,”  says  the  historian 
Oviedo,  “ like  fiercest  devils  from  their  lurking-place.”  So 
vast  was  their  number  that  all  the  caciques  of  the  province 
appeared  to  have  massed  their  forces  for  the  coming  struggle. 
Nor  could  they  have  selected  a spot  more  favorable  for  a battle- 


216 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


field.  The  ground  was  narrow,  unfavorable  for  the  action  of 
cavalry,  and  such  that  the  Spaniards,  being  unable  to  deploy 
their  ranks,  could  make  but  little  use  of  their  fire-arms,  and 
were  in  danger  of  being  crushed  by  the  weight  of  the  enemy’s 
columns. 

While  Montejo  was  speaking  words  of  cheer  to  his  men,  and 
bidding  them  stand  firm  before  the  shock,  his  voice  was  lost 
in  the  uproar  of  the  oncoming  masses,  as  they  mingled  with 
their  war-cries  the  shrill  blasts  of  conch-shell  trumpets.  Flights 
of  arrows  were  aimed  at  the  Spaniards  at  short  range,  and  the 
next  moment,  their  lances  pointed  with  sharpened  Hint,  and 
wielding  double-handed  swords  of  hardest  wood,  the  Indians 
grappled  with  the  foe.  Nevertheless,  the  adelantado  held  his 
ground,  and  beating  back  the  assailants,  let  loose  at  them  his 
cavalry  and  blood-hounds.  The  horsemen  were  in  turn  pushed 
back  by  weight  of  numbers,  and  again  the  natives  advanced 
to  the  attack. 

Thus  till  dark  the  combat  lasted,  neither  side  gaining  deci- 
sive advantage.  The  night  was  spent  by  the  Spaniards  in 
dressing  their  wounds,  and  obtaining  what  little  rest  they 
could,  the  Indians  meanwhile  receiving  fresh  re-enforcements. 
With  the  morning  the  conflict  was  renewed,  and  until  mid-day 
the  scale  of  victory  hung  in  the  balance,  when,  the  natives 
falling  back  in  some  confusion,  Montejo  ordered  a final  charge 
on  their  ranks,  and  they  were  put  to  flight.  The  Spaniards, 
too  exhausted  for  pursuit,  flung  themselves  on  the  ground  amid 
the  corpses  of  1,200  of  the  enemy,  having  lost  one  third  of 
their  own  number  during  the  battle. 

No  further  resistance  was  offered,  and  the  adelantado,  taking 
possession  of  the  town  of  Ake,  remained  there  during  the  win- 
ter. Breaking  camp  early  in  1528,  he  put  his  troops  in  motion 
towards  Chichen  Itza, — two  Indian  words  signifying  mouths 
of  the  wells.  Here  he  pressed  into  his  service  a number  of 
natives,  and  erected  a fort  and  dwellings  of  timber.  No  out- 
ward signs  of  dissatisfaction  were  shown,  the  inhabitants  sub- 
mitting patiently  to  the  bondage  from  which,  for  the  moment, 
they  could  not  escape. 


THE  CONQUEST  OE  YUCATAN 


217 


If  this  expedition  had  .been  in  charge  of  an  able  leader,  it 
would  probably  have  been  successful;  but  Montejo  was  unfitted 
for  command.  Already  he  had  allowed  himself  to  be  surprised, 


Serpent  Balustrade  at  Cuichen  Itz k. 


218 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


and  now,  surrounded  as  lie  was  by  bands  of  hostile  Indians, 
whom  he  imagined  to  he  cowed  into  subjection,  he  committed 
the  fatal  blunder  of  dividing  his  forces.  A rumor  was  current 
throughout  his  camp — one  raised  doubtless  by  the  natives  for 
the  purpose  of  hastening  his  overthrow — that  in  the  district 
of  Bacalar  rich  gold  mines  were  to  he  found.  Yielding  to  the 
clamor  of  his  men,  the  adelantado  despatched  in  that  direction 
the  contador  Alonso  de  Avila,  his  second  in  command,  with  a 
band  of  fifty  foot  and  seventeen  horse. 

Arriving  at  Chable,  a town  many  leagues  distant  from 
Montejo’s  headquarters,  and  one  where  gold  was  said  to  exist, 
the  Spaniards  commenced  their  search,  hut  found  no  trace  of 
the  precious  metal.  Meeting  here,  however,  with  outward 
show  of  friendship,  and  even  with  friendly  services,  the  con- 
tador sent  messengers  to  the  lord  of  Chetumal,  a region  said 
to  he  auriferous,  asking  for  information  as  to  the  mines,  and 
for  a supply  of  provisions.  The  reply  was  stern,  and  severely 
laconic.  “Of  gold,”  said  he  of  Chetumal,  “I  scorn  to  speak; 
oi  fowls,  you  shall  have  all  that  you  can  take  from  the  points 
of  our  lances;  and  we  will  send  you  maize  in  the  shape  of 
flights  of  arrows.” 

Avila  was  an  officer  whose  courage  none  disputed,  hut  one 
sorely  wanting  in  discretion,  the  quality  which  is  deemed 
valor’s  counterpart.  Although  under  strict  orders  from  Mon- 
tejo  to  use  only  peaceful  measures,  he  set  forth  at  once  with 
half  his  slender  force  to  punish  the  proud  chieftain  of  Chetu- 
mal, who  dared  thus  to  hurl  foul  scorn  on  Christian  warriors. 
Approaching  his  town,  the  Spaniards  found  their  path  barred 
by  far-spreading  swamps  and  lagoons,  across  which,  with  much 
difficulty,  they  made  their  way  in  canoes.  Soon  they  came 
in  sight  of  ripening  fields  of  maize  and  fruit  and  cacao,  and 
after  halting  for  a brief  space  to  refresh  themselves,  advanced 
to  give  battle.  But  in  their  revenge,  as  in  their  lust  for  gold, 
they  were  disappointed.  The  lord  of  Chetumal  had  lied. 

The  contador  took  up  his  quarters  in  the  principal  town, 
which  contained  about  2,000  houses,  and  was  hut  two  leagues 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


219 


distant  from  the  sea.  Then,  being  joined  by  the  remainder  of 
Ins  force,  he  resolved  to  establish  there  a Spanish  settlement, 
giving  to  it  the  name  of  Villa  Real.  What  fairer  or  safer 
spot  could  be  found  for  the  site  of  a new  colony?  The  cacique 
had  every  chance  of  making  good  his  boast,  when  the  Span- 
iards were  crossing  the  lagoons  in  their  frail  canoes,  and  could 
make  little  use  of  their  weapons;  but  thus  far,  he  had  merely 
skulked  as  a fugitive  from  his  capital  without  striking  a blow 
for  its  defence. 

Avila  was  soon  to  learn,  however,  that  the  lord  of  Chetumal 
was  no  idle  braggart.  Allying  himself  with  the  caciques  of 
the  neighboring  districts,  he  assembled  his  forces  for  a pur- 
pose which  the  Spaniards  could  not  fathom,  since  he  did  not 
venture  an  attack.  Meanwhile,  the  contador  was  somewhat 
ill  at  ease,  and  resolving  to  open  communications  with  the 
adelantado,  despatched  six  messengers  to  his  camp,  ordering 
them  to  return  within  sixty  days.  But  the  messengers  did 
not  return,  and  if  we  can  believe  the  historian  Oviedo,  they 
were  massacred,  some  few  leagues  from  Villa  Real,  while  seated 
at  supper  in  fancied  security. 

Many  weeks  elapsed, — weary  weeks  of  waiting, — and  now 
the  Spaniards  were  surrounded  by  countless  hordes  of  Indians, 
who  began  to  harass  them  in  almost  daily  encounters.  Nev- 
ertheless, the  contador  remained  at  his  post,  constantly  expect- 
ing aid  from  Montejo,  though  none  came,  nor  any  tidings  from 
Chichen  Itza.  Ammunition  was  nearly  exhausted,  and  the 
beleaguered  troops  began  to  look  upon  themselves  as  doomed, 
for  the  foe  attacked  them  incessantly,  showing  no  signs  of 
fear.  There  remained  but  one  hope  of  escape,  and  that  was 
to  cut  their  way  out  of  the  place  without  further  delay. 

In  sorry  plight,  Avila’s  band  set  forth  to  traverse  the  sixty 
leagues  that  separated  them  from  their  comrades.  All  along 
their  route  were  evidences  of  a wide-spread  plan  to  extermi- 
nate them.  Some  of  the  towns  were  abandoned;  others  had 
been  secretly  fortified;  no  provisions  could  be  found,  and  as 
the  Spaniards  retreated,  hostilities  became  more  active,  until 


220 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


at  length,  being  driven  back  on  one  of  the  deserted  villages, 
and  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  they  abandoned  themselves  to 
despair.  At  this  juncture  an  Indian,  whose  life  the  contador 
had  saved,  led  them  in  the  silence  of  the  night  by  an  unfre- 
quented path  through  the  woods.  Still  they  were  pursued, 


Watch-tower  on  the  Coast  of  Yucatan. 


and  their  progress  disputed  at  every  step.  Seeing  no  hope  of 
escape  by  land,  the  survivors  were  compelled  to  fight  their  way 
to  the  coast,  where,  finding  some  canoes,  they  proceeded  along 
the  shore,  living  on  berries  and  shell-fish,  until  at  length  they 
arrived  at  Trujillo,  on  the  coast  of  Honduras. 

Meanwhile,  nothing  was  known  by  the  adelantado  of  the 
fate  of  Avila’s  command.  Surrounded  by  hordes  of  hostile 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


221 


Indians,  he  was  cut  off  from  his  base  of  supplies.  His  for- 
aging parties  were  captured  or  driven  back,  and  his  men  were 
seldom  allowed  to  consume  their  scanty  meal  of  roots  and 
horse-flesh  without  being  forced  to  exchange  shots  with  the 
enemy.  During  this  ceaseless  warfare,  many  deeds  of  bravery 
and  skill  are  recorded  on  both  sides.  “ One  of  the  Spanish 
archers,”  says  the  chronicler  Cogolludo,  who  in  1G88  pub- 
lished a history  of  Yucatan,  “ caused  great  annoyance  to  the 
natives,  pointing  his  shafts  with  unerring  aim  at  their  leaders. 
Thereupon,  an  Indian,  equally  dexterous  in  the  use  of  the  bow, 
approached  the  marksman  with  seeming  indifference,  and  with 
a well-directed  shot  wounded  him  in  the  arm,  being  hit  almost 
simultaneously  with  a dart  from  the  cross-bow  of  the  Castilian. 
The  Indian  was  severely  wounded  in  the  breast,  but  rather 
than  have  it  said  that  he  had  died  at  the  hands  of  a Spaniard, 
withdrew  and  hanged  himself.”  Such  was  the  patriotism  of 
these  peninsular  warriors;  and  yet  Cogolludo  is  at  a loss  to 
understand  why  they  were  so  relentless  in  their  warfare  upon 
the  invaders. 

At  length  a pitched  battle  was  fought,  one  of  the  severest 
struggles  recorded  in  the  annals  of  Indian  warfare.  The 
Spaniards  had  no  alternative  but  to  meet  the  foe  on  the  open 
plain,  where  an  immense  multitude  had  assembled,  intent  on 
crushing  the  remnant  of  their  forces.  The  result  was  inde- 
cisive; but  when  the  latter  returned  to  camp,  they  left  150  of 
their  number  dead  on  the  field,  few  of  the  survivors  escaping 
unwounded. 

After  this  engagement,  Montejo’s  only  thought  was  to  save 
himself  and  the  remainder  of  his  troojis.  But  how,  when  thus 
beset,  were  his  wounded  men  to  be  conveyed  across  the  many 
leagues  of  rugged  country  that  separated  them  from  their  ships? 
The  men  had  wellnigh  given  themselves  up  for  lost,  when  one  of 
their  number  bethought  himself  of  a ruse,  which  is  usually 
attributed  to  the  adelantado,  but  was  probably  the  invention 
of  some  more  ingenious  brain.  Tying  a hungry  dog  to  the 
tongue  of  a large  bell  suspended  from  the  limb  of  a tree,  they 


222 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


placed  food  above  him,  but  beyond  his  reach.  Then,  after  re- 
connoitring the  enemy’s  camp,  they  crept  forth  stealthily, 
under  cover  of  night,  directing  their  march  toward  the  sea. 


Coast  of  Yucatan. 


Meanwhile,  the  dog,  as  he  strove  to  follow  them,  rang  the 
bell;  and  reaching  up  for  his  food,  renewed  the  ringing,  giving 
assurance  to  the  Indians  that  the  foe  was  on  the  alert.  Thus 
some  hours  were  gained;  and  when  the  trick  was  discovered, 
the  Spaniards  had  made  good  their  escape. 


THE  CONQUEST  OF  YUCATAN. 


223 


Without  proceeding  further  with  the  story  of  Montejo’s  ex- 
pedition, which  at  this  point  becomes  somewhat  intermingled 
with  the  affairs  of  Tabasco  and  of  Honduras,  it  may  be  said 
that  before  the  end  of  1 535  not  a single  Spaniard  was  left  in 
Yucatan.  A few  years  later  the  conquest  of  the  province  was 
effected,  with  the  assistance  of  the  adelantado’s  son,  to  whom 
the  former  transferred  most  of  his  powers  and  privileges;  but 
the  subjugation  of  this  sterile  peninsula  cost  more  lives  than 
had  been  expended  in  wresting  from  the  Incas  and  the  Monte- 
zumas  the  wealthiest  empires  of  the  western  world. 


Painted  Boat  in  the  Gymnasium  at  Chichen  ItzA. 


224 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 

During  the  administration  of  the  viceroys,  there  were  few 
recorded  incidents  worthy  of  mention,  one  vicegerent  succeed- 
ing to  another,  as  did  the  kings  of  Israel,  in  long,  dull,  and 
monotonous  reign.  There  was  little  to  relate,  and  of  that  little 
the  most  interesting  portions  have  been  suppressed.  In  re- 
lating this  period  of  Mexican  history,  I shall  present,  therefore, 
only  its  principal  features,  and  the  reader  who  is  curious  as  to 
the  names  of  the  various  rulers  will  find  a list  of  them,  with 
dates  appended,  and  a brief  statement  of  the  leading  incidents 
of  their  reign,  in  the  appendix  of  this  work.  Many  of  them 
were  capable  and  upright  men,  better,  perhaps,  than  were 
their  sovereigns;  but  as  with  royalty,  so  with  viceroyalty,  he 
who  is  disposed  to  search  out  faults  will  not  search  in  vain. 

Among  the  prominent  events  of  this  period  may  he  men- 
tioned the  sack  of  Vara  Cruz,  in  the  year  1683,  by  a party  of 
filibusters,  as  pirates  were  termed  in  a corruption  of  the  French 
word  flibustiers,  as  in  English,  buccaneers,  and  as  in  Dutch, 
sea-rovers.  The  raids  of  Francois  L’Olonnois  in  Honduras, 
Guatemala,  and  Costa  Rica;  of  Morgan  on  the  isthmus  of 
Panama;  of  Dampier  at  Realejo  and  the  Pearl  Islands;  and  of 
Captain  Bartholomew  Sharp  and  others, — are  well  known  to  all 
who  are  acquainted  with  the  history  of  the  New  World.  Be- 
tween 1680  and  1687  the  principal  towns  of  Central  America 
were  continually  infested  by  freebooters.  Vera  Cruz  and  other 
points  in  New  Spain  were  also  threatened,  and  the  viceroy  or- 
dered that  no  vessel  should  leave  port  without  permission. 
This  measure  remedied  the  evil  to  some  extent;  hut  still  the 
corsairs  lurked  among  the  innumerable  islands  and  reefs  of 
the  Bahama  channel,  through  winch  vessels  must  pass  on 
their  homeward  voyage. 


THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 


225 


Toward  sunset,  on  the  17th  of  May,  1683,  two  large  vessels, 
displaying  Spanish  colors,  approached  the  city  of  Vera  Cruz, 
crowding  all  sail,  for  a league  or  two  farther  out  at  sea  was 


Plax  or  Vera  Cruz. 


a strong  squadron  in  pursuit.  At  nightfall,  the  Spaniards 
on  the  island  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua  and  on  the  mainland 
lighted  fires  to  guide  them  into  harbor,  for  they  were  suj>posed 
to  be  ships  laden  with  cacao,  then  due  from  the  coast  of  Ca- 
racas. The  pursuing  squadron  changed  its  course  when  the 
is 


226 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


two  ships  neared  the  island  fortress,  casting  anchor  a short 
distance  from  the  city.  Meanwhile,  the  townsfolk  went  to  ves- 
pers, as  was  their  custom,  no  danger  being  apprehended. 

About  an  hour  after  midnight,  a few  musket-shots  were 
heard,  but  the  inhabitants,  supposing  that  a salute  was  being 
given  to  some  prominent  citizen,  remained  quietly  in  bed. 
The  town  was  well  garrisoned;  the  castle  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua 
was  the  strongest  fort  in  the  New  "World,  and  a fleet  laden  with 
merchandise  was  daily  expected  from  Seville.  Never,  for 
years,  had  the  citizens  been  more  free  from  alarm  than  when, 
at  sunrise,  the  church  bells  tolled  for  matins  and  the  devout 
set  forth  to  obey  the  summons.  But  no  matins  were  said  that 
morning,  for  those  who  first  appeared  in  the  streets  found  them 
guarded  by  parties  of  armed  men;  and  soon  the  dread  news 
spread  throughout  the  city  that  pirates  were  in  possession  of 
Vera  Cruz. 

The  filibusters  had  ascertained  from  prisoners  captured  off 
the  coast  that  the  two  ships  laden  with  cacao  were  hourly  ex- 
pected at  Vera  Cruz,  and  this  information  had  suggested  the 
stratagem.  On  hoard  the  two  vessels  was  the  main  body  of 
the  pirates,  and  during  the  night  nearly  800  had  landed  within 
a league  of  Vera  Cruz,  crept  stealthily  on  the  city,  surprised 
the  forts,  and  made  themselves  masters  of  the  place,  with  the 
loss  of  only  four  men. 

It  had  been  suggested  by  Lorencillo,  one  of  the  command- 
ers, that  a detachment  should  attempt  the  surprise  of  the  fort- 
ress, and  if  his  advice  had  been  taken,  the  pirates  might  have 
remained  masters  of  Vera  Cruz  long  enough  to  exact  an  enor- 
mous ransom. 

Laurent,  or  as  he  is  called  by  the  chroniclers,  Lorencillo,  is 
described  as  a tall,  well-proportioned  man,  light-haired,  and 
comely  of  aspect,  a generous  ruffian  withal,  and  one  very 
popular  among  his  comrades.  He  was  in  fact  the  beau-ideal 
corsair.  It  is  not  recorded  that  ho  was  guilty  of  such  diabolic 
atrocities  as  were  ascribed  to  Morgan  and  L’Olonnois;  but  if 
we  can  believe  the  chroniclers,  his  deeds  were  sufficiently 


THE  SACK  OF  VEKA  CRUZ. 


227 


atrocious.  It  is  related  that  when  a boy  he  was  severely 
punished  by  an  alcalde  of  Tabasco.  Vowing  vengeance,  ho 
disappeared,  and  not  long  afterward  returned  with  a gang  of 
malefactors,  and  sacked  the  town.  The  story,  as  related  by 
Esqueinelin,  one  of  the  corsair  fraternity,  and  probably  the 
true  version,  is,  that  being  captured  by  pirates,  he  consented 
to  join  the  “brethren  of  the  coast,”  as  buccaneer,  filibuster, 
and  sea-rover  were  pleased  to  style  each  other.  Esqueinelin, 
who  wrote  a history  of  the  corsairs,  describes  Laurent,  his 
favorite  hero,  as  a true  gentleman,  and  assures  us  that  his  only 
fault  was  a habit  of  swearing  a little  too  frequently. 

The  advice  of  Lorencillo  was  deemed  too  hazardous,  and  it 
was  resolved  by  the  pirates  to  plunder  the  town,  and  make 
good  their  retreat  as  speedily  as  possible.  The  doors  of  the 
houses  were  battered  in,  and  the  panic-stricken  inhabitants 
dragged  forth,  without  ragard  to  age,  sex,  or  condition,  into  the 
public  square.'  Soon  afterward  they  were  lodged  in  the  prin- 
cipal churches,  where,  before  nine  o’clock,  more  than  6,000  per- 
sons were  imprisoned,  most  of  them  being  placed  in  the  parish 
church.  For  three  days  and  nights  they  were  kept  without 
food  or  drink,  while  the  buccaneers  plundered  the  city,  and 
when  at  length  water  was  given  to  them,  many  died  from 
drinking  immoderately.  Meanwhile  the  ruffians  who  kept 
guard  over  them  mocked  at  the  wailings  of  the  women  as 
they  begged  of  them  in  vain  to  save  the  lives  of  their  little 
ones.  The  captives  were  told  that  they  were  all  to  be  burned 
alive,  this  threat  being  made  for  the  purpose  of  extorting  ran- 
som, and  barrels  of  powder  were  placed  at  the  doors  of  the 
parish  church  to  blow  up  the  building  in  case  of  resistance. 

A quantity  of  plate  was  found  in  the  churches,  and  the 
altars  and  sacred  images  were  stripped  of  every  article  of 
value;  but  these  formed  only  a portion  of  the  spoils,  for  the 
pirates  secured  large  amounts  of  specie,  bullion,  and  merchan- 
dise, which  had  arrived  at  Vera  Cruz  in  transit  for  Spain. 
The  freebooters  were  not  yet  satisfied,  however,  and  suspecting 
that  some  of  the  wealthier  citizens  had  secreted  their  treasure. 


228 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


put  several  to  the  torture,  again  threatening  to  burn  the  parish 
church  and  its  inmates  unless  they  delivered  up  all  their  val- 
uables. Thereupon,  one  of  the  priests  ascended  the  pulpit,  and 
besought  the  captives  to  surrender  their  property  in  order  to 
save  their  lives.  Thus  a further  large  amount  was  obtained, 
and  for  the  ransom  of  the  governor,  who  was  found  hidden 
under  a grass-heap  in  his  stable,  was  paid  the  sum  of  $70,000. 

T roops  of  mounted  Spaniards  now  appeared  on  the  outskirts 
of  the  city,  and  occasionally  made  a dash  at  the  pirates,  but 
did  not  venture  on  an  organized  attack.  It  was  observed, 
however,  that  their  numbers  were  constantly  increasing. 
Moreover,  a fleet  from  Spain,  laden  with  merchandise,  was 


Earthen  Vase — Isle  of  Sacrifices. 

daily  expected,  and  the  corsairs  deemed  it  prudent  to  depart. 
The  spoils  were  therefore  removed  to  the  Isla  de  Sacrifieios,  or 
Isle  of  Sacrifices,  off  which  the  fleet  was  stationed.  All  the 
negroes  and  mulattoes  of  both  sexes,  and  some  of  the  Span- 
iards, were  taken  from  the  churches  to  be  used  as  pack- 
animals.  The  latter  were  not  accustomed  to  such  work,  and 
being  enfeebled  by  fasting,  could  barely  stagger  under  their 
burdens,  though  urged  on  by  the  merciless  blows  of  their  cap- 
tors.  Not  even  yet  were  the  pirates  satisfied.  About  1500 
prisoners,  including  the  governor  and  the  leading  citizens, 
were  conveyed  to  the  island,  and  a ransom  of  $150,000  de- 
manded, under  threat  that  twelve  of  the  principal  Spaniards, 
who  meanwhile  were  to  be  held  as  hostages,  would  be  put  to 
death  in  case  of  non-payment. 


THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 


229 


Haggard  and  gaunt  with  hunger  after  their  four  days’  im- 
prisonment in  the  stilling  and  fetid  atmosphere  of  the  crowded 
churches,  the  captives  were  in  a pitiable  condition;  but  fur- 
ther suffering  was  in  store  for  them.  Before  being  taken  to  the 
island,  they  were  stripped  of  everything  that  they  possessed, 
even  to  the  piece  of  straw  matting  which  at  night  had  served 
them  for  bedding.  Their  food  was  of  the  coarsest,  and  barely 
sufficient  to  sustain  life,  a supply  of  provisions  sent  to  them 
from  the  city  being  appropriated  by  the  pirates.  They  were  con- 
stant!}' exposed  to  threats  and  insults,  and  most  of  them  ex- 
pected only  death,  or,  as  a worse  alternative,  a life  of  hopeless 
captivity.  For  ten  days  they  remained  on  the  island,  until 
the  ransom  was  paid,  about  mid-day  on  the  second  Sunday 
after  the  capture  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  Spaniards  who  had  been 
held  as  hostages  were  then  released;  the  negroes  and  mulat- 
toes  were  placed  on  board  the  fleet,  and  the  buccaneers  pre- 
pared to  set  sail. 

During  the  afternoon  a double  guard  was  set  over  the  re- 
maining prisoners;  the  rude  huts  which  they  had  erected  to 
screen  them  from  the  sun  and  dew  were  destroyed;  and  the 
pirates,  brandishing  their  weapons,  never  ceased  to  menace 
them,  in  the  hope  of  yet  extorting  a further  ransom.  The 
threats  were  not  executed,  however,  and  at  night  all  the  free- 
booters withdrew,  for  their  vessels  were  now  ready  for  sea. 
The  following  morning,  a boat’s  crew  returned  to  take  on  board 
another  load  of  captives,  but  found  that  they  had  all  concealed 
themselves.  The  governor  and  two  friars  were  captured,  how- 
ever, and  having  no  time  for  further  search,  the  pirates  carried 
them  off  to  their  vessels,  though  the  former  was  afterward  re- 
leased. 

No  sooner  had  the  ransom  been  paid  than  the  licet  from 
Spain  appeared  in  sight.  Thereupon,  the  governor  of  San  Juan 
de  TJlua  at  once  despatched  a boat  to  the  admiral,  proposing 
to  make  a combined  attack  on  the  corsairs,  who  now  put  to 
sea,  not  waiting  even  to  take  in  water,  or  a supply  of  fresh 
meat.  But  the  Spaniards  let  slip  their  opportunity,  for,  like 


230 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  Austrians  in  the  days  of  Bonaparte,  they  knew  not  the 
value  of  minutes.  If  a prompt  and  vigorous  attack  had  been 
made  on  the  overladen  ships  of  the  freebooters,  it  would  prob- 
ably have  been  successful;  but  instead  of  taking  instant  action, 
a council  of  officers  was  summoned,  and  while  they  were  yet 
in  deliberation,  the  pirates  made  good  their  escape. 

Before  leaving  the  island,  a partition  was  made  of  the  spoils, 
which  were  divided  into  1,200  shares,  and  it  was  found  that 
each  share  amounted  to  800  pesos,  the  total  being  valued  at 
900,000  pesos.  Van  Horn,  the  commander-in-chief,  demanded 
for  himself  80  shares,  or  64,000  pesos,  whereupon  a quarrel 
arose  with  Lorencillo,  who  was  dissatisfied  with  the  distribu- 
tion, and  the  dispute  ended  in  a duel,  in  which  the  former  was 
wounded  in  the  wrist.  lie  paid  little  attention  to  the  hurt,  for 
trilling  wounds  were  disregarded  among  his  fraternity;  but 
this  neglect  cost  him  his  life.  His  wrist  grew  worse;  soon 
mortification  set  in,  and  when  fifteen  days  out  at  sea,  his 
corpse  was  thrown  overboard  off  Cape  Yucatan. 

No  attempt  was  made  to  pursue  or  punish  the  marauders, 
the  Spaniards  contenting  themselves  with  offering  up  thanks 
to  the  Almighty  for  their  deliverance,  while  an  order  was 
issued  that  in  all  churches,  chapels,  and  convents,  founded  by 
the  crown,  a solemn  annual  mass  should  be  celebrated  in 
token  of  gratitude  “for  the  happy  event  of  the  flight  of  Loren- 
cillo.” During  the  raid,  there  perished  more  than  300  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  many  of  the  survivors  were  reduced  to 
beggary,  the  entire  loss  amounting  to  several  millions  of  dol- 
lars. None  of  the  buildings  were  destroyed,  but  all  were  more 
or  less  injured,  and  most  of  them  were  found  in  a filthy  con- 
dition, several  monks  being  required  to  purify  the  churches. 
The  streets  were  choked  with  garbage  and  the  air  was  poisoned 
with  the  stench  of  decomposed  bodies. 

For  many  years  piratical  raids  were  continued  in  various 
portions  of  the  New  World,  the  name  of  Lorencillo  being  espe- 
cially remembered  with  terror  by  the  people  of  New  Spain. 
Such  was  the  dread  which  he  inspired  that  life  and  property 


THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 


231 


were  no  longer  considered  safe  in  Vera  Cruz,  and  when  foreign 
vessels  appeared  in  sight,  the  inhabitants  fled  in  terror  to  the 
woods.  Many  took  up  their  abode  elsewhere,  and  within  fifty 
years  after  the  events  above  recorded,  the  population,  apart 
from  the  garrison,  was  reduced  to  about  3,000  persons. 

Soon,  however,  Vera  Cruz  recovered  its  prosperity.  In  1777 
it  contained  not  less  than  7,000  inhabitants,  and  at  the  close 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  more  than  35,000,  of  whom  about 


20,000  were  permanent  residents,  the  remainder  consisting  of 
sailors,  soldiers,  muleteers,  servants,  passengers,  and  non-resi- 
dent tradesmen.  The  inhabitants  were  quiet,  orderly,  and 
peaceable,  property  of  all  kinds  being  secure,  and  few  precau- 
tions needed  for  its  safe-keeping.  There  were  no  beggars  in 
the  streets,  and  few  criminals  in  the  public  jail.  The  poorer 
classes  were  all  employed  in  some  useful  occupation,  and 
among  the  citizens  were  not  a few  who  had  amassed  fortunes 


232 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


in  commercial  pursuits.  The  government  employees,  both 
civil  and  military,  performed  their  duties  faithfully,  and  were 
accorded  the  consideration  due  to  their  rank.  The  church 
was  well  supported,  and  the  religious  orders  were  among  the 
largest  property  holders  in  the  province. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  capital  of  the  province  was  the 
town  of  Cordoba,  founded  in  1618,  and  containing,  in  1776, 
about  700  families.  Most  of  the  houses  were  of  stone;  the 
streets  were  wide,  regular,  and  well  paved,  and  a plentiful 
supply  of  water  was  obtained  from  the  mountain  streams  in 
the  neighborhood.  The  surrounding  vegetation  was  rich,  and 
of  many  hues,  and  on  its  deep  soil  of  red  clay  were  produced 
most  of  the  tropical  and  subtropical  fruits.  The  raising  of 
tobacco  and  sugar,  of  which  plantations  were  first  established 
early  in  the  seventeenth  century,  was  still  the  leading  indus- 
try; but  here,  as  elsewhere  in  New  Spain,  nature  was  so  prodi- 
gal of  her  gifts  that  little  exertion  was  needed  on  the  part  of 
man,  and  many  of  the  Spaniards  became  wealthy  almost  with- 
out an  effort.  Although  in  1790,  an  earthquake  demolished 
or  destroyed  many  of  the  buildings,  the  town  appears  to  have 
steadily  increased  in  prosperity,  for  twenty  years  later  it  con- 
tained at  least  8,000  inhabitants. 

Among  the  most  flourishing  towns  in  the  province  was 
Jalapa,  where,  between  1720  and  1777,  the  annual  fair  was 
held  on  the  arrival  of  the  yearly  fleet  laden  with  merchandise 
from  Spain.  Before  the  former  date,  half  a dozen  commercial 
houses  had  monopolized  the  entire  trade  of  the  surrounding 
district,  but  a few  years  later,  goods  to  the  value  of  $30,000,000 
changed  hands  at  each  fair.  This  increased  circulation  of 
wealth  caused  the  people  to  lay  aside  their  simple  habits,  and 
to  adopt  the  dress,  amusements,  and  many  of  the  vices  of  the 
Spaniards  in  the  Old  World.  In  1794,  Jalapa  was  declared  a 
city,  and  together  with  Cordoba  and  Orizaba  was  a favorite 
summer  resort  for  the  merchants  of  Vera  Cruz. 

Orizaba  stood  on  the  high  road  from  Mexico  to  Vera  Cruz, 
being  distant  about  forty-six  leagues  from  the  former  city,  and 


THE  SACK  OF  VERA  CRUZ. 


233 


thirty-eight  from  the  latter.  It  was  situated  in  a beautiful 
valley,  and  surrounded  with  forest-clad  mountains,  high  above 
which  towered  the  snow-capped  volcano  of  Orizaba.  So  luxu- 


riant was  the  surrounding  vegetation,  that  a square  league  of 
land  sufficed  for  the  pasturage  of  about  7,000  sheep.  Here 
was  a halting-place  for  caravans  laden  with  merchandise,  and 
the  point  where  goods  in  transit  were  appraised.  In  1877,  its 
population  mustered  about  4,500,  of  which  it  was  estimated 
that  nearly  3,000  were  Spaniards,  or  of  Spanish  descent. 

Of  the  founding  and  progress  of  other  settlements  in  various 
portions  of  New  Spain,  mention  will  be  made  in  the  closing 
chapters  of  this  work. 


Coat  of  Arms,  Jalata. 


Ancient  Tomb  at  Misantla,  Vera  Cruz. 


234 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  RIOT. 

Many  times  during  the  viceregal  period,  the  city  of  Mexico 
and  its  vicinity  'were  subject  to  disastrous  floods.  In  1G07  was 
begun  the  famous  drainage-work  of  Huehuetoca,  projected  by 
Viceroy  Enriquez  in  1580,  whereby  it  was  hoped  to  obtain 
relief  from  such  inundations  as  before  this  date  had  caused 
oft-repeated  misery.  In  the  autumn  of  1604,  excessive  rains 
had  caused  serious  damage,  leaving  some  portions  of  the  city 
under  water  for  a year.  So  discouraged  were  the  inhabitants 
that  they  seriously  considered  the  expediency  of  removing  the 
site  of  the  capital  to  the  adjacent  hills  of  Tacubaya;  butprop- 


SmtFACES  of  Lakes. 


erty  owners,  who  had  more  than  $20,000,000  at  stake,  suc- 
ceeded in  preventing  the  change. 

The  valley  of  Mexico  lies  more  than  7,000  feet  above  the 
sea-level,  in  a vast  basin  enclosed  by  porphyritic  ranges,  from 
whose  slopes  a number  of  rivers  unite  to  form  four  groups  of 
lakes,  the  Chalco-Xochimilco,  Tezcuco,  Cristobal,  and  Zum- 
pango.  The  first  was  a fresh-water  body,  lying  two  varas 
higher  than  Lake  Tezcuco,  above  the  level  of  which  the  two 
last  rose  toward  the  north  in  their  terrace-beds  four  and  ten 
feet,  respectively.  During  the  rainy  season,  the  excess  of 
water  overflowed  into  Lake  Cristobal,  which  again  discharged 
into  Lake  Tezcuco,  causing  its  waters  to  rise  considerably.  At 
certain  periods,  once  in  twenty-five  years  on  an  average,  this 
overflow  proved  destructive,  especially  to  the  capital,  whose 


FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  RIOT 


235 


main  square  lay  barely  four  feet  above  the  lake.  Taught  by 
experience,  the  Aztecs  had  sought  to  control  these  waters  by 
means  of  dikes,  not  only  around  the  city,  but  on  the  northern 
lakes,  which  were  also  divided  into  sections  by  transverse 
causeways.  Various  expedients  were  suggested,  and  it  was 
finally  resolved  to  conduct,  by  means  of  a canal,  a portion  of 
the  waters  of  Lake  Zumpango,  or  rather  of  its  principal  tribu- 
tary, to  the  lowlands  of  the  Iluehuetoca,  about  ten  leagues 
distant  from  the  capital.  Thence  a tunnel  was  to  be  con- 
structed, more  than  a league  in  length,  four  varas  in  height 
and  five  in  width,  connected  by  a canal  with  the  Rio  Tula. 

In  May  1G08,  the  first  canal  was  compelctod,  and  on  the 
17th  of  September  in  the  same  year  the  waters  first  passed 
through  the  tunnel  amid  the  rejoicings  of  the  people,  who  had 
reason  to  be  proud  of  an  engineering  feat  at  that  time  deemed 
remarkable.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before  the  inefficiency 
of  the  work  became  apparent,  the  conduit  being  too  small,  on 
too  high  a level,  and  so  poorly  vaulted  and  faced  as  frequent]) 
to  choke  with  its  own  debris. 

In  the  year  1G91,  during  the  second  term  of  Viceroy  Ga^ve  s 
administration,  while  the  citizens  of  Mexico  were  holding  fes- 
tival in  honor  of  the  marriage  of  Carlos  II.,  another  inunda- 
tion occurred.  On  the  9th  of  June  a sudden  freshet  swept 
through  the  valley,  carrying  away  houses  and  cattle,  destroy- 
ing in  its  course  the  wheat  crops  and  the  flour  stored  in  the 
mills,  and  inundating  for  a time  the  western  portion  of  the 
city.  Fortunately  additional  precautions  had  been  taken 
against  such  a catastrophe  by  the  viceroy  and  several  of  his 
predecessors,  and  the  waters  quickly  subsided. 

A month  later,  however,  a more  serious  flood  occurred.  On 
the  11th  of  July,  heavy  rains  commenced,  and  continued 
without  interruption  until  the  22d.  The  entire  valley  was  in- 
undated, together  with  a large  portion  of  the  city,  and  commu- 
nication with  the  surrounding  country  was  for  several  days 
interrupted,  thus  causing  a scarcity  of  provisions  in  the  capital. 

Until  the  23d  of  August  the  grain  crop,  in  the  portion  of  the 


236 


HISTORY  OF  THU  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


valley  which  had  not  been  flooded,  gave  jjromiso  of  an  abun- 
dant harvest.  But  on  that  date  occurred  a total  eclipse  of  the 
sun,  accompanied  with  unusual  cold;  and  if  we  can  believe 
the  chroniclers  of  this  period,  the  ripening  grain  was  attacked 
by  a species  of  rust,  and  the  greater  part  destroyed.  The  in- 
jury ascribed  to  the  eclipse  was  probably  occasioned  by  tbe 
flood,  just  as  similar  damage  is  caused  in  California  and  else- 
where by  fogs  or  excessive  rains. 

"With  the  loss  of  the  wheat  crop,  the  consumption  of  corn 
increased,  its  price  being  further  advanced  by  the  partial  fail- 
ure of  the  crop,  due  to  excessive  moisture  and  cold.  The 
situation  became  critical.  Maize  was  the  staple  food  of  the 
natives,  and  the  tortilla  had  now  taken  the  place  of  wheaten 
bread,  not  only  among  the  laboring  classes,  but  to  some  ex- 
tent among  the  rich. 

Murmurs  were  heard  on  all  sides;  and  notwithstanding  toe 
strenuous  efforts  of  the  viceroy  to  provide  a supply  of  grain, 
the  suspicious  and  unreasoning  populace  would  not  credit  the 
reports  as  to  the  failure  of  the  crops,  even  when  a special 
commissioner  was  sent  to  verify  them.  From  the  beginning, 
Galve  adopted  every  measure  that  prudence  and  experience 
could  suggest  to  mitigate  the  sufferings  incidental  to  a pro- 
longed famine.  Officials  were  despatched  throughout  the  val- 
ley, and  the  interior  districts,  to  purchase  all  surplus  grain, 
and  with  orders  to  seize  it  if  necessary.  The  sale  in  the  capi- 
tal of  wheat,  maize,  or  flour  by  private  individuals  was  for- 
bidden, all  that  could  be  found  being  collected  by  the 
government  for  distribution  at  the  public  granary.  In  No- 
vember 1691,  the  daily  consumption  was  from  1,000  to  1,300 
fanegas,  the  fanega  being  equivalent  to  one  bushel  and  a half, 
and  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  valley  were  compelled  to 
beg  for  food  at  the  gates  of  the  capital. 

In  May  of  the  following  year  an  abundant  crop  was  gar- 
nered from  irrigated  lands,  and  as  it  was  supposed  that  the 
prevailing  high  prices  would  induce  farmers  to  bring  Iheir 
grain  into  the  city,  permission  was  granted  for  its  uure- 


FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  RIOT 


237 


stricted  sale.  Many,  however,  sold  it  elsewhere,  and  this, 
together  with  a partial  failure  in  the  remoter  districts,  occa- 
sioned by  an  early  snow-storm,  caused  the  stock  of  grain  to 
run  low  toward  the  end  of  the  month.  Vigorous  measures 
were  now  required,  and  commissioners  were  sent  to  and  fro 
with  instructions  to  confiscate  all  cereals  wherever  found.  By 
this  time  the  price  of  grain  had  increased  so  enormously  that 
a load  of  wheat  which  usually  sold  for  five  dollars  could  not 
be  purchased  for  less  than  twenty-four  dollars. 

Urged  by  the  pangs  of  hunger,  and  by  real  and  fancied 
grievances,  the  people  were  now  in  a mood  which  boded  ill  for 
the  peace  and  welfare  of  the  capital.  Yet  although  previous 
outbreaks  had  shown  their  turbulent  nature,  no  precaution 
seems  to  have  been  taken  to  guard  against  an  outbreak. 
Affairs  were  ripe  for  an  emeute.  The  city  was  divided  into 
nine  wards,  of  which  six  were  inhabited  entirely  by  natives, 
each  of  them  having  its  own  governor.  The  total  population 
was  more  than  140,000,  of  which  the  Spaniards  and  mestizos, 
mixed  races,  or  offspring  of  Spaniards  and  Indian  women, 
formed  but  a small  proportion.  Many  of  the  latter  were  idle 
and  dissolute,  and  among  them  was  a large  admixture  of 
criminals,  termed  at  this  period  leperos. 

The  usual  resorts  of  this  class  were  the  booths,  where  was 
retailed  an  intoxicating  liquor  called  pulque,  and  the  baratillo, 
a collection  of  shops  in  the  main  plaza,  where  cheap  and  sec- 
ond-class wares  were  sold,  where  stolen  goods  were  disposed 
of,  and  where  the  natives  congregated  to  denounce  and  plot 
against  the  government,  free  from  the  interference  of  officers 
of  justice. 

To  oppose  these  dangerous  elements,  there  was  in  the  capi- 
tal but  a single  company  of  infantry,  mustering  less  than  a 
hundred  men,  who,  though  doing  duty  as  palace  guard,  were 
indifferently  armed  and  equipped.  There  was  probably  no 
artillery,  no  sufficient  store  of  small-arms  and  ammunition, 
and  no  organized  militia.  Most  of  the  Spaniards  possessed 
weapons  of  their  own;  but  as  the  event  proved,  they  would 


238 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


FLOOD , FAMINE,  AND  RIOT 


239 


not  act  together  in  time  of  need.  Beyond  the  city  the  near- 
est available  troops  were  the  garrisons  of  Acapidco  and  Vera 
Cruz.  There  was  not  even  an  organized  police  force  which 
could  be  made  available  for  quelling  an  ordinary  mob 

The  viceregal  palace,  as  appears  in  the  accompanying  plan, 
was  provided  with  loop-holes  for  infantry  and  embrasures  for 
cannon,  though  there  was  no  artillery  in  position.  In  the 
other  buildings  of  the  capital,  there  was  little  provision  for 


Government  Palace,  1692. 


defence,  except  the  thick  walls  of  stone  or  adobe,  heavily 
barred  doors,  and  iron-barred  windows,  common  to  most  Span- 
ish houses. 

In  the  baratillo  were  280  light  wooden  structures,  called 
cajones,  in  which  native  and  foreign  wares  of  all  descriptions 
were  sold.  Among  them  and  scattered  over  other  portions  of 
the  public  square  were  numberless  booths  built  of  canes  and 
rushes,  for  the  sale  of  fruit,  vegetables,  and  provisions,  giving 
to  this  plaza,  which  was  one  of  the  finest  in  the  world,  the 
appearance  of  an  irregular  village  of  huts. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  the  capital  at  the  beginning  of 
June  1692.  Though  the  scarcity  of  grain  still  continued,  a 
careful  distribution  of  the  supply  daily  received  at  the  granary 


240 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


sufficed  to  keep  starvation  from  the  city.  The  rabble,  however, 
became  eacli  hour  more  insolent,  and  waited  only  for  a pretext 
to  revolt,  encouraged,  as  they  were,  by  the  inaction  of  the 
authorities,  which  they  construed  into  fear. 

On  Friday,  the  7th  of  June,  the  corn  at  the  public  granary 
was  all  distributed  before  six  o’clock  in  the  evening,  whereupon 
a crowd  of  native  women  who  had  not  yet  been  served  gave  vent 


Government  Palace,  1887. 

to  their  disappointment  in  shrill  outcries  and  insulting  epithets. 
On  the  following  day,  they  were  still  more  disorderly,  shouting, 
jostling,  and  crowding  each  other  so  as  to  make  it  impossible 
to  proceed  with  the  distribution.  Taking  advantage  of  the 
confusion,  several  attempted  to  help  themselves;  whereupon 
one  of  the  officials,  finding  peaceful  measures  ineffectual,  seized 
a whip,  and  laying  it  on  right  and  left,  drove  them  back.  In  a 
few  minutes,  however,  the  throng  surged  forward  again,  headed 
by  one  more  daring  than  the  rest.  The  official  again  made 


FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  RIOT. 


241 


use  of  his  whip,  and  grasping  a cane,  rained  a shower  of  blows 
on  the  head  and  shoulders  of  the  leader  and  her  companions. 
Exasperated  by  this  treatment,  some  200  of  the  women  rushed 
across  the  plaza  to  the  apartments  of  the  archbishop,  and 
thence  to  the  palace  of  the  viceroy,  where  they  were  pushed 
back  by  the  guards.  As  yet  not  a single  man  had  joined  the 
multitude,  and  after  some  further  clamor  the  tumult  ended 
for  the  moment. 

On  the  following  day,  the  throng  appeared  as  usual  at  the 
granary,  and  during  the  early  hours  there  was  no  disturbance. 
Orders  had  been  given  to  the  captain  of  the  palace  guard  to 
take  all  needful  precautions.  Pikes  were  to  be  sharpened, 
ammunition  distributed  among  the  troops,  and  fire-arms  kept 
loaded.  Not  apprehending  danger,  the  authorities  took  no 
further  precautions. 

The  viceroy,  however,  was  ill  at  ease.  Leaving  his  break- 
fast untouched,  he  repaired  to  the  convent  of  Santo  Domingo 
to  hear  mass,  and  his  appearance  was  greeted  with  a murmur 
of  disapprobation  by  the  assembled  worshippers,  who  regarded 
him  as  the  cause  of  all  their  sufferings.  About  four  o’clock  in 
the  afternoon  he  attended  service  at  the  Augustine  convent, 
and  thence  proceeded,  as  was  his  custom,  to  the  convent  of 
San  Francisco.  After  the  usual  procession,  he  entered  the 
latter  building  to  converse  with  the  friars,  when  suddenly  the 
noise  of  tumult  was  heard,  accompanied  with  the  report  of 
fire-arms.  The  viceroy  arose  and  stepped  forward  in  the  direc- 
tion of  the  palace,  but  was  held  hack  by  his  attendants  and  by 
the  friars,  who,  gathering  around  him,  represented  the  danger 
of  such  an  attempt,  the  streets  being  thronged  by  frenzied 
beings  hurrying  from  all  quarters  to  the  plaza. 

But  500  fanegas  of  corn  had  been  received  this  day  at  the 
public  granary,  and  about  five  o’clock  in  the  afternoon  the  sup- 
ply was  exhausted,  though  many  still  remained  to  be  served. 
While  the  last  of  the  grain  was  being  measured  out,  a struggle 
occurred  among  the  native  women  for  the  foremost  place>  dur- 
16 


242 


HIS  TORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


ing  which  one  of  them  fell  to  the  ground,  and  was  trampled 
under  foot. 

The  role  of  the  previous  day  was  again  enacted,  but  with 
fatal  results.  The  injured  woman  was  carried  to  the  baratillo, 
and  thence  to  the  palace  of  the  archbishop,  followed  by  a 
howling  and  exasperated  mob  of  drunken  and  riotous  men. 
A demand  was  made  to  see  the  prelate,  and  denied,  whereupon 
his  attendants  were  assailed  with  the  vilest  abuse.  Growing 
impatient  at  his  non-appearance,  the  constantly  increasing 
multitude  rushed  across  the  plaza  to  the  viceregal  palace,  the 
women  taking  up  a position  at  the  corners  of  the  streets.  Then 
they  began  to  abuse  the  viceroy  in  round  terms,  tlirowing< 
stones  at  his  apartments,  and  threatening  to  burn  it  down. 
After  some  delay,  a detachment  of  the  guard,  supported  by  a 
few  volunteers,  charged  the  rioters,  driving  them  toward  the 
stalls  and  the  cathedral  cemetery;  but  being  re-enforced,  they 
rallied  and  drove  back  their  assailants.  A few  of  the  guard 
then  ascended  to  the  roof  and  fired  blank  cartridges;  but  this 
only  emboldened  the  insurgents,  who  answered  with  shouts  of 
derision  and  volleys  of  stones. 

At  the  moment  when  the  first  party  was  being  driven  back 
by  weight  of  numbers,  another  company  of  troops  came  up; 
but  the  rioters  were  now  in  such  force  that  they  were  com- 
pelled to  retire.  It  w*as  then  decided  to  close  the  palace  doors, 
which  was  done  in  such  haste  that  two  or  three  of  the  palace 
guard  were  shut  out,  and  wrere  seized  and  torn  in  pieces.  A 
shout  of  triumph  then  arose  from  the  crowd,  numbering  by  this 
time  10,000  persons.  “ Death  to  the  viceroy  and  corregidor!  ” 
they  cried;  “ death  to  those  who  have  all  the  corn  and  are 
killing  us  with  hunger!  ” 

At  this  juncture,  the  archbishop  approached  on  foot  with 
uplifted  cross,  and  surrounded  by  the  priests.  Little  regard 
was  shown  for  them,  however,  and  missiles  fell  thick  and  fast, 
the  prelate  and  his  attendants  being  finally  compelled  to  with- 
draw. The  guards  made  no  further  effort.  After  some  thirty 


FLOOD,  FAMINE,  AND  RIOT. 


243 


shots  from  the  roof,  firing  ceased,  many  of  the  soldiers  being 
disabled,  and  their  ammunition  exhausted. 

The  mob  now  resolved  to  burn  down  the  palace,  no  longer 
fearing  those  within.  Rushes  and  reeds  from  the  booths  in 
the  plaza  were  heaped  against  the  wooden  doors  and  the  torch 
applied.  The  city  hall  was  also  set  on  fire,  and  while  some 
were  thus  engaged,  others  seized  the  coach  of  the  corregidor, 
or  magistrate,  whose  residence  formed  a portion  of  the  build- 
ing, set  it  ablaze,  and  with  the  mules  in  harness,  drove  it  in 
triumph  round  the  plaza,  finally  killing  the  affrighted  ani- 
mals. 

Then  followed  a scene  which  no  pen  can  picture.  Darkness 
was  creeping  over  the  city,  and  in  the  glare  of  the  conflagra- 
tion, the  spacious  plaza,  thronged  but  a few  hours  ago  with 
the  wealth  and  beauty  of  New  Spain,  appeared  like  a hall  in 
Tophet.  Filling  the  square  and  the  adjacent  streets,  the  mad- 
dened populace  might  be  seen  surging  to  and  fro  in  dense 
masses  like  an  angry  sea,  and  above  the  roar  of  the  flames 
arose  hoarse  shouts  of  exultation  as  the  work  of  destruction 
went  bravely  on.  From  the  palace  corridors,  the  archbishop 
and  his  attendants  gazed  in  the  silence  of  despair,  while  in  its 
neighborhood  groups  of  citizens  watched  in  speechless  terror 
the  progress  of  the  flames. 

Suddenly  the  cry  was  raised,  “To  the  stalls!”  “To  the 
stalls!”  and  instantly  the  crowd  surged  in  that  direction,  arm- 
ing themselves  with  knives,  machetes,  and  iron  bars.  And 
now  the  rabble  became  raving  maniacs.  Houses  were  broken 
open  and  plundered,  and  the  torch  applied  to  the  dwellings  of 
friend  and  foe  alike,  while  rape  and  massacre  spread  almost 
unchecked  throughout  the  city.  Gradually  the  infuriated 
yells  of  the  mob  sunk  to  a low  murderous  roar  of  voices,  inter- 
rupted only  by  the  crash  of  falling  buildings.  Still  the  flames 
increased,  and  by  their  lurid  light  could  be  seen  the  dusky 
forms  of  the  rioters  flitting  to  and  fro  among  the  buildings, 
or,  laden  with  plunder,  disappearing  in  the  darkness. 

A singular  phase  of  riot  and  robbery  is  now  presented. 


244 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Among  the  rabble  are  many  owners  of  booths  who  dare  not 
openly  protect  their  property,  but  of  course  cannot  witness  its 
destruction  with  indifference.  Merchants  yesterday  are  rob- 
bers to-day,  and  may  as  well  rob  each  other  as  be  robbed  by 
their  comrades.  Joining  in  the  attack  on  their  own  stalls, 
they  are  the  first  to  enter  them,  and  if  possible,  to  seize  and 
carry  to  a place  of  safety  some  of  their  own  effects.  Others, 
pretending  an  air  of  resignation,  encourage  the  pillage  of  their 
stalls,  and  then  stealthily  follow  the  plunderer  and  relieve  him 
of  his  load  by  a blow  or  deadly  thrust.  Many  of  the  rioters 
are  run  through,  at  the  junction  of  the  streets  with  the  plaza, 
by  groups  of  exasperated  Spaniards,  who  are  defied  with 
taunts  by  the  passing  rabble,  and  not  a few  perish  in  the 
flames. 

It  was  not  yet  nine  o’clock,  and  the  plaza,  which  for  the 
last  three  hours  had  been  thronged  with  the  canaille  of  the 
capital,  was  now  almost  deserted.  Most  of  the  rioters  had  re- 
tired with  their  spoils,  and  among  those  who  remained  the 
priests  still  continued  their  fruitless  exhortations.  Despite 
the  efforts  of  the  guard,  and  of  the  citizens  who  had  ventured 
to  show  themselves,  the  viceregal  palace  and  city  hall  were 
still  on  fire,  and  the  stalls  and  booths  were  one  mass  of  flames. 

At  this  juncture,  the  count  of  Santiago,  with  a number  of 
armed  citizens  collected  by  order  of  the  viceroy,  appeared  in 
the  plaza  and  opened  fire  on  the  remnant  of  the  mob,  but  de- 
sisted at  the  request  of  the  priests,  lest  innocent  lives  should 
be  sacrificed.  The  riot  was  now  virtually  at  an  end;  but  on 
the  morrow  the  sun  rose  on  a mass  of  smouldering  ruins, 
while  the  bodies  of  the  dead  lay  scattered  throughout  the  pub- 
lic square,  among  the  various  articles  of  plunder  dropped  by 
the  rabble  in  their  flight.  The  greater  portion  of  the  viceregal 
palace  was  destroyed,  as  were  the  halls  of  the  audiencia,  the 
jail,  and  several  government  offices,  containing  many  valuable 
documents.  The  city  hall  was  in  ruins,  and  with  it  perished 
the  greater  portion  of  the  public  archives.  The  granary  and 
the  adjoining  buildings  also  suffered;  and  but  for  the  timely 


FLOOD , FAMINE,  AND  RIOT. 


245 


efforts  of  the  cathedral  treasurer,  the  fire  would  probably  have 
extended  to  the  cathedral  and  the  palace  of  the  archbishop. 

But  let  it  not  be  supposed  that  because  freebooters  some- 
times came  to  the  coast  of  Mexico,  and  there  was  an  occasional 
flood,  famine,  and  riot,  such  were  the  normal  conditions  of  af- 
fairs through  the  long  viceregal  period.  The  three  centuries 
of  colonial  rule  in  New  Spain  were  marked  by  a monotony  so 
dead,  a society  so  stagnant,  as  almost  to  bring  about  a lapse 
into  barbarism  of  the  Europeans  here  vegetating.  The  rule  of 
the  Spanish  sovereigns  was  for  the  most  part  so  complete  that 
the  inhabitants  hardly  knew  by  what  omnipotent  influence 
they  were  held  in  position. 


Mexican  Bkuuaii, 


246 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

V 

SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 

Ix  closing  this  brief  sketch  of  the  viceregal  period,  a few 
statements  as  to  the  condition  and  customs  of  the  people  at 
the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  classes  and  castes 
into  which  they  were  divided,  and  the  effect  of  some  three  cen- 
turies of  Spanish  domination  may  not  be  without  interest. 

About  the  year  1810,  the  population  of  Mexico,  as  we  will 
henceforth  term  New  Spain,  was  estimated  at  6,122,354;  but 
these  figures  included  the  inhabitants  of  Upper  and  Lower 
California,  and  of  portions  of  Texas.  The  domain  of  the 
Spaniards  in  North  America  consisted  of  the  intendencias  of 
Mexico,  Guadalajara,  Puebla,  Vera  Cruz,  Merida,  Oajaca, 
Guanajuato,  Valladolid,  San  Luis  Potosl,  and  Zacatecas,  the 
word  ‘intendencia’  signifying  a district  under  the  charge  of  an 
intendant,  or  manager.  There  were  also  the  provinces  of  Nuevo 
Leon,  Nuevo  Santander,  Coahuila,  Durango,  Arizpe,  Nuevo 
Mexico,  the  two  Californias,  the  two  Floridas,  Texas,  and  the 
islands  of  Cuba  and  Portorieo.  Thus  it  will  be  seen  that, 
including  their  possessions  in  Central  America,  extending 
from  the  isthmus  of  Panama  to  the  southern  boundary  of  Mex- 
ico, the  Spaniards  held  at  least  nominal  sway  over  nearly 
all  the  best  portions  of  the  Pacific  coast  of  North  America. 
Not  satisfied  with  this  vast  extent  of  territory,  they  claimed 
even  a part  of  Russian  America,  or  Alaska,  as  this  region 
was  termed  after  its  purchase  by  the  United  States,  near  the 
coast  of  which  is  an  island  named  Revilla  Gigedo,  so  called 
after  one  of  the  Spanish  viceroys. 

The  population  of  Mexico  averaged,  at  this  date,  about  fifty 
to  the  square  league,  the  number  varying  from  633  in  Guana- 
juato to  6 in  Nuevo  Mexico.  The  entire  number  of  Spaniards 
was  computed  at  about  1,100,000;  of  aboriginals,  or  Americans, 


SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 


247 


248 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


at  nearly  3,400,000;  and  of  those  of  mixed  castes,  at  a little 
over  1,300,000.  There  were  in  the  entire  territory  30  cities,  95 
villas,  or  towns,  and  4,682  pueblos,  or  villages. 

Spanish- Americans  form  what  may  be  classed  as  a new  race, 
sprung  from  the  union  of  the  proudest  of  European  peoples 
and  the  most  advanced  of  the  native  races  of  America.  The 


Mestiza. 


former  was  itself  somewhat  of  an  anomaly,  containing,  as  it 
did,  the  physical  and  mental  characteristics  of  Half  a dozen 
nations,  from  the  sturdy  Goth  to  the  lithe  and  fiery  Arab;  the 
latter  was  evolved  amid  the  rise  and  fall  of  mighty  empires, 
whose  records  are  entombed  in  the  most  imposing  monuments 
of  the  continent. 

While  the  latter  may  be  divided,  as  will  be  remembered, 
into  two  great  branches,  the  Maya  and  the  Nahua,  yet  it  con- 


SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 


249 


sists  of  a large  number  of  nations,  distinct  in  language,  differ- 
ing greatly  in  culture,  and  forming  a larger  variety  even  than 
was  found  on  the  Spanish  peninsula,  at  the  opening  of  the 
conquest.  Not  alone  from  the  nations  of  Europe  and  Asia 
were  drawn  the  elements  of  which  the  Spanish- American  race 
is  composed;  for  during  its  earlier  development,  and  after  the 
partial  substitution  of  negro  for  native  labor,  the  Africans 
intermarried  with  the  aboriginals,  their  offspring  being  termed 
zambos. 

Of  the  three  original  races, — the  American,  the  Spaniard, 
and  the  negro, — the  first  compares  somewhat  unfavorably  with 


Zambo  Mother  and  Child. 


the  symmetrical  and  bright-eyed  Castilian,  and  the  tall  and 
muscular  negro,  possessing  neither  their  strength  nor  adapta- 
bility. The  long,  dark  hair  of  the  aboriginal  is  thick  and  glossy, 
and  the  beard  so  scant  as  to  render  still  more  marked  the  uni- 
formity of  type  in  the  large  black  eyes,  set  widely  apart,  the 
oval  face,  with  its  long,  narrow  forehead,  the  prominent  cheek- 
bones, and  the  thick  lips.  The  complexion  varies  in  the  sev- 
eral districts  from  olive  to  brown,  or  copper-color,  and  becomes 
darkest  as  we  approach  the  torrid  region.  The  mestizo,  or 


•250 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


half-breed,  is  of  a different  type,  with  a more  pleasing  and 
intelligent  countenance,  but  usually  small  of  stature,  inclined 
to  corpulence,  and  somewhat  lacking  in  energy.  The  zambo  is 
ill-looking,  fiery,  and  turbulent.  Indeed,  it  may  be  said  that 
gentleness,  symmetry,  and  beauty  of  form  and  feature,  increase 
with  the  proportion  of  the  admixture  of  Spanish  blood. 

If  to  the  last  remark  exception  be  taken  on  the  ground  of 
the  cruelty  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  years  succeeding  the  con- 
quest, the  answer  is,  that  the  Castilians  were  not,  considering 
the  age,  more  cruel  than  were  the  English  in  Hindostan  some 
two  centuries  later,  or  are  the  people  of  the  United  States 
at  the  present  day.  At  least  the  Spaniards  fed,  and  clothed, 
and  even  paid  those  who  worked  for  them,  leaving  to  the  rest 
an  opportunity  of  providing  for  their  own  food  and  clothing. 
But  while  the  Indian  tribes,  which  are  compelled  in  the 
United  States  to  live  on  reservations,  have  been  deprived  of 
their  usual  means  of  earning  a livelihood,  the  money  appro- 
priated for  them  by  congress  feeds  and  clothes  any  one  rather 
than  those  for  whom  it  is  voted. 

Among  the  misfortunes  incidental  to  the  progress  of  civiliza- 
tion is  the  introduction  of  diseases  common  to  civilized  races. 
As  epidemics  were  brought  upon  the  natives  of  their  colonies 
by  the  English  and  Dutch,  so  were  they  introduced  by  the 
Spaniards  into  the  New  World.  From  monumental  and  docu- 
mentary evidence,  Mexico  appears  to  have  been  at  several 
epochs  more  populous  than  toward  the  close  of  the  colonial  or 
viceregal  period.  Franciscan  missionaries  alone  claim  to 
have  baptized  six  millions  of  the  natives  between  the  years 
1524  and  1540;  and  though  the  Dominicans  and  Augustini- 
ans  labored  earnestly  to  swell  the  number,  vast  fields  remained 
unoccupied  by  missionary  effort.  These  statements  are  not, 
however,  reliable,  nor  are  the  estimates  of  deaths  caused  by 
epidemic  diseases.  In  1576,  for  instance,  about  two  million 
persons  are  said  to  have  died  of  small-pox  in  the  central  prov- 
inces alone,  and  at  other  times  it  is  related  that  entire  districts 
were  almost  depopulated. 


SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 


251 


Notwithstanding  the  ills  brought  on  the  New  World  by  the 
Spaniards,  in  Mexico  at  least,  men  in  whose  veins  was  the 
largest  admixture  of  Spanish  blood  were  held  in  most  esteem. 
Class  distinctions  have  ever  been  jealously  guarded  in  Spain; 
and  proud  of  his  race  and  country,  the  Spaniard  in  early 
days  looked  on  the  foreigner  somewhat  with  the  contempt  of  a 
Greek  for  those  whom  he  termed  barbarians.  Such  ideas 
could  not  fail  to  he  intensified  in  the  New  World,  where  the 
Castilian  trod  the  soil  as  conqueror  of  dusky  and  half-naked 
races  of  Americans,  to  whom  even  the  possession  of  a soul  was, 
at  first  denied.  Under  such  conditions  it  is  not  surprising 
that,  even  in  framing  the  most  benevolent  of  their  laws,  the 
pre-eminence  of  the  superior  race  was  sustained  to  the  dis- 
advantage of  the  others. 

The  education,  wealth,  and  honors  of  the  country  centred 
almost  exclusively  in  the  Spaniards.  They  held  the  civil  and 
military  and  the  highest  ecclesiastical  offices;  they  filled  the 
professions,  controlled  all  the  leading  branches  of  trade  and 
manufacture,  and  owned  the  richest  mines  and  the  largest 
plantations.  Between  them  and  the  castes  lay  an  immense 
gulf.  To  be  of  the  former  was  to  be  of  a noble  race;  to  be  of 
the  latter  was  to  be  branded. 

Another  discrimination,  even  yet  more  dangerous  to  the 
people,  was  made  by  the  government  in  granting  the  higher 
offices  in  the  state,  army,  and  church  almost  exclusively  to 
native-born  Castilians.  The  result  of  such  injustice  was  a 
bitterness  of  feeling  which  manifested  itself  as  early  as  the 
first  decade  after  the  conquest,  when  the  soldiers  of  Cortes  saw 
the  most  lucrative  positions  and  the  choicest  grants  of  land 
bestowed  on  men  who  had  done  nothing  toward  acquiring  this 
rich  domain  for  the  Spaniards,  and  who  proved  themselves 
unworthy  and  dishonest. 

The  term  ‘creoles,’  or  native-born  Americans  of  European 
parentage,  acquired  a tinge  of  reproach  on  account  of  their 
indolent  habits,  whereby  they  were  prevented  from  competing 
with  immigrants  in  trade  or  industries.  Climate  had  much 


252 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Spanish  Creole. 


SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 


253 


to  do  with  this  failing;  but  the  cause  must  be  ascribed  in  part 
to  their  training  and  their  superficial  education,  which  served 
only  to  raise  their  pretensions  above  those  of  the  toiler  for 
fortune.  They  were  spoiled  by  home  indulgence.  The  frugality 
of  the  father  disappeared;  forethought  and  prudence  were 
thrown  to  the  winds,  and  the  saying,  “ The  father  a trader,  the 


A Stage  Station. 


son  a gentleman,  and  the  grandson  a beggar,”  became  general 
in  application. 

In  the  sunny  climate  of  Mexico,  little  effort  was  needed  to 
sustain  life,  the  masses  being  content  to  subsist,  almost  as 
before  the  conquest,  mainly  on  frijoles  and  tortillas,  seasoned 
with  a pepper-sauce  of  chile,  and  varied  occasionally  with 
atolli,  or  maize  porridge.  These  dishes  appeared  also  on  the 
tables  of  the  rich,  though  merely  as  adjuncts,  for  with  them 
both  meals  and  dishes  were  numerous.  They  began  the  day 


254 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


with  chocolate,  thin,  foaming,  and  flavored  with  vanilla,  or 
other  ingredients,  served  with  cake  or  fruit,  such  refreshments 
being  taken  by  the  women  at  frequent  intervals.  The  regular 
breakfast  with  meats  and  other  substantial  dishes  came  a little 
later.  The  noon  meal  included  soup,  rice  cooked  in  melted 
fat,  and  an  olla  podrida  of  various  meats  and  vegetables,  sup- 
ported by  plainer  dishes,  and  followed  by  preserves  and  con- 
fectionery. Hot  tortillas  were  eaten  in  place  of  bread,  although 
the  latter  was  on  the  table,  and  wine  or  water  was  seldom 
taken  until  after  eating.  After  this  repast  came  the  siesta, 
which  lasted  till  four  o’clock.  Toward  dusk  a lighter  meal 
was  laid,  and  for  supper  there  were  tamales,  or  meat  pies,  with 
chocolate  or  other  drinks. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  various 
classes,  trades,  and  professions  were  distinguished  by  the 
quality  and  character  of  their  dress.  Thus  the  official,  the 
judge,  the  doctor,  the  barber,  could  be  recognized  by  their  hats, 
capes,  collars,  cuffs,  and  swords.  So  with  the  lower  classes, 
some  of  whom  were  compelled  to  wear  costumes  similar  to 
those  in  use  immediately  after  the  conquest. 

All  who  had  the  means  were  impelled  by  vanity  to  distin- 
guish themselves  from  the  poor  by  extravagant  display. 
Though  held  in  check  by  the  decrees  of  the  first  audiencias, 
the  love  of  finery  could  not  be  altogether  repressed,  and  was 
displayed  even  by  the  clergy  as  they  set  forth  in  state  to  re- 
prove sinners.  The  traveller  Gage,  who  after  a tour  through 
Mexico  wrote  an  account  of  his  journey  in  1677,  thus  describes 
one  of  the  ecclesiastics,  as  he  terms  the  religious  orders:  “ I 
saw  a frier  of  the  cloister  riding  with  his  lackey-boy  by  bis 
side,  upon  a good  gelding,  with  his  long  habit  tucked  up  to 
his  girdle,  making  shew  of  a fine  silk  orange-color  stockin 
upon  his  legs,  ^tnd  a neat  Cordovan  shoe  upon  his  foot,  with  a 
fine  Holland  pair  of  drawers,  with  a lace  three  inches  broad 
at  knee.”  Of  other  friars  he  also  makes  mention,  “under 
whose  broad  sleeves  we  could  perceive  their  doublets,  quilted 
with  silk,  and  at  their  wrists  the  laces  of  their  Holland  shirts.” 


SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 


255 


The  dwelling-houses  on  the  plateau  were  usually  of  adobes, 
with  a flat  cement  roof,  and  contained  one  large  room  called 
the  sala,  which  was  the  general  reception  and  living  apart- 
ment, a bedroom,  and  a kitchen.  The  sala  had  probably 
more  than  one  window,  though,  as  a rule,  not  overlooking  the 
public  thoroughfare,  and  this  was  usually  closed  with  a shut- 
ter, so  that  light  came  from  the  door,  which  opened  directly  on 
the  street.  \V hilo  the  walls  shone  with  lustrous  whiteness,  the 
ceiling  disclosed  the  bare  beams,  and  the  floor  consisted  only 
of  cement  or  brick.  At  one  end  of  the  sala  was  a rough  car- 
pet, on  which  were  low  cushioned  benches,  and  elsewhere  were 
a few  chairs.  In  some  of  the  corners  were  placed  small  gilded 
tables,  supporting  candlesticks  and  porcelain  figures,  and  the 
bareness  of  the  walls  was  relieved  with  a few  gaudy  pictures, 
or  images  of  saints,  the  figure  of  the  Madonna,  with  a light 
burning  in  front,  being  accorded  the  place  of  honor. 

The  dwellings  of  the  lower  classes  descended  in  the  scale, 
until,  in  the  hot  region,  we  find  them  to  be  merely  cane  huts, 
thatched  with  palm-leaves,  and  provided  with  a portico,  but 
without  windows,  the  spaces  between  the  canes  admitting  both 
light  and  air.  Its  one  room,  usually  without  partition,  served 
for  the  entire  family,  together  with  the  pigs  and  poultry.  The 
bed  consisted  of  a rush  or  palm-leaf  mat,  sometimes  raised  on 
a framework,  on  which  the  women  sat  cross-legged  during  the 
leisure  moments  of  the  day.  This  couch,  together  with  the 
earthen-ware,  the  stone  for  grinding  maize,  and  the  images  of 
the  saints,  was  the  only  furniture,  not  even  a bench  being  con- 
sidered necessary.  Yet  even  in  the  poorest  households,  hospi- 
tality was  extended  with  a profusion  and  good-will  that  were 
almost  universal. 

The  light-hearted  disposition  of  the  people  was  manifested 
at  their  numerous  festivities,  connected  principally  with  the 
church,  but  multipltcd  by  other  holidays,  as  on  the  birthdays 
of  the  royal  family.  Most  of  them  were  celebrated  with  pro- 
cessions, bell-ringing,  bull-fights,  balls,  fireworks,  and  general 
merriment.  On  royal  birthdays,  the  ceremonies  began  with  a 


256 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


solemn  mass,  at  which  were  present  the  various  bodies  of  offi- 
cials, and  were  followed  by  a public  reception  at  the  viceroy  s 
palace,  where  those  who  attended  kissed  the  hand  of  the  ruler 
in  prescribed  order  of  precedence.  Meanwhile  were  heard 
salvos  of  artillery;  and  during  the  afternoon  prominent  citizens 


Old-time  Coacu  and  Cochero. 

appeared  on  horseback  or  in  carriage  on  the  alameda  of 
Mexico. 

The  afternoon  drive  was  a favorite  feature,  which  gave  the 
best  opportunity  for  a display  of  toilets  and  jewelry.  Hun- 
dreds of  the  heavy,  springless  coaches  of  the  period,  covered 
and  embellished  with  designs,  rolled  slowly  down  the  avenue, 
drawn  by  four  horses  or  mules,  and  with  servants  dressed  in 


SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 


257 


livery.  Within  were  women  ir  evening  dress,  without  veil  or 
head-covering,  exchanging  glances  and  greetings  with  passing 
acquaintances.  Between  the  lines  of  carriages  were  prancing 
steeds,  their  riders  being  seated  in  saddles  stamped,  gilded, 
or  embossed  in  gold  or  silver.  The  leather  or  fur  covering  of 
the  horse  was  embellished  like  the  saddle,  and  fringed  with 
dangling  pieces  of  precious  metal  which  jingled  at  every  step. 


Pulqueros. 


The  rider  was  attired  in  broad-brimmed  hat,  edged  with  gold 
or  silver  lace,  fur-trimmed  and  embroidered  jacket,  silver-but- 
toned pantaloons,  and  leather  leggings,  with  immense  silver 
spurs  and  inlaid  whip.  Very  frequently  the  outfit  of  the  cava- 
lier formed  his  only  wealth,  and  his  sole  ambition  in  life  was 
to  display  his  gaudy  attire,  his  trappings,  and  his  horseman- 
ship at  the  afternoon  parade  on  the  alameda. 

17 


258 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Compared  with  a people  so  appreciative  of  dramatic  art  as 
were  the  Spaniards,  who  could  boast  such  names  as  Lope  de 
Vega  and  Calderon,  it  must  he  confessed  that  the  efforts  of 
their  American  descendants  were  somewhat  meagre  in  result. 
Within  a few  years  after  the  conquest  comedies  were  presented 
at  the  palace  of  Mexico,  and  sacred  pieces  at  the  convents. 
Toward  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  a theatre  was 
probably  erected,  and  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  there  was 
but  one  temple  of  the  drama  worthy  of  the  name,  that  one 
being  supplied  only  with  mediocre  performers  from  Spain. 
Nevertheless  the  actor  could  not  complain  of  want  of  encour- 
agement, and  favorites  often  received  liberal  presents  from 
the  audience,  which  showered  on  the  stage  gold,  silver,  and 
even  valuable  jewelry. 

The  tertulia,  or  social  party,  lasting  from  about  six  till  nine 
in  the  evening,  was  a pleasant  gathering,  with  its  exuberant 
fun  and  freedom  from  restraint.  A trifle  sufficed  to  provoke 
merriment,  and  conversation  flowed  with  remarkable  volubil- 
ity of  tongue.  Parlor  games  with  forfeits  were  among  the 
pastimes,  but  singing  and  dancing  were  the  favorite  amuse- 
ments. Words  were  readily  improvised  for  the  simple  melody, 
and  all  joined  in  the  refrain.  The  dancers  also  took  part  in 
the  song,  while  the  spectators  kept  time  to  the  music  of  guitars, 
with  occasional  clapping  of  hands.  The  favorite  dances  were 
the  minuet,  the  waltz,  bolero,  and  fandango,  all  executed  with 
the  grace  of  movement  native  to  Spaniards,  though  sometimes 
not  without  a savor  of  indelicacy. 

While  the  Spanish  Americans  were  thus  fond  of  pleasure, 
it  must  not  be  supposed  that  they  were  altogether  neglectful 
of  their  business  interests.  Although  mining,  agriculture, 
manufactures,  and  commerce  had  fallen  somewhat  into  de- 
cadence, these  interests  were  still  far  from  inconsiderable. 
Between  1521  and  1808  the  total  yield  of  the  precious  metals 
amounted  to  nearly  $2,000,000,000,  the  revenue  derived  by  the 
crown  from  this  flood  of  wealth  being  sixteen  per  cent  on  silver 
and  nineteen  per  cent  on  gold.  The  value  of  agricultural 


SOCIETY  DURING  THE  VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 


259 


products  averaged,  during  the  eighteenth  century,  perhaps 
$40,000,000,  while  manufactures  represented  about  $7,000,000, 
most  of  the  latter  being  articles  of  prime  necessity.  As  to  the 
volume  of  trade  and  commerce,  there  are  no  reliable  data. 

Thus  passed  away  nearly  three  centuries  of  viceregal  sway; 
so  quietly  they  passed  as  to  cause,  save  the  incidents  related, 
scarcely  a ripple  in  the  smooth  current  of  events.  If  we  still 
hear  occasionally  the  din  of  conflict,  it  is  but  a skirmish  with 
the  rude  tribes  of  the  north,  turning  at  bay  against  the  en- 
croachments of  civilization  on  which  they  retaliated  in  or- 
ganized descents  from  mountain  fastnesses;  or  flitting  like 
shadows  along  the  outskirts  of  settlements.  The  conqueror 
had  followed  the  deceitful  mirage  of  newer,  richer  lands,  which 
lured  him  onward  until  repeated  disappointment  shattered 
his  hopes.  Military  operations  were  narrowed  to  a cordon  of 
outposts,  and  were  guided  by  a temporizing  policy  that  savored 
little  of  the  spirit  which  impelled  a handful  of  men  to  over- 
throw an  empire,  and  disclose  a southern  sea.  In  their  place 
we  have  now  a condition  of  peace  and  prosperity,  the  val- 
ley of  Mexico  being  filled  once  more  with  thriving  farms, 
orchards,  and  pasture-lands,  though  in  the  regions  of  the 
north  the  mines  still  held  forth  attractions  to  those  who  were 
willing  to  face  isolation  and  danger 


Mexican  Landscape. 


PART  IV.  — THE  REVOLUTION. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

OUTLINE  OF  EUROPEAN  HISTORY  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE 
VICEREGAL  PERIOD. 

During  the  latter  portion  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  the 
opening  years  of  the  nineteenth,  the  thrones  of  Europe  were 
profoundly  shaken.  The  declaration  of  independence  hy  the 
United  States  in  1776,  the  recognition  of  the  American  republic 
hy  France  after  the  disaster  to  the  British  arms  at  Saratoga, 
the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown  in  1782,  the  outbreak 
of  the  French  revolution,  the  storming  of  the  Bastile,  the  exe- 
cution of  Louis  XVI.  in  1793,  and  the  reign  of  terror,  ending 
with  the  death  of  Maximilian,  Robespierre, — all  these  startling 
events,  following  in  quick  succession,  had  aroused  throughout 
the  Old  World  monarchies  a feeling  of  intense  unrest. 

A few  months  after  the  decapitation  of  Louis  XVI.,  a French 
army  laid  siege  to  the  city  of  Toulon,  which  had  been  deliv- 
ered hy  the  royalists  into  the  hands  of  the  English.  After 
several  failures,  a young  lieutenant  of  artillery,  a Corsican  by 
birth,  suggested  to  his  superior  officers  the  operations  whereby 
this  naval  station  in  the  south  of  France  was  recaptured  with 
little  difficulty.  Of  him  the  commander-in-chief  writes  in  his 
official  despatch,  copied  in  the  Moniteur  of  December  7,  1793: 
“Among  those  who  distinguished  themselves  most,  and  who 
most  aided  me  to  rally  my  troops,  are  citizens  Buona  Parte, 
commanding  the  artillery,  and  adjutants-general  Arena  and 
Cervoni.” 

In  October  1795,  citizen  Buona  Parte,  better  known  to  fame 
as  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  was  called  upon  by  the  national  con- 
vention to  suppress  the  revolt  of  the  revolutionary  wards  or 


OUTLINE  OF  EUROPEAN  HISTORY. 


201 


sections.  This  accomplished,  he  was  appointed  in  February 
of  the  following  year  to  the  command  of  the  army  of  Italy. 
Leading  across  the  Alps  an  army  of  some  20,000  ragged  and 
almost  barefooted  veterans,  he  defeated  the  Austrians  in  sev- 
eral engagements,  concluding  with  the  decisive  battle  of  Rivoli, 
and  in  May  1787  took  possession  of  Venice,  a cisalpine  repub- 
lic being  formed  from  the  Milanese  and  Mantuan  states. 

Then  followed  the  campaign  in  Egypt,  and  the  departure  of 
Bonaparte  for  the  east,  in  command  of  30,000  men,  aided  by 
such  generals  as  Murat,  Desaix,  Lannes,  and  Marmont,  but 
with  Nelson  at  the  head  of  a British  fleet  in  his  front,  and  be- 
hind him  a European  war,  forming  perhaps  one  of  the  most 
critical  periods  in  the  modern  history  of  Europe.  After  de- 
feating the  Mamelukes  at  the  battle  of  the  Pyramids,  his  fleet 
was  destroyed  by  Nelson  at  Aboukir  Bay,  and  soon  afterward 
he  was  himself  defeated  by  Sir  Sidney  Smith  before  St.  Jean 
d’Acre.  This  disaster,  said  Bonaparte,  changed  the  destiny 
of  the  world,  for  the  downfall  of  Acre  would  have  been  fol- 
lowed by  an  alliance  with  the  subject  tribes,  from  which  he 
would  have  collected  an  army  for  the  conquest  of  Asia. 

Returning  to  Paris  in  October  1799,  his  reappearance  was 
hailed  by  the  French  nation  with  delight,  being  regarded  as 
almost  providential.  During  his  absence,  the  war  had  been 
grossly  mismanaged.  Armies  and  generals  were  not  wanting; 
but  there  was  needed  in  camp  and  council  a presiding  genius, 
one  in  whom  were  combined  the  highest  qualities  of  the  strate- 
gist and  the  statesman.  Such  a man  was  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte. Clearing  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet — as  Cromwell  put 
an  end  to  his  refractory  parliament — the  council-chamber  of 
the  five  hundred,  then  the  stronghold  of  jacobinism,  he  was  ap- 
pointed soon  afterward  First  Consul  of  France,  with  almost 
unlimited  power. 

By  the  victory  of  Marengo,  in  June  1800,  French  supremacy 
was  re-established  in  Italy,  and  about  two  years  later  Bona- 
parte was  proclaimed  by  the  senate  First  Consul  for  life.  In 
1804,  he  was  enthroned  as  emperor  of  the  French,  under  the 


262 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


title  of  Napoleon  I.,  and  in  the  following  year  received  at 
Milan  the  iron  crown  of  the  Lombard  kings. 

Meanwhile  England  had  again  declared  war  against  France, 
and  at  her  instance,  in  the  summer  of  1805,  Russia  and  Aus- 
tria joined  in  a coalition  against  the  emperor.  The  capture 
of  Ulm,  and  the  crushing  defeat  at  Austcrlitz,  laid  the  greater 
portion  of  Europe  at  the  feet  of  the  conqueror;  though  the 
victory  of  Trafalgar,  in  which  the  combined  fleets  of  France 
and  Spain  were  almost  destroyed,  was  some  compensation  for 
these  disasters.  In  1806,  the  Prussians  were  overthrown  at 
Jena  and  Auerstadt,  and  after  some  further  wars,  interrupted 
by  no  interval  of  peace,  in  the  spring  of  1812  Napoleon  set 
forth  with  an  army  of  nearly  500,000  men  for  the  invasion  of 
Russia. 

The  decisive  battle  was  fought  at  the  village  of  Borodino, 
almost  within  sight  of  Moscow,  then  the  capital  of  the  tzars. 
The  Russians,  being  defeated,  set  fire  to  the  city,  first  remov- 
ing all  the  provisions  which  it  contained;  and  on  the  verge  of 
winter,  a season  which  proved  unusually  severe,  the  French 
and  their  allies  were  compelled  to  begin  their  retreat  through 
the  bleak  plains  of  central  Russia.  Of  the  immense  host 
which  accompanied  the  emperor,  125,000  were  slain,  132, 000 
died  of  hunger,  cold,  and  disease,  193,000  were  made  prisoners, 
and  only  30,000  returned  to  their  native  land. 

Undaunted  by  this  disaster,  Napoleon  at  once  gave  orders 
that  fresh  conscriptions  should  be  levied,  for  already  a new 
and  more  powerful  coalition  had  been  formed,  the  sixth  one 
combined  against  the  French,  and  including  Russia,  England, 
Spain,  Prussia,  and  Sweden,  Austria  soon  afterward  joining 
the  allies.  In  October  1813,  the  emperor  met  with  a decisive 
overthrow  at  Leipsic,  and  the  campaign  of  the  following  year 
was  fought  on  the  soil  of  France,  the  Russians,  Austrians,  and 
Prussians  having  crossed  the  eastern  border,  while  Wellington, 
at  the  head  of  an  Anglo-Spanish  army,  had  driven  the  French 
across  the  Pyrenees,  and  was  now  laying  siege  to  Bayonne. 
Hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  Paris  was  at  length  compelled  to 


OUTLINE  OF  EUROPEAN  HISTORY. 


2G3 


capitulate,  and  the  emperor  signed  his  abdication,  retiring  into 
exile  at  the  island  of  Elba.  Escaping  thence,  on  the  1st  of 
March,  1815,  he  landed  in  the  south  of  France,  accompanied 
by  an  escort  of  his  imperial  guard. 

Instantly  Europe  rose  once  more  in  arms  against  the  em- 
peror, the  allied  powers  putting  their  forces  in  motion  toward 
the  French  frontier.  About  the  middle  of  June  1815,  two 
armies  were  stationed  in  Belgium,  one  consisting  of  Prussians 
commanded  by  Marshal  Bliicher,  and  the  other,  under  Wel- 
lington, composed  of  British,  Germans,  Hanoverians,  and  troops 
of  other  nationalities.  With  his  usual  rapidity,  and  with  a 
secrecy  that  defied  detection,  Napoleon  threw  himself  between 
them,  attacking  the  Prussians  at  Ligny,  and  the  British  at 
Quatrebras.  Against  the  former  he  won  his  last  victory;  but 
at  the  hands  of  the  latter  his  marshal  received  a check,  though 
on  the  following  day  Wellington  retired  to  a more  favorable 
position  at  the  plateau  of  St.  Jean,  near  Brussels,  where  he 
could  also  reopen  communications  Avith  the  Prussians.  On  the 
18th  of  June  was  fought  the  decisive  battle  which  the  French 
term  Mont  St.  Jean,  and  the  English  Waterloo,  so  called  from 
the  name  of  a village  four  miles  distant,  where  the  British 
commander  wrote  his  official  despatch.  After  a desperate  con- 
flict, the  result  was  a total  rout  of  the  French,  with  the  loss  of 
about  30,000  men,  and  nearly  all  their  artillery  and  baggage. 

On  the  2'2d  of  June,  exactly  100  days  after  he  had  resumed 
the  sceptre,  Napoleon  signed  his  second  abdication,  and  having 
vainly  attempted  to  escape  to  the  United  States,  placed  him- 
self under  the  protection  of  the  British  nation.  Detained  as  a 
prisoner  of  war,  he  was  finally  banished  to  the  island  of  St. 
Helena,  where,  on  the  5th  of  May,  1821,  he  breathed  his  last. 

Thus  the  history  of  Europe  during  the  last  years  of  the 
eighteenth  century  and  the  first  portion  of  the  nineteenth 
consists  mainly  of  the  history  of  Napoleon  and  the  Napoleonic 
wars.  At  their  conclusion,  the  nations  of  Europe  were  drained 
of  their  resources,  England  alone  having  expended  several 
hundred  millions  of  pounds,  while  others  of  the  great  powers 
were  reduced  almost  to  bankruptcy. 


2G4 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Let  us  now  turn  to  Spain,  of  which  country,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, a brief  historical  sketch  has  already  been  given, 
closing  with  the  reign  of  Philip  II.,  a monarch  of  whom  there 
is  little  to  he  said,  except  that,  to  no  purpose,  he  wasted  more 
human  lives  and  squandered  more  wealth  than  any  of  the 
sovereigns  who  have  filled  the  Spanish  throne.  During  the 
seventeenth  century,  the  army  became  demoralized;  the  navy 
was  destroyed,  and  the  country  was  left  defenceless.  The 
merchant  marine  had  almost  ceased  to  exist,  even  the  carry- 
ing trade  falling  into  the  hands  of  foreigners;  while  pirates 
infested  the  colonies,  and  trade  and  industries  retained  none 
of  their  former  vitality.  Yet  during  the  reigns  of  Philip  III., 
Philip  IV.,  and  of  Charles  II.,  which  complete  the  century, 
was  continued  for  a brief  period  the  brilliant  era  of  literature 
and  art  which  commenced  in  the  days  of  their  predecessor. 
Among  men  of  letters  may  be  mentioned  Luis  de  Leon,  Cas- 
tilian Cervantes,  Lope  de  Vega,  and  Quevedo;  among  artists, 
such  names  as  Rivera,  Velazquez,  and  Murillo. 

The  eighteenth  century  opens  with  the  war  of  the  succes- 
sion, in  which  the  house  of  Bourbon  overthrew  the  Ilapsburg 
dynasty.  The  Bourbon  monarchs,  before  the  reign  of  Joseph 
Bonaparte,  were  Philip  V.,  who  ruled  from  1700  to  1746; 
Ferdinand  VI.,  1746-1759;  Charles  III.,  1759-1788;  Charles 
IV'.,  1788-1808,  and  his  son  Ferdinand  VII.  The  overthrow 
of  Joseph  Bonaparte,  in  1813,  was  again  followed  by  the  reign 
of  Ferdinand  VII.,  which  lasted  without  interruption  until 
1833,  his  successor,  Isabel  II.,  remaining  in  power  until  1868. 
After  a brief  period  of  republican  government,  Amadeo,  of  the 
house  of  Savoy,  occupied  the  throne,  between  1871  and  1873. 
Then  came  more  republican  dictatorships,  and  finally,  the 
house  of  Bourbon  was  restored  in  the  person  of  Alfonso  XII. 

After  the  war  of  the  succession,  there  was  some  improvement 
in  the  affairs  of  Spain.  Agriculture  and  manufactures  were 
in  a more  flourishing  condition;  the  legislature  was  purified, 
and  the  church  stripped  of  much  of  its  property  and  influence. 
Under  Ferdinand  VI.,  though  a man  of  weakly  frame  and 


OUTLINE  OF  EUROPEAN  HISTORY. 


265 


feeble  mind,  a timid  but  benevolent  ruler,  the  country  recu- 
perated somewhat;  retrenchments  were  made;  the  power  of 
the  inquisition  was  restrained;  defences  were  restored;  com- 
merce and  industries  began  to  thrive,  and  reforms  were  insti- 
tuted. 

During  the  reign  of  Charles  III.,  a more  able  monarch, 
church  and  inquisition  were  still  further  held  in  check,  and 
the  Jesuits  were  expelled.  Between  1779  and  1783  there  was 
war  with  England.  In  1781-82  was  quelled  an  insurrection 
of  the  inca  of  Peru,  and  in  1786,  the  thousand  years’  war  with 
the  Mahometans  was  terminated  by  the  peace  of  Algiers. 

With  the  accession  of  Charles  IV.  ends  the  epoch  of  reform; 
and  dismal  indeed  are  the  annals  of  the  next  thirty  years, 
during  which  occurred  dire  humiliation  at  the  hands  of  Bona- 
parte, and  the  loss  of  nearly  all  the  transatlantic  colonies. 
The  king  was  little  better  than  an  imbecile,  his  wife,  Maria 
Luisa,  an  ambitious  and  disreputable  woman,  being  virtually 
ruler  of  the  people.  The  queen’s  favorite  adviser  was  a young 
officer  named  Manuel  Godoy,  an  impudent,  incapable,  and 
thoroughly  immoral  minister,  who,  when  tired  of  war,  intrigue, 
and  politics,  sought  refuge  in  dissipation.  Under  such  bane- 
ful influences,  Spain,  which  in  the  days  of  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  had  been  the  proudest  of  European  monarchies,  be- 
came the  by-word  of  all  the  nations.  The  finances  of  the 
country  were  wrecked;  the  army  and  navy  rendered  almost 
worthless,  for  though  there  were  ships  and  regiments,  there 
were  neither  sailors  nor  soldiers;  Galicia  and  other  provinces 
were  in  revolt,  and  presently  the  French  were  upon  them,  the 
proud  Spaniard  becoming  merely  the  vassal  of  a foreign  power. 

By  the  treaty  of  Basle,  in  1795,  a nominal  alliance  was 
formed  with  the  French  republic,  but  one  which  in  reality 
placed  the  peninsula  still  more  in  the  power  of  France,  and 
prepared  the  way  for  a general  revolt  of  the  colonies.  For  his 
services  on  this  occasion,  Godoy  received  the  title  of  Prince  of 
Peace,  together  with  rich  domains  and  other  substantial  gifts. 
After  the  defeat  of  the  Spaniards  by  the  British  fleet  off  Cape 


266 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Finisterre,  in  1797,  the  English  swept  the  Mediterranean  and 
Carribean  seas,  sowing  discord  among  the  Spanish  settlements. 
In  1801,  peace  was  again  signed  between  France  and  Spain, 
with  Godoy  as  the  creature  of  Napoleon.  Then  once  more 
came  wars  in  quick  succession,  followed  by  ignominious 
treaties.  In  1808,  the  French  were  again  in  Spain;  Charles 
IV.  signed  his  abdication;  Godoy  fled  before  the  fury  of  the 
populace,  and  Ferdinand  VII..  who  is  described  by  the  histo- 
rians of  his  time  as  an  incompetent  and  faithless  ruler,  a 
hypocrite,  a coward,  a debauchee,  and  a trickster,  was  named 
his  successor. 

After  a royal  puppet-show,  with  Murat  as  manager,  during 
which  Charles  was  for  a moment  recalled  and  Ferdinand  ab- 
dicated, the  British  armies  landed  in  the  peninsula.  Then 
came  Napoleon  into  Spain,  and  until  1813  his  brother  Joseph 
Bonaparte  held  the  reins  of  government.  The  disastrous 
expedition  under  Sir  John  Moore,  and  the  battle  of  Corunna 
in  1809,  were  followed  by  Wellesley’s  victory  at  Talavera  in 
July  of  the  same  year,  and  after  being  defeated  at  Salamanca 
in  1812  and  at  Vitoria  in  1813,  the  French  were  finally  driven 
across  the  Pyrenees. 

In  1810,  Caracas  in  Venezuela  having  broken  out  into  revolt, 
followed  shortly  afterward  by  Buenos  Ayres,  the  cortes  as- 
sembled at  Cadiz.  In  1812,  a constitution  was  framed,  whereby 
seignorial  rights,  the  inquisition,  and  most  of  the  convents 
were  abolished.  This  measure,  which  was  almost  republican 
in  its  tenor,  was,  however,  too  liberal  for  the  time  and  place. 
Soon  it  became  inoperative,  and  again  the  people  labored 
under  the  burden  of  absolute  monarchy. 

Reinstated  in  1813,  Ferdinand  swore  to  carry  out  the  pro- 
visions of  the  constitution,  though  never  intending  to  keep  his 
vow.  No  sooner  was  he  seated  on  the  throne  than  he  annulled 
the  proceedings  of  the  cortes,  and  brought  before  courts-mar- 
tial all  who  had  assisted  in  framing  the  constitution,  or  had 
adhered  to  it.  Many  perished  on  the  scaffold,  and  hundreds 
of  nobles  were  imprisoned  in  dungeons,  while  the  more  fortu- 


OUTLINE  OF  EU HO  PE  AN  HISTORY. 


267 


nate  were  sent  into  exile.  For  several  years  Spain  was  gov- 
erned by  this  ruthless  tyrant,  whose  disgusting  appearance 
and  habits  made  him  the  scorn  of  his  people.  Then  followed 
the  rebellion  of  1820,  after  which  came  riots  and  civil  war. 
The  constitution  of  1812  was  restored  in  1820,  and  Ferdinand, 
though  against  his  will,  took  the  oath  to  support  it,  and  actu- 
ally begged  the  nation’s  pardon  for  his  act  in  having  abolished 
it  in  1814.  But  with  his  usual  faithlessness  he  resolved  to  set 
it  aside  as  soon  as  he  could.  At  length,  the  absolute  sovereigns 
of  Europe  having  decided  to  reinstate  him  in  his  former  un- 
limited authority,  a powerful  French  army  under  the  due 
d’Angouleme  entered  Spain  to  effect  that  purpose;  the  con- 
stitutional regime  was  overthrown,  and  the  cold-blooded  Fer- 
dinand was  again  enabled  to  increase  the  number  of  his 
victims.  Finally,  there  was  another  decade  during  which  des- 
potism knew  no  limit,  commerce  and  industries  languished, 
and  the  public  exchequer  was  depleted,  the  expenses  of  the 
government  being  700,000,000  reals  a year,  with  an  income  of 
only  400,000,000.  The  ties  of  allegiance  which  bound  America 
to  Europe  had  been  sundered,  never  again  to  be  united. 


268 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

CAUSES  OF  DISAFFECTION  IN  MEXICO. 

At  the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  the  subjects  of 
Spain  in  the  New  "World  found  ample  reasons  for  revolt. 
They  had  endured  at  the  hands  of  depotism  almost  every 
form  of  oppression  that  a people  could  undergo;  the  worst 
that  had  happened  to  England’s  colonies  were  among  the 
mildest  wrongs  of  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico.  If,  among  the 
latter,  there  had  been  no  more  serious  grounds  of  complaint 
than  were  alleged  by  the  English  settlers  in  America,  if  they 
had  suffered  only  the  interference  of  royal  or  viceregal  au- 
thority between  the  people  and  the  laws  of  their  making,  the 
dissolution  of  representative  assemblies,  a corrupt  administra- 
tion of  justice,  the  maintenance  of  standing  armies,  commer- 
cial restrictions,  and  evils  of  like  nature,  there  might  not  have 
been  to  this  day  any  separation  from  the  mother  country, 
unless  indeed  it  had  come  to  pass  through  natural  decay. 
But  looking  well  into  the  causes  of  the  Mexican  revolt,  we 
find,  in  addition  to  this  catalogue  of  wrongs,  some  of  the  black- 
est crimes  which  it  is  within  the  power  of  tyranny  to  perpe- 
trate; such  as  the  enforcement  of  superstitious  observances, 
intellectual  slavery,  the  subordination  of  soul,  the  degradation 
of  the  mental  and  spiritual  faculties  of  man. 

One  of  the  most  intolerable  grievances  was  that  which  de- 
naturalized the  son  of  a Spaniard  bom  in  America.  At  first 
the  creole  was  esteemed  as  one  with  the  native-born  Castilian; 
and  for  several  generations  the  ties  of  parentage  prevailed 
over  the  distinctions  of  nationality.  Even  when  these  bonds 
were  loosened  by  divergence  of  interests,  and  the  ever-increas- 
ing numbers  of  the  creole  population,  the  union  between  the  two 
classes  was  still  maintained  as  a protection  against  revolt 
among  the  native  tribes. 


CAUSES  OF  DISAFFECTION  IN  MEXICO. 


269 


But  the  distinction  thus  made  netween  the  creole  and  the 
native-born  Spaniard  was  not  the  only  reason,  nor  in  fact  the 
main  reason,  for  the  disruption  which  ensued.  The  divine 
right  of  kings,  and  implicit  obedience  to  rulers,  were  doctrines 
so  strongly  ingrained  in  the  nature  of  the  people,  that  to 
repudiate  them  was  considered  as  almost  equivalent  to  defy- 
ing the  power  of  the  Almighty;  and  it  was  this  feeling  which 
held  the  inhabitants  of  Mexico  so  long  in  a state  of  vassalage. 
While  such  a condition  of  affairs  prevailed,  the  Spaniards  of 
Castile  could  deprive  the  Spanish  Americans  of  their  political 
status,  and  assail  their  rights  with  impunity;  but  none  the  less, 
in  due  time,  did  European  pride  and  disdain  provoke  irrita- 
tion and  bitter  jealousy.  Thus  was  gradually  developed  a 
mutual  antipathy,  which  was  fostered  by  the  policy  of  the 
home  government;  for  though  by  law  and  theory  the  privileges 
of  all  subjects  of  the  crown  were  equal,  in  practice  it  was  far 
otherwise. 

Three  prominent  causes  were  ever  actively  at  work,  engen- 
dering hatred  and  an  intense  longing  for  freedom.  These 
were  social  restrictions,  exclusion  from  preferments,  and  the 
commercial  monopolies  enjoyed  by  the  Spaniards.  With 
regard  to  the  two  first,  it  is  unnecessary  to  add  to  what  has 
already  been  said,  for  to  the  last  of  these  reasons  may  be 
chiefly  attributed  the  wide-spread  discontent.  The  entire  con- 
trol of  trade  by  Spanish  merchants,  the  exorbitant  prices 
charged  for  all  commodities,  and  the  grinding  restrictions  on 
industries  that  interfered  with  the  commerce  of  the  mother 
country,  were  most  disastrous  in  effect,  since  thereby  all  classes 
suffered,  and  the  poor  the  most  severely.  A bond  of  union 
was  thus  formed  between  the  creoles,  mestizos,  and  native 
races,  all  of  whom  manifested  an  eager  desire  for  independence. 

But  apart  from  these  main  causes  of  discontent,  other 
sources  of  provocation,  permanent  or  periodical,  aroused  a 
spirit  of  antagonism.  Excessive  taxation  galled  and  irritated; 
the  venality  of  officials  and  the  corruptness  of  the  judiciary 
excited  indignation;  while,  in  the  year  1767,  the  expulsion  of 


270 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  Jesuits,  who  had  ingratiated  themselves  with  the  lower 
orders,  wounded  the  religious  sensibilities  of  the  people.  From 
that  time  conspiracies  became  wide-spread,  and  though  at  first 
abortive,  served  to  bring  home  to  the  Spanish  rulers  the  fact 
that  disloyalty  w’as  rapidly  spreading  throughout  the  provinces. 
Disdaining  the  support  of  the  church,  the  government  deter- 
mined to  rely  only  on  force  of  arms;  and  organizing  the  troops 
on  a larger  scale,  omitted  no  opportunity  of  humiliating  the 
clergy,  wrho,  being  thus  alienated,  became  a powerful  element 
in  shaping  the  political  destinies  of  the  nation. 

During  this  period,  so  fraught  with  danger  to  the  fairest 
portion  of  Spain’s  dominion  in  the  New  World,  there  was  no 
viceroy  in  Mexico  who  was  capable  of  appreciating  the  true 
condition  of  affairs,  or  who  possessed  the  courage  and  ability 
needed  to  avert  revolution.  Their  incompetence  and  vacillation 
hastened  the  progress  of  revolt,  and  during  1809  and  1810  dis- 
affection spread  far  and  fast  throughout  the  land.  In  Septem- 
ber of  the  latter  year  the  strife  began,  and  was  marked  with 
reprisals  as  vindictive  and  cold-blooded  as  any  recorded  in  the 
annals  of  Christian  nations.  With  these  preliminary  remarks, 
let  us  now  consider  the  historical  events  which  preceded  the 
final  rupture. 

In  January  1803,  Jose  de  Iturrigaray  assumed  the  duties  of 
viceroy,  being  appointed  through  the  influence  of  Godov.  A 
native  of  Cadiz,  and  of  patrician  birth,  a veteran  soldier,  and  a 
sexagenarian,  he  still  retained  his  energy  and  vigor,  though 
his  reputation  as  a military  commander  was  none  of  the  best. 
Ilis  reception  at  the  capital  was  most  flattering,  and  the  privi- 
leges accorded  to  the  inhabitants  gained  for  him  at  first  the 
favor  of  all  classes,  though  soon  it  was  discovered  that  his 
condescension  was  but  a cloak  for  less  worthy  traits  of  char- 
acter. 

The  family  of  Iturrigaray  consisted  of  his  wife,  the  Doha  Inez, 
a grown-up  son,  and  several  younger  children,  attended  by  a 
numerous  train  of  relatives,  all  bent  on  amassing  fortunes.  Be- 


CAUSES  OF  DISAFFECTION  IN  MEXICO.  271 

fore  his  departure  from  the  peninsula  he  had  obtained  a royal 
decree,  permitting  him  to  introduce  into  New  Spain,  free  of  duty, 
unfinished  family  apparel.  Under  this  pretence  he  landed  at 
Vera  Cruz  a cargo  of  merchandise,  which  he  sold  at  an  enor- 
mous profit.  Then  by  the  sale  of  offices  and  employments, 
and  by  placing  an  impost  on  quicksilver,  he  secured  for  him- 
self a considerable  revenue.  Other  frauds  were  committed 
in  the  contracts  for  paper  used  at  the  government  cigar  fac- 
tories, the  contractors  charging  fictitious  prices,  and  paying  a 
bonus  to  the  Doha  Inez.  In  brief,  the  administration  of  the 
viceroy  was  modelled  after  the  example  of  his  patron  Godoy, 
who,  it  was  believed,  shared  in  the  illicit  gains  of  his  protege. 

Sumptuous  entertainments  were  given  at  the  palace  with  the 
twofold  object  of  pleasure  and  profit,  and  there  assembled 
oidores,  inquisitors,  prelates,  and  members  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished families,  who,  to  win  the  favor  of  the  hostess,  vied 
•with  each  other  in  their  efforts  to  please,  and  in  the  costliness 
of  their  gifts.  Soon  the  capital  was  given  up  to  pleasure,  dissi- 
pation, and  intrigue;  and  to  the  discredit  caused  by  the  venality 
of  the  viceroy  were  added  the  profligacy  and  vulgar  passion 
for  play  of  his  son,  tvho  was  a constant  visitor  to  the  cock-pit. 
Such  conduct  could  not  fail  to  produce  its  effect.  The  halo  of 
royalty,  which  for  centuries  had  surrounded  the  viceregal 
authority,  was  dimmed,  and  the  respect  formerly  accorded  to 
the  representatives  of  the  sovereign  was  gradually  withheld. 
Meanwhile,  Iturrigaray  accumulated  a large  fortune,  consist- 
ing of  coin,  jewels,  and  plate;  and  this,  notwithstanding  his 
extravagance  and  the  enormous  expenses  of  court,  which  far 
exceeded  his  stipend  of  $60,000  a year. 

It  was  now  the  period  when  Spain  was  being  invaded  by  the 
armies  of  Napoleon  I.,  and  during  each  year  of  this  protracted 
war,  the  appeals  for  money,  in  the  shape  of  forced  loans,  and 
the  increase  of  taxation,  became  more  burdensome.  Among 
other  means  adopted  for  raising  funds  was  the  sequestration 
of  estates  in  the  hands  of  benevolent  institutions,  a measure 
which  not  only  touched  the  public  sympathy,  but  also  the 


272 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


pockets  of  a host  of  land-owners;  for  to  hypothecate  with  them 
their  real  estate  was  a favorite  resource  among  those  who 
needed  money.  The  seizures,  which  amounted  to  no  less  than 
•i* 44, 000, 000,  affected  nearly  every  interest  in  the  country,  so 
that  only  a percentage  of  the  value  of  the  lands  could  be  real- 
ized; and  this  was  greatly  decreased  by  passing  through  the 
hands  of  the  viceroy  and  his  minions. 

In  addition  to  these  troubles  came  a rupture  with  England, 
and  the  consequent  fear  of  invasion  and  piratical  raids,  while 
toward  the  north  the  people  of  the  United  States  were  encroach- 
ing on  Spanish  territory.  Special  levies  of  troops  and  appro- 
priations of  money  must  therefore  be  made  for  the  defence  of 
Mexico,  all  these  causes  tending  to  increase  the  prevailing 
discontent.  In  the  mean  time,  Charles  IV.  had  abdicated  in 
favor  of  his  son  Ferdinand  VII.;  and  although  this  change, 
which  involved  the  fall  of  Godoy,  could  not  have  been  accept- 
able to  the  viceroy,  he  displayed  such  indifference  in  proclaim- 
ing the  new  monarch  that  to  many  his  conduct  appeared 
almost  treasonable. 

Soon  afterward  followed  the  news  of  Joseph  Bonaparte’s 
usurpation  of  the  throne  of  Spain;  and  now  those  who  nursed 
dreams  of  independence  during  the  absence  of  a lawful  sover- 
eign, proclaimed  their  views  in  anonymous  placards,  among 
them  being  some  which  even  proposed  a crown  for  Iturriearay. 
Doubtless  the  viceroy  was  flattered;  but  whatever  his  views, 
he  lacked  the  resolution  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
movement,  preferring  to  await  the  progress  of  events.  Never- 
theless, he  was  eager  for  power,  and  when  the  town  council  of 
Mexico  proposed  that  he  should  assume  the  government  on 
behalf  of  the  lawful  sovereign,  and  surrender  it  not  even  to 
Spain  herself  so  long  as  she  remained  under  foreign  rule,  he 
at  once  accepted  their  offer.  This  proceeding  aroused  the 
indignation  of  the  members  of  the  audiencia,  and  the  more  so 
because  the  town  council  was  composed  entirely  of  creoles. 
When,  therefore,  the  viceroy  presented  to  the  oidores  the 
address  drawn  up  by  the  latter,  it  was  rejected  as  contrary  to 
law  and  the  public  welfare. 


CAUSES  OF  DISAFFECTION  IN  MEXICO. 


273 


In  the  midst  of  the  dispute,  intelligence  arrived  of  an  upris- 
ing of  the  Spaniards  against  the  French;  and  fired  with  a mo- 
mentary patriotism,  the  people  seized  with  acclamation  the 
opportunity  of  affirming  their  loyalty  by  formally  proclaiming 
Ferdinand  VII.  Despatches  from  Joseph  Bonaparte  were 
soon  afterward  publicly  burned  at  Vera  Cruz,  amid  some  riot- 
ing. Then  came  orders  from  two  different  juntas  in  Spain 
demanding  submission.  The  viceroy  declared  that  since 
anarchy  prevailed  in  the  peninsula,  no  recognition  of  the  au- 
thority of  the  juntas  could  for  the  time  be  accorded.  Against 
the  wishes  of  the  audiencia,  he  now  summoned  a congress  rep- 
resenting the  town  councils  of  the  entire  country,  all  of  them 
consisting  largely  of  creoles.  This  assumption  of  independent 
power,  together  with  the  massing  of  troops,  gave  rise  to  the 
belief  that  Iturrigaray  purposed  to  sever  himself  from  the  home 
government,  and  thereupon  the  party  opposed  to  him  resolved 
on  his  overthrow. 

The  conspirators,  300  in  number,  styled  themselves  Volun- 
teers of  Ferdinand  VII.,  though  afterward  better  known  as 
Chaquetas,  from  the  jackets  of  their  uniform.  At  midnight, 
on  the  15tli  of  September,  1808,  the  leaders  silently  approached 
the  palace  gates.  The  guard  had  been  locked  up  in  their 
quarters,  the  officer  of  the  day  being  in  collusion,  and  the  sen- 
tinels at  the  entrance  stood  mute  and  motionless.  Connected 
on  the  north  side  with  the  palace  was  the  court  prison,  and 
there  the  sentry,  not  being  in  the  secret,  challenged  the  intrud- 
ers. Receiving  no  reply,  he  fired  on  them;  hut  was  himself 
shot  down  while  reloading  his  musket.  Recovering  from  this 
mishap,  the  conspirators  entered  the  palace  without  further 
opposition;  and  notwithstanding  the  shots  which  had  been 
fired  without,  they  found  the  viceroy  asleep  in  his  chamber. 
Aroused  from  his  slumbers,  he  found  himself  a prisoner,  and 
after  giving  up  the  keys  of  his  cabinet,  was  conducted  with  his 
two  eldest  sons  to  the  inquisition.  The  following  day  he  was 
formally  deposed,  and  soon  afterward  was  sent  to  Spain,  to 
linger  in  prison  or  in  exile,  harassed  by  legal  proceedings, 
18 


274 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


and  deprived  of  the  greater  portion  of  his  property,  although 
after  the  close  of  the  revolution  much  of  the  estate  was  recov- 
ered by  his  family,  under  the  plea  that  he  had  struggled  only 
for  liberty,  and  had  fallen  a victim  to  his  inordinate  zeal. 

As  successor  to  Iturrigaray,  the  audiencia  appointed  one 
Pedro  Garibay,  a retired  brigadier-general  in  the  Spanish 
army,  an  octogenarian,  broken  down  by  infirmity  and  poverty, 
and  a man  of  feeble  will  and  mediocre  ability.  During  his 
reign,  revolutionary  doctrines  made  rapid  progress;  secret 
meetings  were  held  at  private  houses;  societies  known  as  the 
Racionales  Caballeros,  which,  by  their  machinations,  aided  in 
no  small  degree  the  cause  of  independence,  were  organized  at 
Vera  Cruz,  at  Jalapa,  and  in  Mexico;  finally  the  secret  agents 
of  Joseph  Bonaparte  were  actively  at  work,  inciting  the  peo- 
ple to  rebellion. 

Lampoons  and  scurrilous  pasquinades  were  posted  on  the 
walls  of  the  capital;  insulting  caricatures  of  the  leading  mem- 
bers of  the  government  and  of  the  loyalist  party  disfigured 
the  public  builings;  seditious  publications  were  scattered  over 
the  floors  of  the  cathedral  and  the  churches;  the  image  of  the 
Spanish  monarch  was  grossly  disfigured  on  the  coinage;  and 
the  supreme  junta  of  Spain  was  openly  ridiculed.  All  these 
seeds  of  insurrection  were  so  secretly  and  warily  sown  that  the 
efforts  of  the  government  were  ineffectual  to  suppress  them. 
In  vain  were  the  use  and  sale  of  hand  printing-presses  pro- 
hibited, and  in  vain  were  rewards  offered  for  the  detection  of 
the  authors  of  these  treasonable  demonstrations. 

Day  by  day  the  government  was  losing  its  influence  over 
the  people,  and  becoming  more  and  more  an  object  of  ridicule 
to  the  disaffected.  In  the  hope  of  stemming  the  rising  torrent, 
Garibay,  or  rather  his  advisers,  established  a junta  in  the 
capital,  composed  of  three  oidores,  before  whom  all  cases  of 
treason  were  to  be  tried.  This  tribunal  was  organized  in  June 
1809,  and  a few  arrests  were  made;  but  instead  of  tending  to 
suppress  sedition,  the  measure  was  turned  to  advantage  by  the 
revolutionary  party,  and  supplied  additional  means  of  foment- 


CAUSES  OF  DISAFFECTION  IN  MEXICO. 


275 


ing  discontent.  A rumor  was  spread  abroad  that  the  prisons 
were  crowded  with  innocent  victims,  and  the  citizens  were 
taught  to  believe  that  the  mere  avowal  of  liberal  opinions  was 
sufficient  to  cause  them  to  be  sent  prisoners  to  Spain. 

Meanwhile,  the  several  juntas  in  various  portions  of  the 
peninsula  had  coalesced  in  a junta  central,  and  in  March 
1809  this  body  was  formally  recognized  in  Mexico.  But  mis- 
rule continued,  and  with  it  grew  the  hostility  of  the  people, 
until  the  volunteers  of  Ferdinand,  at  the  head  of  whom  was 
Gabriel  de  Yermo,  a wealthy  land-owner,  made  an  earnest 
appeal  to  the  home  government,  urging  the  selection  of  a more 
capable  and  energetic  viceroy.  Among  their  reasons  were  the 
demand  of  the  sister  of  Ferdinand  VII.  for  the  appointment  of 
her  son  as  regent;  the  rumor  that  Napoleon  intended  to  nomi- 
nate Charles  IV.  as  ruler  of  Mexico,  and  thus  dismember  the 
monarchy,  and  the  pretensions  of  other  claimants,  among 
whom  was  a descendant  of  Montezuma  II.  The  result  was 
the  removal  of  Garibay,  in  July  1809,  his  successor  being 
Archbishop  Lizana  y Beaumont. 

But  the  new  viceroy  was  not  the  man  for  the  occasion. 
Like  Garibay,  he  was  aged,  infirm,  and  as  feeble  in  mind  as 
in  body;  he  was  a more  fitting  inmate  for  a hospital  than  for 
the  viceregal  palace.  Though  passably  honest,  and  of  benign 
disposition,  he  lacked  altogether  the  force  of  will  needed  to 
curb  insubordination  and  regulate  contending  factions.  Pas- 
torals were  issued  where  viceregal  orders  should  have  been 
presented;  and  during  his  brief  reign  he  allowed  himself  to  be 
entirely  swayed  by  favorites,  to  whom  he  intrusted  the  affairs 
of  government. 

Prompted  by  such  advisers,  Lizana’s  measures  created  wide- 
spread dissatisfaction,  even  among  the  stanchest  loyalists, 
and  the  mere  rumor  of  a conspiracy  to  seize  or  assassinate  him 
resulted  in  the  dismissal  and  persecution  of  the  very  men  who 
formed  the  sole  bulwark  of  sovereignty.  Such  policy  could 
only  result  in  disaster  to  the  crown,  and  in  December  a plot 
was  arranged  at  Valladolid  to  secure  the  leading  officials  and 


27()  HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

proclaim  the  revolution.  The  indiscretion  of  certain  of  the 
conspirators  led  to  disclosure,  and  the  ringleaders  were  ar- 
rested, but  escaped  with  slight  punishment,  probably  through 
apprehension  that  severe  measures  might  at  once  lead  to  overt 
treason 

Now  came  vague  rumor  of  a projected  French  invasion,  and 
with  self-sacrificing  generosity  Lizana  made  preparations  for 
defence,  besides  adding  several  millions  of  forced  contributions 
to  the  nine  millions  already  collected  by  Garibay.  At  the 
very  time  when  Mexico  was  cheerfully  responding  to  these 
exactions,  an  order  came  from  the  viceroy  to  raise  a further 
loan  of  twenty  millions.  This  last  demand  exhausted  the 
patience  of  the  people;  and  finding  that  their  generosity  only 
exposed  them  to  further  extortion,  they  closed  against  him, 
not  only  their  purses,  but  their  hearts. 

Sorely  disgusted  with  the  prelate’s  administration,  the  Span- 
iards had  already  caused  representations  to  be  made  to  the 
home  authorities,  and  as  a result  Lizana  was  relieved  from 
office,  ostensibly  on  the  ground  of  his  extreme  age  and  fail- 
ing health,  the  audiencia  assuming  temporary  control.  In 
August  1810,  a new  viceroy  arrived  in  the  person  of  Francisco 
Javier  de  Venegas,  who  had  held  the  rank  of  lieutenant-gen- 
eral during  the  wars  with  Napoleon  I He  is  thus  described 
by  the  chronicler  Bustamante:  “Tall  and  robust  of  frame,  the 
expression  of  his  countenance  was  sour,  and  his  glance  angry 
and  threatening;  his  lips  were  thick,  and  his  head,  which  he 
held  inclined  over  the  left  shoulder,  was  of  enormous  size. 
His  whiskers  were  of  the  same  cut  and  shape  as  those  of  exe- 
cutioners, desperadoes,  and  bull-fighters;  and  his  impetuous 
gait  was  similar  to  that  of  an  ill-tempered  corporal.” 

As  was  the  custom  with  all  the  viceroys  at  this  period,  one 
of  the  first  acts  of  Venegas  was  to  demand  more  money,  in  re- 
turn for  which  he  distributed  titles  and  other  honors  among 
the  more  prominent  loyalists,  both  of  these  measures  being 
extremely  distasteful  to  the  creoles. 

Among  the  concessions  recently  granted  by  the  home  gov- 


CAUSES  OF  DISAFFECTION  IN  MEXICO. 


277 


eminent  was  a decree  whereby  its  American  possessions  were 
no  longer  to  be  regarded  as  mere  colonies,  but  as  integral  por- 
tions of  the  Spanish  dominion,  with  representation  in  the  cortes. 
This  body,  repressed  for  centuries,  had  been  re-established  at 
the  beginning  of  the  year  1810,  the  junta  central  being  then 
dissolved  and  a regency  appointed.  The  representation  was 
at  first  limited  to  one  deputy  from  each  colony,  but  later  was 
increased  to  twenty-six  for  all  the  colonies,  though  without 
designating  the  number  to  be  chosen  from  the  several  provinces. 
The  result  was  that  in  some  districts  no  vote  was  cast,  and  in 
others  the  members  elect  declined  to  proceed  to  Spain,  fearing 
that  on  their  arrival  some  new  order  would  exclude  them  from 
their  seats.  Meanwhile  the  number  of  Spanish  deputies  had 
been  proportionately  increased  by  allowing  one  for  every 
50,000  persons;  and  consequently  the  so-called  concession  be- 
came another  cause  of  grievance. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  the  people  of  Mexico  did  not  lack 
provocation  for  revolt.  By  judicious  treatment  the  creole 
party,  which  formed  the  strongest  element  among  the  malcon- 
tents, might  yet  have  been  restrained  for  at  least  another 
generation.  But  the  French  invasion,  disclosing  the  weakness 
of  Spain,  and  dispelling  the  illusions  that  for  centuries  had 
surrounded  her  monarchs,  the  dangerous  precedents  afforded 
by  the  revolutions  in  France  and  in  the  United  States,  coupled 
with  the  misrule  of  Spanish  juntas  and  Spanish  viceroys,  — all 
these  causes  had  tended  to  foster  the  spirit  of  disloyalty  among 
the  nation,  which  became  each  year  more  ripe  for  rebellion. 
Though  the  hour  had  not  yet  come,  the  long  term  of  Castilian 
domination  in  the  New  World  was  wellnigh  accomplished;  its 
days  were  numbered;  already  the  handwriting  was  on  the 
wall. 


278 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  FEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

OPENING  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

After  the  failure  of  the  plot  at  Valladolid,  meetings  of  the 
leading  revolutionists  were  held  at  Queretaro,  the  capital  of 
the  province  of  that  name,  and  then  one  of  the  most  nourish- 
ing cities  in  central  Mexico.  The  name  of  the  curate  of 


Quer£taro  ix  1796. 


Dolores  in  Guanajuato,  Miguel  Hidalgo  y Costilla,  who  fig- 
ured so  prominently  in  the  coming  events,  will  be  forever 
honored  as  that  of  a man  who  gave  his  life  for  his  country, 
sacrificing  himself  in  the  struggle  against  injustice  and  op- 
pression. He  was  now  in  his  fifty-eighth  year,  having  reached 
an  age  at  which  most  men  are  ready  to  lay  aside  some  por- 
tion of  life’s  burdens;  yet  he  did  not  hesitate  to  accept  the 
leadership  at  this  most  critical  juncture  in  the  nation’s  his- 
tory, although  he  well  knew  that  the  people  were  not  yet  pre- 
pared fully  to  respond  to  his  efforts. 


OPENING  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


279 


Of  medium  height  and  goodly  proportions,  large  Oi  limb, 
and  with  ruddy-brown  complexion,  he  was  still  almost  in  the 
vigor  of  manhood.  His  head,  bald  and  shining  at  the  crown, 
though  at  the  sides  were  straggling  white  locks,  was  large  and 
well  modelled,  with  massive  features,  thin  lips,  and  prominent 
eyebrows,  while  the  full,  round  chin,  clean  shaven,  as  was 


Hidalgo. 


the  custom  with  his  cloth,  betokened  unyielding  power  of  will, 
lie  was  a man  of  kindly  and  sympathetic  heart;  in  manner 
gentle  and  winning,  in  deportment  natural  and  graceful,  and 
not  least  among  his  gifts  was  a sonorous  and  musical  voice, 
whose  accents  vibrated  in  the  ear  with  pleasing  effect.  He 
had  the  true  scholarly  stoop,  and  in  his  mien  and  features  was 
a profoundly  meditative  expression, — a fitting  incarnation  fol 
the  great  soul  that  reposed  in  settled  calm  beneath. 

Heroes  of  different  type  among  the  leading  spirits  in  the 


280 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


revolutionary  movement  were  such  men  as  captains  Allende 
and  Aldama,  and  though  the  fame  of  all  others  was  eclipsed 
hy  that  of  Hidalgo,  it  is  but  just  that  their  merits  and  patriot- 
ism should  be  fully  recognized. 

Ignacio  do  Allende,  the  son  of  a Spanish  merchant,  was 
from  early  youth  fond  of  dangerous  sports  and  martial  exer 


Ignacio  de  Allende. 


cises,  being  conspicuous  for  bis  skill  in  horsemanship,  and 
often  distinguishing  himself  at  the  bull-fights  held  in  the  capi- 
tal, from  which  he  did  not  always  escape  unhurt.  He  was  an 
extremely  powerful  man,  strong  enough,  it  is  related,  to  hold 
back  a bull  by  the  horns,  and  was  ever  ready  to  exert  his 
strength  for  the  protection  of  the  weak.  When  in  his  seven- 
teenth year,  he  was  appointed  a lieutenant  in  the  Queen’s 
dragoons,  and  a few  years  later,  being  stationed  at  the  military 


OPENING  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 


281 


encampment  established  by  Iturrigaray  at  Jalapa,  won  for 
himself  the  approbation  of  the  viceroy  by  his  soldierly  quali- 
ties. Allende  was  a fine  looking  and  gallant  soldier,  of  pleas- 
ing address  and  polished  manners,  one  whose  resolution  and 
perseverance  never  yielded  to  obstacles,  and  whose  daring  in 
the  field  had  often  exposed  him  to  unnecessary  danger. 

The  general  plan  of  the  revolutionists  was  to  seize  almost 
simultaneously  the  richer  Spaniards  and  the  authorities  of 
the  more  important  towns,  and  then  to  raise  the  standard  of 
rebellion.  This  was  to  he  accomplished  with  as  little  violence 
as  possible,  and  the  captives  were  to  be  allowed  the  privilege 
of  remaining  with  their  families  or  of  returning  to  the  penin- 
sula, though  in  the  latter  case  their  property  was  to  he  con- 
fiscated for  the  benefit  of  the  public  treasury.  If  after  this 
coup  de  main  the  government  should  be  in  a position  to  offer 
resistance,  Allende,  as  generalissimo,  was  to  organize  the  revo- 
lutionary forces,  while  Hidalgo  endeavored  to  enlist  in  his 
cause  the  sympathies  of  the  clergy,  and  of  those  among  the 
Spanish  Americans  who  were  not  already  disaffected. 

In  order  to  accomplish  their  designs,  Allende  and  Aldama 
visited  Mexico,  Puebla,  and  other  leading  cities,  while  Hidalgo 
rendered  good  service  at  Valladolid  and  Guanajuato,  some 
twenty  leagues  north-westward  from  Queretaro.  Several 
months  had  passed,  and  now  the  plans  of  the  revolutionists 
were  almost  matured.  There  were  as  yet  no  signs  of  treach- 
ery, and  the  day  was  appointed  on  which  independence  was 
to  he  proclaimed.  The  great  fair  at  San  Juan  de  los  Lagos 
in  Jalisco,  commencing  on  the  8th  of  December,  afforded  an 
excellent  opportunity,  for  there,  amid  the  gathering  crowds, 
the  leaders  could  escape  observation,  and  concentrate  their 
forces  without  detection. 

But  the  government  was  already  apprised  of  these  events, 
for  one  of  the  revolutionary  captains  had  turned  traitor.  The 
measures  taken,  however,  were  not  very  energetic,  and  Hidalgo 
and  his  associates  received  timely  warning.  On  the  night  of 
September  15th,  Allende  and  his  comrades  joined  the  curate 


282 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


at  the  town  of  Dolores,  in  northern  Guanajuato,  where  the 
latter  now  combined  with  his  clerical  duties  a variety  of  occu- 
pations, among  them  the  management  of  a porcelain  factory, 
and  informed  him  of  certain  arrests  that  had  been  made,  and 
of  the  discovery  of  their  plans.  After  listening  to  their  state- 
ments without  the  least  sign  of  emotion,  he  exclaimed:  “Action 


Province  of  Guanajuato. 


must  be  taken  at  once;  there  is  no  time  to  be  lost.”  He  then 
ordered  the  street  watchmen  to  be  called  in,  and  bade  them 
summon  a party  of  workmen  from  the  factory,  to  whom  he 
communicated  his  intention  of  raising  at  once  the  standard  of 
liberty.  The  party  then  sallied  forth,  and  liberating  the  pris- 
oners in  the  public  jail,  took  captives  the  principal  Spaniards. 

Daybreak  was  now  approaching;  it  wfas  the  dawn  of  the 
sabbath,  and  Hidalgo  caused  the  church  bell  to  be  rung  at 
an  earlier  hour  than  usual.  The  townsfolk  gathered  in  front 


OPENING  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


283 


of  the  door,  and  from  the  neighboring  haciendas,  farmers  and 
herdsmen,  mounted  or  on  foot,  assembled  in  crowds  at  the 
sanctuary.  But  it  was  the  affairs  of  this  world,  rather  than 
of  the  next,  that  claimed  their  attention. 

No  mass  was  said  that  morning,  and  the  curate,  as  he  entered 
his  pulpit,  gazed  on  the  sea  of  upturned  faces  with  deep  and 
yearning  solicitude.  “ My  children,”  he  said,  “ this  day  comes 
to  us  as  a new  dispensation.  Are  you  ready  to  receive  it  ? 
Will  you  be  free  ? Will  you  make  the  effort  to  recover  from 
the  hated  Spaniards  the  lands  stolen  from  your  forefathers 
three  hundred  years  ago?”  For  the  last  time  Hidalgo  ad- 
dressed his  flock  as  their  pastor.  Henceforth  he  would  be 
their  guide  to  liberty,  and  would  lead  them  in  person  to  battle 
and  to  victory.  “ To-day,”  he  continued,  “we  must  act.  The 
Spaniards  are  bad  enough  themselves,  but  now  they  are  about 
to  surrender  us  and  our  country  to  the  French.  Danger 
threatens  our  religion,  and  oppression  our  homes.  Will  you 
become  Napoleon’s  slaves,  or  will  you  as  patriots  defend  your 
religion  and  your  rights?”  “We  will  defend  them!”  shouted 
the  people.  “Viva  nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe;  muera  el 
mal  gobierno;  mueran  los  gachupines  ! ” Long  live  Our  Lady 
of  Guadalupe;  perish  the  bad  government;  perish  the  gachu- 
pines; the  last  word  being  a term  of  contempt  applied  to  the 
Spaniards.  “ Live,  then,”  was  Hidalgo’s  reply,  “and  follow 
your  curate,  who  has  ever  watched  over  your  welfare.”  The 
cry  had  gone  forth,  the  Grito  de  Dolores,  which  became  the 
watchword  of  the  revolutionists.  Thus  did  the  poor  and  down- 
trodden of  this  little  Indian  town  proclaim  the  future  inde- 
pendence of  a great  nation. 

To  provide  their  followers  with  arms  was  the  great  difficulty 
of  the  leaders.  The  houses  of  the  Spaniards  were  searched; 
the  lances,  made  by  the  curate’s  order,  were  brought  forth; 
the  Indians  seized  their  machetes,  and  those  who  had  no  other 
weapons  supplied  themselves  with  clubs  and  slings,  or  bows 
and  arrows.  Of  fire-arms  there  were  few;  but  at  San  Miguel 


284 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


el  Grande  munitions  of  Avar  could  be  obtained,  and  thither 
Hidalgo  and  Allende  marched  at  the  head  of  the  multitude, 
which  soon  numbered  about  4,000  men.  Some  attempt  was 
made  at  military  organization.  The  mounted  herdsmen  carry- 
ing lances  were  formed  into  troops  of  cavalry;  the  Indians 
Avho  Avere  suitably  armed  represented  the  infantry,  and  in  the 
rear  Avas  a miscellaneous  gathering,  including  many  Avomen 
and  children. 

The  die  Avas  cast;  the  revolutionists  marched  onward  Avith- 
out  sign  of  fear  or  hesitation.  There  Avas  no  lack  of  food,  and 
each  one  took  Avhat  he  Avanted.  The  maize  Avas  in  full  ear, 
and  haciendas  Avell  stocked  Avith  cattle  lay  on  the  line  of  route. 
As  they  passed  through  the  villages,  volunteers  SAvelled  their 
ranks,  and  many  Spaniards  Avere  added  to  the  number  of  the 
captives.  Approaching  San  Miguel,  Hidalgo  halted,  in  order 
to  surprise  the  town  at  nightfall.  A picture  of  the  \rirgin  of 
Guadalupe  Avas  obtained,  and  raised  on  high  alxrve  the  throng, 
amid  shouts  of  “Viva  nuestra  Senora  de  Guadalupe,  y mueran 
los  gachupines ! ” Henceforth  this  painting  became  the  banner 
of  the  crusade,  and  Avhile  it  Avaved  on  high,  emblem  of  peace 
and  intercession,  many  a brave  deed  and  many  a deed  of 
blood  Avas  committed  in  defence  of  those  rights  and  liberties 
which  otherwise  might  never  have  been  vouchsafed  to  the 
people  of  Mexico. 

Meanwhile,  intelligence  of  the  uprising  had  reached  San 
Miguel;  and  the  Spanish  residents,  aAvare  that  no  reliance 
could  be  placed  in  the  garrison,  assembled  in  arms  at  the 
municipal  buildings  for  self-defence.  At  dusk,  the  revolu- 
tionists entered  the  town,  and  Avere  received  with  deafening 
cheers  by  the  inhabitants,  while  bitter  denunciations  Avere 
hurled  against  the  Spaniards.  After  some  parley,  the  latter 
Avere  induced  to  deliver  up  their  arms,  Allende  assuring  them 
that  they  should  be  protected.  During  the  night,  hoAvever, 
and  on  the  following  morning,  the  populace  began  to  sIioav 
symptoms  of  violence,  and  soon  became  uncontrollable.  After 


OPENING  OP  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


285 


liberating  the  prisoners  in  the  jail,  they  gathered  in  dense 
throngs  before  the  houses  in  the  Spanish  quarter,  with  much 
uproar  and  cries  of  “Death  to  the  gachu pines!”  Doors  were 
battered  in,  dwellings  and  shops  were  plundered;  and  the  dis- 
order continued  until  Allende  rode,  sword  in  hand,  through 
the  crowd,  threatening  the  offenders  with  death.  Later  a con- 
ference was  held,  to  which  the  principal  citizens  were  invited, 
for  the  purpose  of  restoring  tranquillity. 

On  the  18th  of  September,  Hidalgo  led  his  forces  out  of  Sail 
Miguel,  having  first  appropriated  the  money  in  the  public 
treasury,  and  all  that  could  be  found  on  the  persons  of  the 
Spanish  captives.  Marching  through  Chamacuero,  and  San 
Juan  de  la  Vega,  on  the  21st  they  entered  the  city  of  Celaya, 
where  the  revolutionists,  joined  by  the  populace,  rushed 
through  the  streets  and  broke  into  the  dwellings  of  the  Eu- 
ropeans, casting  their  furniture  into  the  streets,  carrying  off 
all  articles  of  value,  and  wantonly  destroying  the  remainder. 
Remonstrances  were  made  to  Hidalgo,  but  without  effect,  for 
he  declared  that  such  license  was  needed  to  weaken  his  foes, 
and  attract  partisans  to  the  revolutionary  cause. 

In  taking  this  ground,  Hidalgo  has  been  severely  censured; 
but  there  is  much  to  be  said  in  extenuation.  He  claimed 
that,  in  the  first  instance,  the  natives  had  been  unjustly  de- 
prived of  their  lands,  property,  and  rights,  and  that  the  wealth 
acquired  by  the  Spaniards  belonged  to  the  descendants  of  the 
original  owners  of  the  soil.  Robbery  had  been  committed  by 
the  Castilians  in  wresting  their  domain  from  the  Mexicans, 
and  to  win  hack  their  possessions  the  latter  must  adopt  simi- 
lar measures.  Moreover,  such  was  their  only  resource,  for 
there  was  no  money  wherewith  to  pay  the  troops,  except  what 
could  be  taken  from  the  enemy.  Again,  the  customs  of  the 
times,  which  were  more  barbarous  then  than  now,  should  be 
considered.  These  views,  although  they  may  have  been  no 
justification  for  pillage  and  slaughter,  were  put  in  practice  by 
the  revolutionists  throughout  the  War  of  Independence. 


286 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Before  Hidalgo’s  entrance  into  Celaya,  his  followeis,  num- 
bering 50,000  men,  proclaimed  him  captain-general  of  America, 
and  on  Allcnde  was  conferred  the  rank  of  lieutenant-general. 

The  authority  of  the  former  was  recognized  by  the  muni- 
cipality; and  on  the  morning  of  the  23d  of  September,  the 
forces  of  the  revolutionists  set  forth  toward  the  city  of  Guana- 
juato. 


few# 

38§t#§ 


FALL  OF  GUANAJUATO. 


287 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

FALL  OF  GUANAJUATO. 

Thk  province  of  Guanajuato  was  the  theatre  of  the  first 
tragic  events  of  the  revolution,  and  no  city  in  Mexico  suffered 
more  severely  than  did  its  capital.  At  the  time  of  the  con- 
quest of  Mexico,  this  territory  was  inhabited  by  barbarous 
tribes,  living  on  the  produce  of  the  chase;  and  here  for  seventy 
years  the  Chichimecs  maintained  with  persistent  bravery  their 
right  to  the  soil,  until  peace  was  concluded,  on  condition  that 
the  natives  should  be  supplied  with  food  and  clothing,  and 
that  in  return  their  chieftains  should  keep  in  subjection  the 
refractory. 

After  the  discovery  of  valuable  mines,  about  the  middle  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  Guanajuato  prospered  rapidly,  and  in 
1786,  when  intendencias  were  first  established,  became  one  of 
the  principal  divisions.  Meanwhile,  the  leading  town  had 
been  raised  to  the  dignity  of  a city,  and  presented  with  a 
coat  of  arms,  its  progress  being  somewhat  remarkable.  At 
the  opening  of  the  nineteenth  century,  more  than  1,800  mines 
were  being  worked,  or  had  been  exhausted;  there  were  116 
mills  and  366  other  buildings,  where  11,500  quintales  of  ore 
were  treated  daily,  the  total  number  of  miners  and  operatives 
being  estimated  at  9,000,  and  of  inhabitants  at  66,000.  Nor 
were  the  agricultural  industries  of  the  district  in  a less  flour- 
ishing condition;  thriving  settlements  being  surrounded  by 
rich  pastures  and  fields  of  grain,  extending  over  hundreds  of 
square  leagues;  but  now,  like  the  flail  of  destruction,  war  fell 
on  the  devoted  city,  and  at  its  conclusion  the  population  was 
diminished  to  6,000  souls,  while  grass  grew  in  the  unfrequented 
streets,  and  houses  were  offered,  free  of  rent,  to  all  who  would 
consent  to  occupy  them. 

When  news  was  received  of  the  outbreak  of  the  revolution, 


288 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  intendente,  Riano,  summoned  the  people  to  arms;  the 
troops  were  mustered,  and  the  leading  citizens,  seizing  their 
weapons,  rushed  to  the  buildings  of  the  intendencia.  All  was 
confusion  and  terror;  the  stores  were  closed;  the  house-doors 
barred;  the  plazas  deserted;  frightened  women  hurried  along 
the  thoroughfares;  and  horsemen,  galloping  at  full  speed 
through  the  streets  with  orders  from  headquarters,  served  to 
increase  the  consternation. 

A meeting  was  summoned,  consisting  of  the  members  of  the 
town  council,  the  prelates  of  the  religious  orders,  and  the  prin- 


Coat  of  Akms  — Guanajuato. 


cipal  inhabitants.  After  some  consultation,  it  was  determined 
to  defend  the  city,  and  barricades  were  erected  at  the  entrances 
of  the  principal  streets.  Spaniards  and  creoles  assembled  in 
arms;  detachments  were  posted  on  the  highways  leading  to 
Dolores  and  San  Miguel,  and  an  appeal  for  aid  was  sent  to 
Brigadier  Felix  Calleja,  in  command  of  the  troops  at  San 
Luis  Potosi.  For  six  days  defensive  measures  were  continued, 
and  still  no  enemy  appeared.  Meanwhile,  however,  the  energy 


FALL  OF  GUANAJUATO. 


289 


and  endurance  of  the  intendente  were  taxed  to  the  uttermost, 
for  the  disaffection  of  the  lower  classes  was  becoming  con- 
stantly more  apparent.  “The  seeds  of  rebellion  spread,”  he 
writes  to  Calleja  on  the  26th;  “security  and  confidence  are 
gone.  I have  neither  rested  nor  undressed  myself  since  the 
17th,  and  for  the  last  three  days  have  not  slept  an  hour  at  a 
time.”  The  task  of  saving,  if  possible,  the  royal  treasury  and 
archives  increased  Riano’s  anxiety,  and  deeming  his  present 
arrangements  defective,  he  decided  to  retire  to  the  alhondiga 
de  granaditas,  or  public  granary,  a building  possessing  almost 
the  strength  of  a fortification. 

The  alhondiga  de  granaditas,  which  became  no  less  famous 
in  the  annals  of  Mexico  than  did  the  Bastile  in  the  history  of 
France,  was  built  by  Riaiio  for  the  storage  of  corn  sufficient 
for  one  year’s  consumption  in  case  of  a failure  of  the  crops. 
A massive,  oblong,  two-story  structure,  its  exterior  being  void 
of  ornament,  and  its  lofty  solid  walls  pierced  with  windows 
opening  into  the  numerous  storerooms,  it  was  the  only  strong- 
hold in  which  the  intendente  could  hope  to  maintain  his  posi- 
tion until  the  arrival  of  Calleja,  which  was  expected  within  a 
week.  On  the  night  of  the  24th  were  secretly  conveyed  to 
this  building  the  royal  and  municipal  treasures  and  the 
archives  of  the  government  and  town  council,  to  which  were 
added  a large  quantity  of  merchandise  and  valuables  belong- 
ing to  private  individuals,  the  entire  amount  of  property 
stored  in  the  alhondiga  being  estimated  at  $5,000,000.  The 
troops,  with  their  arms  and  ammunition,  were  then  removed 
from  the  barracks  and  outlying  posts;  the  barricades  were 
torn  down,  and  a number  of  Europeans  took  refuge  within  the 
walls  of  the  building. 

When  morning  dawned,  the  unguarded  streets,  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  barricades,  and  the  unoccupied  barracks  gave 
warning  to  the  populace  that  they  were  now  left  to  protect 
themselves.  Fear  fell  on  all;  but  in  vain  did  the  people  en- 
deavor to  induce  Riano  to  change  his  purpose.  He  bluntly 
declared  that,  in  the  interest  of  the  king,  he  should  remain 
19 


290 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


with  the  troops  where  he  was,  while  as  for  the  city,  it  must 
defend  itself  as  best  it  could.  During  the  two  following  days 
the  alhondiga  was  thoroughly  provisioned;  strong  barricades 
were  thrown  up  at  points  where  it  wras  open  to  attack  from  the 
streets;  the  principal  gateway  was  closed  with  solid  masonry; 
iron  quicksilver  flasks  were  charged  with  gun -powder,  and 
converted  into  grenades,  and  messengers  were  again  de- 
spatched to  Calleja  informing  him  of  the  scarcity  of  arms,  and 
the  doubtful  fidelity  of  the  troops. 

In  order  that  ltiano’s  position,  and  the  mode  of  attack 
adopted  by  the  revolutionists,  may  be  clearly  understood,  a 
brief  description  of  Guanajuato  will  be  necessary.  Situated 
in  a deep  and  narrow  hollow,  and  surrounded  on  all  sides  by 
lofty  mountains,  its  location,  in  a military  point  of  view,  was 
of  the  worst.  On  the  south  side  rose  the  hill  of  San  Miguel, 
while  toward  the  north  the  Cerro  del  Cuarto  extended  like  a 
wedge  into  the  city.  Even  in  the  plaza  there  were  few  level 
spots,  and  most  of  the  houses  were  built  on  slopes  so  steep 
that  the  floor  of  one  was  often  on  a level  with  the  roof  of  an- 
other. This  rugged  hollow  extended  in  a south-westerly  direc- 
tion to  the  village  of  Marfil,  a league  distant,  the  entire  length 
being  occupied  by  workshops,  mills,  and  other  buildings  con- 
nected with  mining.  To  the  east  was  the  River  Guanajuato, 
at  this  point  a mere  mountain  torrent,  sweeping  in  a winding 
course  through  the  city,  and  uniting  with  the  Rio  de  la  Cata 
from  the  north-west.  Although  situated  on  a rising  ground, 
the  alhondiga  was  so  close  to  the  Cerro  del  Cuarto  that  the 
houses  built  on  the  latter  were  only  separated  by  a narrow 
street  and  a plaza  not  more  than  twenty-five  yards  in  width. 
South-east  of  the  alhondiga  was  the  convent  of  Belen,  between 
them  being  the  declivity  of  the  hill  of  Mendizabal;  on  the 
south  and  west  were  the  extensive  workshops  and  premises  of 
the  hacienda  de  Dolores.  On  the  north  was  the  street  of  Los 
Pozitos,  in  a straight  line  with  the  descent  to  the  Rio  de  la 
Cata,  which  was  spanned  by  a wooden  bridge.  Subjoined  is 
a plan  of  the  alhondiga  and  its  vicinity,  accompanied  with 
explanations. 


FALL  OF  GUANAJUATO. 


291 


An  assault  could  be  made  from  tne  street  of  Los  Pozitos,  the 
hill  of  Mendizabal,  or  the  ascent  from  the  Rio  de  la  Cata,  all 
these  approaches  being  protected  by  barricades.  Riano  did 
not,  however,  confine  his  operations  to  the  alhondiga,  but  in- 
cluded in  his  line  of  defence  the  principal  buildings  on  the 
hill  of-  Mendizabal  and  the  hacienda  de  Dolores,  which  were 
protected  by  strong  walls  and  separated  from  the  government 
granary  by  narrow  streets. 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th  of  September,  Hidalgo  ap- 
proached Guanajuato,  and  being  well  informed  of  the  condi- 


tion of  affairs  in  the  city,  he  sent  a message  to  the  intendente 
urging  a peaceable  surrender,  but  threatening  war  to  the  knife 
in  case  of  refusal.  After  consulting  with  his  officers  and  men, 
Riano  determined  to  fight,  and  at  once  made  disposition  of  bis 
forces,  which  consisted  only  of  four  companies  of  the  provin- 
cial battalion,  and  one  of  civilians,  in  all  some  500  strong,  to- 
gether with  two  troops  of  dragoons,  mustering  about  seventy 
sabres.  Detachments  of  infantry  were  stationed  on  the  roof 
of  the  alhondiga,  a body  of  reserves  being'  posted  within  the 


292 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


building,  while  the  cavalry  were  drawn  up  inside  the  harrier, 
at  the  descent  to  the  Rio  de  la  Cata,  and  the  defence  of  the 
hacienda  de  Dolores  was  intrusted  to  a party  of  civilians. 
During  these  preparations,  it  was  observed  that  the  surround- 
ing heights  were  occupied  by  crowds  of  the  populace,  who 
seated  themselves  on  the  ground  and  looked  calmly  on  as  if 
at  a bull-fight. 

Shortly  before  midday  Hidalgo’s  army  appeared  in  sight, 
approaching  hv  the  Marfil  road.  The  van  was  composed  of  a 
strong  body  of  Indians,  who,  armed  with  lances  and  clubs, 
bows  and  arrows,  advanced  along  the  causeway  of  Our  Lady 
of  Guanajuato,  and  crossing  the  bridge,  arrived  in  front  of  the 
barricade  at  the  foot  of  the  hill  of  Mendizabal.  Driven  back 
at  the  first  fire,  however,  they  took  up  a position  on  the  Cerro 
del  Cuarto.  Meanwhile  the  main  body  formed  in  two  divisions, 
one  of  which  scaled  the  heights  of  San  Miguel,  and  entering 
the  city,  liberated  the  prisoners  in  the  public  jail,  and  the 
other  was  drawn  up  in  support  of  the  van  on  the  Cerro  del 
Cuarto. 

The  city  was  now  in  possession  of  the  revolutionists,  and  as 
they  marched  through  the  streets  the  battle-cry  was  raised  by 
thousands  of  voices,  while  above  them  waved  the  banners  of 
the  virgin  of  Guadalupe.  The  miners  and  the  remainder  of 
the  populace  joined  the  followers  of  Hidalgo,  and  soon  all  the 
heights  which  commanded  the  alhondiga  were  completely  oc- 
cupied, the  houses  in  its  front  being  filled  with  sharpshooters. 
Pistol  in  band,  the  captain-general  rode  at  the  head  of  2,000 
mounted  men,  and  hastening  from  point  to  point,  made  his 
dispositions  for  the  attack. 

At  length  the  assault  began  in  earnest.  A fire  of  musketry 
was  opened  on  the  besieged,  and  from  the  house  roofs  missiles 
were  rained  on  the  alhondiga.  Dense  masses  of  Indians  at- 
tacked the  barricades,  and  though  volleys,  fired  at  close  range 
into  their  serried  ranks,  caused  fearful  carnage,  the  assailants 
did  not  yield  an  inch.  As  those  in  front  were  mown  down, 
their  places  were  supplied  by  others,  pressed  forward  by  the 


FALL  OF  GUANAJUATO. 


293 


weight  of  the  column,  and  thus  over  the  bodies  of  the  dead 
and  dying  the  contest  raged  without  intermission.  Mean- 
while a party  stationed  at  the  barrier  in  the  street  of  Los 
Pozitos  was  hard  pressed,  and  Riaho,  at  the  head  of  twenty 
men,  sallied  forth  to  their  support.  Returning,  he  escaped 
unhurt  through  a storm  of  missiles,  but  as  he  mounted  the 
steps  of  the  alhondiga,  was  pierced  by  a bullet  through  the 
brain,  and  his  body  dragged  lifeless  within. 

The  death  of  the  commander  spread  confusion  in  the  ranks 
of  the  besieged,  and  soon  all  discipline  was  lost.  The  defend- 
ers at  the  barricades,  no  longer  able  to  hold  their  position, 
were  ordered  to  retire  to  the  alhondiga,  and  its  ponderous 
gates  were  hastily  closed,  leaving  outside  the  cavalry  and  the 
detachment  stationed  at  the  hacienda  de  Dolores.  The  former 
were  instantly  surrounded,  and  the  captain  and  many  others 
were  slain;  of  the  rest  a few  escaped  in  the  crowd,  and  others 
joined  the  ranks  of  the  revolutionists.  The  roof  of  the  alhon- 
diga was  no  longer  tenable,  and  those  who  held  it  were  driven 
below.  As  yet,  however,  there  was  no  thought  of  surrender, 
and  the  crowded  ranks  of  the  assailants,  who  thronged  the 
front  of  the  building,  were  constantly  thinned  by  the  fire  of 
the  besieged.  Presently  a number  of  miners,  protected  by 
huge  earthen  vessels,  crept  up  to  the  building,  and  with  the 
use  of  crow-bars,  attempted  to  make  a breach  in  the  walls. 
Failing  in  this  endeavor,  one  of  the  party  set  fire  to  the  gates, 
and  as  they  gradually  yielded  to  the  flames,  Major  Berzabal, 
who  was  now  in  command,  drew  up  such  forces  as  he  could 
muster  to  resist  the  final  assault. 

While  the  fire  was  eating  its  way  into  the  gates,  the  be- 
siegers rushed  madly  against  them,  only  to  be  driven  back  by 
grenades,  hurled  rapidly  upon  them  from  the  windows,  each 
bomb,  as  it  exploded,  covering  the  ground  with  dead  and 
mangled  bodies. 

But  the  civilians  were  now  in  a state  of  panic  fear.  Some 
scattered  their  gold  among  the  raging  multitude.  As  well 
might  they  have  thrown  crumbs  to  famished  wolves;  for  were 


294 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


not  all  the  treasures  of  the  alhondiga  about  to  fall  into  their 
hands?  Some  threw  aside  their  arms  in  despair,  and  sought 
to  disguise  themselves;  some  cried  piteously  for  quarter,  and 
others  betook  themselves  to  prayer.  A few  only  held  out  till 
the  last,  resolved  to  die  rather  than  yield.  Finally,  all  hope 
being  abandoned,  and  further  resistance  deemed  useless,  one 
of  the  officers  caused  a white  flag  to  be  hoisted  in  token  of 
surrender.  In  dense  crowds  the  revolutionists  again  surged 
forward,  but  the  intendente’s  son,  Gilberto  Riaho,  ignorant  of 
what  had  been  done,  still  plied  them  with  the  deadly  grenades. 
Thereupon  the  assailants  were  beside  themselves  with  fury;  all 
over  the  city  was  heard  the  roar  of  the  frenzied  multitude  as 
they  raised  the  cry  of  Treachery!  treachery!  and  orders  were 
given  to  kill,  and  spare  not.  Against  the  still  burning  gates 
they  threw  themselves,  overturning  them,  and  swarming  across 
the  blazing  debris  at  the  entrance.  They  were  received  with 
a deadly  volley,  fired  at  point-blank  range  by  Berzabal’s  mus- 
keteers, strewing  the  ground  with  their  dead;  but  surging 
onward,  the  human  wave  overwhelmed  this  feeble  band,  and 
the  major,  with  a few  survivors,  made  his  last  stand  in  a cor- 
ner of  the  court-yard. 

The  struggle  was  brief.  Officers  and  men  were  soon  stretched 
lifeless  on  the  pavement;  the  standard-bearers  fell,  and  Berza- 
bal,  grasping  the  colors  in  his  left  hand,  faced  his  assailants 
alone,  parrying  their  lance  thrusts  with  his  sword.  At  length, 
pierced  with  a dozen  weapons,  he  sank  exhausted  to  the 
ground,  still  clasping  with  his  dying  clutch  the  royal  stan- 
dard. The  victors  then  rushed  forward  through  all  parts  of 
the  building,  slaughtering  without  mercy  or  discrimination. 
Even  those  who  had  surrendered  were  put  to  the  sword,  and 
civilians  who  had  taken  refuge  in  their  own  dwellings  were 
dragged  forth  and  ruthlessly  butchered.  Above  the  din,  shots 
were  still  heard  in  the  alhbndiga,  as  here  and  there  some  vic- 
tim dearly  sold  his  life;  but  fainter  and  fainter  grew  these 
sounds,  until  presently  they  ceased.  Then,  for  a brief  space, 
was  heard  the  dull,  heavy  thud  of  the  death-blow;  and  then 
all  was  still;  resistance  was  at  an  end 


FALL  OF  GUANAJUATO. 


295 


The  carnage  over,  the  alhondiga  was  given  up  to  pillage. 
From  the  dead  and  dying  were  torn  their  clothes  and  valua- 
bles; the  storerooms  were  ransacked  and  the  treasures  carried 
off,  the  spoilers  fighting  among  themselves  for  the  spoils.  In 
all  parts  of  the  court-yard,  singly  or  in  heaps,  lay  human 
bodies,  some  of  them  horribly  mangled.  Nude,  distorted 
forms  lay  stretched  on  heaps  of  maize,  saturated  with  blood, 
and  on  piles  of  silver  bars  dyed  crimson;  over  pavements  slip- 
pery with  gore,  blood-stained  ruffians  staggered  under  the 
weight  of  their  plunder,  and  from  all  quarters  were  heard  the 
hoarse  shouts  and  savage  oaths  of  the  multitude,  whose  grati- 
fication resembled  that  of  a beast  of  prey  as  it  tears  its  victim 
limb  from  limb,  and  scatters  around  the  quivering  fragments. 

When  the  combat  ceased,  orders  were  given  to  conduct  to 
the  public  jail  the  few  prisoners  whose  lives  had  been  spared. 
Naked,  wounded,  and  bound  with  cords,  they  were  dragged 
or  driven  through  the  streets,  with  insults,  blows,  and  threats 
of  death,  some  of  them  dying  on  the  way  and  others  perish- 
ing in  prison.  Gilberto  Riano  was  permitted  to  retire  to  a pri- 
vate dwelling,  where  a few  days  later  he  died  of  his  wounds. 
Among  the  slain  were  most  of  the  principal  citizens,  and 
youths  belonging  to  the  first  families  of  Guanajuato.  As  to 
the  number  of  victims,  there  are  no  reliable  data,  but  it  proba- 
bly exceeded  600,  including  soldiers  and  civilians,  while  of 
the  revolutionists,  there  fell  not  less  than  2,500,  of  whom  many 
were  trampled  to  death. 

In  the  capture  of  the  alhondiga,  no  military  tactics  were  dis- 
played. Hidalgo’s  dispositions  consisted  merely  of  general  di- 
rections to  occupy  the  commanding  heights,  and  after  the  first 
attack  the  leaders  had  little  control  over  their  followers,  who 
were,  in  fact,  little  better  than  an  armed  mob.  Yet,  though  most 
of  them  fought  for  the  first  time  in  their  lives,  they  displayed 
all  the  valor  of  veteran  troops,  and  notwithstanding  their  ex- 
cesses, there  were  not  wanting  instances  of  self-sacrifice  and 
true  heroism.  If,  at  the  sight  of  blood, — tbeir  own  blood  and 
that  of  their  comrades, — they  became  for  the  moment  demons 


296 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


incarnate,  this  is  no  more  than  has  happened  to  other  in- 
furiated multitudes,  even  within  the  life-time  of  the  present 
generation.  As  an  instance  of  the  recklessness  displayed  by 
the  revolutionists,  it  is  related  that  one  of  them  seized  a 
grenade  thrown  down  from  the  alhondiga,  and  attempted 
to  tear  out  the  lighted  fuse  with  his  teeth.  The  bomb  ex- 
ploded, blowing  him  to  pieces.  “ It  matters  not,”  exclaimed 
his  comrades;  “there  are  thousands  more  at  his  back!” 

When  victory  declared  for  the  assailants,  those  who  had 
passively  looked  on  from  the  surrounding  heights  swarmed 
into  the  city  to  join  in  the  plunder.  No  sooner  had  the  al- 
hondiga been  stripped  of  its  treasures  than  a general  on- 
slaught was  made  on  the  European  quarter.  During  the 
night,  and  for  several  succeeding  days,  pillage,  riot,  and  dev- 
astation were  unchecked.  Above  the  roar  of  human  voices 
were  heard  the  blows  of  axes  and  crowbars,  the  rending  of 
timbers,  and  the  crash  of  falling  houses.  In  the  mills  and 
workshops  the  precious  metals,  quicksilver,  and  implements 
were  seized  and  the  machinery  destroyed,  while  merchan- 
dise of  every  description  was  carried  away  from  the  stores. 
Bales  of  cambric  and  of  cloth,  sacks  of  cacao,  and  barrels 
of  spirituous  liquor  were  rolled  into  the  streets,  and  sold  to 
any  who  would  purchase  them  for  whatever  they  would  bring, 
some  of  the  Indians  bartering  ounces  of  gold  for  a few  reales 
to  the  men  of  Guanajuato,  who  declared  them  to  be  merely 
copper  medals. 

Drunken  men  arrayed  themselves  in  the  stolen  garb  of  their 
victims,  and  staggered  along  the  streets  barefooted,  though  ar- 
rayed in  bright  uniforms  and  with  embroidered  coats.  The  iron 
railings  of  the  balconies  were  torn  from  houses  and  the  gratings 
from  windows.  At  night  the  streets  were  lighted  with  smoking 
torches,  around  which  human  beings  yelled  and  gesticulated 
in  every  stage  of  intoxication.  In  vain  did  Hidalgo  attempt 
to  stay  the  disorder.  His  proclamations  were  unheeded,  and 
the  rioters  ceased  only  when  nothing  remained  to  be  plun- 
dered. Then,  indeed,  the  scene  was  pitiful.  The  streets  were 


FALL  OF  GUANAJUATO. 


297 


covered  with  debris,  — with  the  wreck  of  furniture  and  dam- 
aged merchandise;  thousands  of  families  were  hopelessly 
ruined;  silence  reigned  within  the  bare  walls  of  the  deserted 
houses,  and  the  curse  of  the  destroying  angel  seemed  to  have 
fallen  on  the  fair  city  of  Guanajuato. 


Alh6ndiga  de  Granaditas. 


298 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

HIDALGO’S  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 

At  the  first  outbreak  of  the  rebellion,  the  viceroy  gave  little 
heed  to  the  matter,  believing  it  to  be  nothing  more  than  a 
passing  tumult;  but  when,  day  by  day,  he  was  informed  of 
Hidalgo’s  progress,  and  of  the  defection  of  the  provincial 
troops,  he  began  to  realize  the  serious  nature  of  the  insurrec- 
tion. His  position  was  in  truth  a difficult  one;  but  he  now 
applied  himself  with  all  his  energy  to  the  task  of  holding  the 
country  to  its  allegiance.  At  this  date  there  were  no  European 
troops  in  Mexico,  the  combatants  on  either  side  being  sons  of 
the  soil;  and  it  is  necessary  to  bear  this  in  mind,  in  order  to 
appreciate  the  difficulties  with  which  the  government  was  con- 
fronted. 

The  total  number  of  men  at  the  disposal  of  Venegas  did  not 
exceed  10,000  or  12,000,  and  the  rank  and  file  were  composed 
almost  exclusively  of  mestizos,  mulattocs,  and  other  castes. 
These  troops,  forming  the  regiments  of  the  line  and  the  pro- 
vincial militia,  though  commanded  mainly  by  Spaniards, 
were  to  a great  extent  officered  by  creoles.  It  is  not,  therefore, 
a matter  for  surprise  that,  considering  the  smallness  of  their 
numbers  and  their  doubtful  loyalty,  the  viceroy  was  somewhat 
anxious  as  to  the  issue  of  the  campaign. 

His  first  measure  was  to  despatch  to  Queretaro  a force  suffi- 
cient for  its  protection;  but  in  doing  so  he  was  compelled  to 
leave  the  capital  almost  without  garrison.  To  provide  for  the 
safety  of  the  latter,  regiments  of  infantry  were  withdrawn 
from  other  towns;  two  battalions  were  formed  from  the  sailors 
and  marines  on  board  the  men-of-war  lying  at  Vera  Cruz;  the 
volunteers  of  Ferdinand  VII.  were  mustered  into  service,  and 
a corps  of  500  lancers  was  raised  by  Ycrmo  from  the  laborers 
on  his  estates.  Meanwhile  the  commandants  at  the  cities 


HIDALGO'S  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


299 


of  Guadalajara  and  San  Luis  Potosi  were  organizing  addi- 
tional brigades. 

But  military  operations  were  not  the  only  means  to  be  em- 
ployed in  crushing  the  rebellion.  Rewards  were  offered  by 
the  government  for  the  death  or  capture  of  Hidalgo,  Allende, 
and  Aldama,  all  of  whom  were  excommunicated  by  the  church 
with  the  usual  anathemas.  Hidalgo  was  cited  to  appear  be- 
fore the  inquisition,  and  charged  with  heresy  and  apostasy; 
from  the  pulpit  ho  was  denounced  as  a monster  of  evil,  while 
the  royal  university  of  Mexico  gloried  in  the  fact  that  he  had 
never  yet  received  the  degree  of  doctor  from  that  institution. 

No  means  were  spared  that  would  tend  to  prejudice  the 
cause  of  the  revolutionists.  The  bishops  and  the  higher 
orders  of  the  clergy  issued  exhortations,  representing  in  the 
darkest  colors  their  deeds  and  purpose.  The  archbishop  pub- 
lished edicts  and  pastorals;  oflicials  and  politicians,  learned 
doctors  of  the  law  and  learned  doctors  of  theology,  poured 
forth  on  them  the  bitterest  denunciations,  and  the  press  teemed 
with  abuse  in  prose  and  doggerel  verse.  At  the  same  time 
the  governors  of  provinces  and  other  authorities  were  urged  to 
express  their  loyalty,  and  to  denounce  the  revolt,  while  the 
Indians  were  conciliated  by  a remission  of  tribute,  and  by 
measures  for  the  improvement  of  their  condition. 

These  proceedings  were  not  without  effect;  the  heaviest 
blow  sustained  by  the  revolutionists  being  dealt  by  the  inqui- 
sition and  the  church.  The  brand  of  heresy  stamped  on 
their  leaders,  the  ban  of  the  greater  excommunication,  and 
the  dread  that  the  same  appalling  fate  might  overtake  them- 
selves, all  working  on  the  minds  of  a people  devoutly  attached 
to  their  faith,  deterred  for  a time  the  disaffected.  Hidalgo  fully 
recognized  that  he  must  fight  with  other  weapons  than  those 
used  on  the  battle-field,  and  a few  weeks  later  he  caused  to 
be  published  in  the  city  of  Guadalajara,  which  had  then  fallen 
into  his  power,  a reply  to  the  citation  of  the  inquisition.  He 
solemnly  declared  that  he  had  never  departed  from  the  doc- 
trines of  the  Catholic  faith;  he  rebutted  the  accusation  of 


300 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


heresy;  pointed  out  the  evils  which  oppressed  the  people  of 
Mexico;  and  called  on  them  to  shake  off  their  fetters,  and 
appoint  a congress  which  should  dictate  to  all  beneficent  and 
discriminating  laws.  He  ordered  the  emancipation  of  slaves 
under  penalty  of  death  to  their  owners;  released  the  people,  of 
whatever  caste,  from  the  payment  of  tribute,  and  thus  by  his 
policy  succeeded  in  counteracting  to  a great  extent  the  meas- 
ures to  which  his  opponents  had  resorted. 

After  restoring  order  at  Guanajuato,  and  providing  for  the 
wants  of  his  prisoners,  most  of  whom  were  afterward  released, 
the  captain-general  turned  his  attention  to  the  organization 


Arms  of  Valladolid,  1810. 


Arms  of  Valladolid,  1803. 


and  equipment  of  his  army.  As  yet  his  troops  were  armed 
only  with  the  rudest  weapons.  Attempts  at  the  manufacture 
of  hand-mortars  from  quicksilver  flasks  had  failed,  as  had 
also  experiments  in  the  easting  of  cannon  and  the  fabrication 
of  cannon  from  wood.  Although  Hidalgo’s  treasury  now  con- 
tained more  than  half  a million  of  dollars,  most  of  it  was  in 
silver  bars,  and  it  became  necessary  to  establish  a mint.  The 
work  of  constructing  the  machinery  and  preparing  the  dies 


HIDALGO’S  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


301 


was  completed  on  the  25th  of  November,  almost  the  very 
day  on  which,  as  will  presently  appear,  the  royalists  under 
Calleja  recaptured  the  city. 

Fully  aware  of  the  preparations  being  made  by  Calleja  for 
the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  and  of  the  fact  that  Queretaro 
was  prepared  to  resist  attack,  Hidalgo  resolved  to  march  on 
Valladolid,  and  on  the  10th  of  October  set  forth  in  that  direc- 
tion with  the  main  body  of  his  forces.  When  the  authorities 
heard  of  the  danger  which  threatened  their  city,  they  were 
undecided  as  to  their  course  of  action,  and  the  more  so  because 
they  found  themselves  without  a governor,  or  even  a military 
leader.  At  first  some  show  was  made  of  preparation  for  de- 
fence; but  on  the  approach  of  Hidalgo  all  thought  of  resist- 
ance vanished,  and  many  of  the  Europeans  departed  at  once 
for  the  capital. 

1 he  vanguard  of  the  revolutionists  reached  the  suburbs  of 
Valladolid  without  opposition,  and  two  days  later  the  captain- 
general  came  up  in  person  at  the  head  of  60,000  men.  Here 
he  was  joined  by  several  well  armed  and  disciplined  battalions, 
and  to  his  supply  of  cannon,  consisting  of  two  bronze  and  two 
wooden  guns,  more  dangerous  probably  to  his  followers  than 
to  the  foe,  were  added  several  pieces  of  artillery.  Already  he 
had  decided  to  march  on  the  capital,  and  at  once,  for  Calleja’s 
preparations  were  almost  completed.  On  the  20th  of  October 
he  put  his  men  in  motion  toward  Mexico.  Near  the  town  of 
Acambaro  he  held  a review  of  his  forces  and  divided  them 
into  regiments  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  each  1,000  strong. 
At  a council  of  the  principal  officers,  he  was  proclaimed  gen- 
eralissimo, while  on  Allende  was  conferred  the  rank  of 
captain-general,  and  Aldama  and  others  were  appointed  lieu- 
tenants-general. 

T.o  oppose  Hidalgo’s  hosts,  Venegas  had  about  7,000  men  at 
his  disposal;  and  when  news  was  received  of  his  advance,  he 
placed  Lieutenant-Colonel  Trujillo  in  charge  of  a strong  corps 
of  observation,  with  orders  if  possible  to  arrest  the  advance  of 
the  revolutionists.  The  choice  was  a most  unfortunate  one. 


302 


HI  STORY  OF  T11K  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


for  the  colonel  possessed  neither  the  respect  nor  esteem  of 
those  around  him.  As  a man  his  followers  hated  him;  as  a 
soldier  they  held  him  in  contempt;  and  as  a military  com- 
mander his  career  was  marked  with  cruelty  and  treachery. 

At  this  time  there  was  in  Mexico  a young  lieutenant  who 
had  recently  arrived  from  the  capital  of  Michoacan,  driven 
thence  by  the  approach  of  the  revolutionists.  His  name  was 
Agustin  Iturbide,  a man  destined  hereafter  to  play  a promi- 
nent part  in  the  revolutionary  drama.  A native  of  Valladolid 


and  of  distinguished  parentage,  he  was  intrusted,  when  only 
fifteen  years  of  age,  with  the  management  of  one  of  his  father’s 
haciendas;  hut  soon  afterward  was  appointed  ensign  in  a pro- 
vincial battalion  of  infantry,  and  thenceforth  adopted  the 
military  profession.  The  first  historical  mention  of  him  occurs 
in  the  official  journal  of  September  21,  1808,  where  he  is  com- 
mended for  his  zeal  in  offering  support  to  the  government  after 
the  deposal  of  Iturrigaray.  Before  taking  the  field,  Hidalgo 
invited  Iturbide  to  join  his  cause,  promising  to  promote  him 
to  high  command.  The  offer  was  refused;  and  when  the  for- 
mer drew  near  to  Valladolid,  the  lieutenant,  seeing  no  pros- 


HIDALGO'S  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


303 


pect  of  a successful  defence,  set  forth  for  Mexico  with  seventy 
men  of  his  regiment  whose  loyalty  remained  unshaken.  Ob- 
taining permission  to  join  Trujillo’s  command,  he  entered 
upon  a career  which  in  some  respects  was  the  most  remarkable 
in  the  annals  of  the  revolution. 

Arriving  at  Toluca,  Trujillo  sent  forward  a detachment  to 
seize  the  bridge  of  San  Bernabe,  and  operate  between  it  and 
Ixtlahuaca,  where  Hidalgo  had  arrived.  On  the  27th  of  Octo- 
ber, the  royalist  leader  advanced  with  the  main  body  for  the 


Field  of  Operations. 


purpose  of  attacking  the  revolutionists  at  the  latter  point;  but 
meeting  his  advanced  guard  in  full  flight,  and  hearing  that  the 
generalissimo  was  approaching  with  all  his  forces,  he  fell  back 
on  the  town  of  Lcrma.  On  the  following  day  no  enemy  ap- 
peared in  sight,  and  Trujillo,  suspecting  that  his  opponent  was 
marching  toward  the  bridge  of  Atengo,  with  a view  to  occupy- 
ing the  Santiago  road,  and  thus  cutting  off  his  retreat,  gave 
instructions  to  guard  that  point  and  destroy  the  bridge.  The 
order  was  not  carried  out,  however,  and  on  the  29th  Allende 
carried  the  position  and  gained  possession  of  the  road. 

Meanwhile  Hidalgo  was  marching  on  Lerma,  and,  threatened 


304 


HISTORY  OF  T1IE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


in  flank  and  rear,  Trujillo  was  compelled  to  retreat  toward  the 
capital.  Reaching  the  Monte  de  las  Cruces  only  half  an  hour 
in  advance  of  the  revolutionists,  he  was  joined  by  a consider- 
able re-enforcement,  among  them  being  a party  of  Yermo’s 
lancers;  and  though  his  entire  force  mustered  less  than  3,000 
men.  he  resolved  to  accept  battle.  The  position  was  a strong 


•ftjf  Ixtlahuaca 

V.: 


Cdge  of  S.  Bemabe 


A'  XUO  »OB.  TIKIfliJ,^ 
' AX  KEOIMIKKTO  ' 

UI  LAM  Till  VILLAS 
T DEM  AS  TKOPAS, 

QCS  COS  CCS  COS  AX  l>  AM  Til 
Bl'XlLLO,  MEVXITILT  BUJfOA 
SOBTCnSSOS  LA 
^ ULOKIOSA  ACCIOS  XXL  / 
^SOSTE  D LAS  CRVCAS M 
VEKA  CRUX. 


Battle-field  of  Las  Cruces. 

A.  Infantry  of  the  royal  army.  D.  Cavalry  of  the  insurgents. 

11.  Infantry  of  the  insurgents.  K.  Royal  troops  on  the  march. 

C.  Cavalry  of  the  royal  army.  F.  Insurgent  troops  on  the  march. 

one,  hut  had  the  disadvantage  of  being  commanded  on  the 
south  by  thickly  wooded  hills,  and  by  the  heights  skirting  the 
Toluca  road. 

At  eight  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  30th  the  action 
commenced  with  skirmishing  between  the  royalist  cavalry  and 
guerilla  hands  in  advance  of  the  main  body  of  the  revolu- 
tionists. At  eleven  the  column  of  attack,  flanked  and  sup- 
ported by  cavalry,  and  with  the  artillery  in  front,  appeared  in 
sight  on  the  Toluca  road.  Trujillo  placed  his  field-pieces  in 
such  a position  as  to  enfilade  the  approach,  but  screened  from 


HIDALGO'S  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


305 


sight  by  branches  of  trees;  while  Yermo’s  lancers,  under  Cap- 
tain Antonio  Bringas,  supported  by  two  companies  of  infantry, 
were  placed  in  ambush  on  a wooded  height  at  some  distance 
from  the  left  flank.  The  centre  he  held  under  his  own  com- 
mand, with  Jose  do  Mendivil  in  front,  covering  his  position. 

Hidalgo  had  left  the  dispositions  for  battle  in  the  hands  of 
Allende,  who  made  preparations  to  surround  Trujillo,  while 
his  attention  was  diverted  by  the  attack  on  his  centre.  For 
this  purpose,  strong  detachments  of  the  best  armed  Indians, 
both  foot  and  horse,  were  sent  by  long  detours  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  heights  commanding  Trujillo’s  flanks,  and  a force 
of  3,000  men  occupied  the  road  to  Mexico  in  the  enemy’s  rear. 
A select  body  of  1,200  of  the  best  disciplined  troops,  in  charge 
of  Aldama,  was  also  deployed  on  the  right  flank,  out  of  range 
of  Trujillo’s  artillery,  and  opposite  the  point  where  Bringas 
lay  in  ambush. 

When  the  attacking  column  came  within  close  range,  Tru- 
jillo opened  on  them  with  grape  and  canister  from  his  masked 
batteries,  and  with  such  deadly  effect  that  the  undisciplined 
masses  in  front  were  driven  back  in  confusion  on  the  regulars. 
The  latter,  however,  held  their  ground  and  replied  with  artil- 
lery, a brisk  fire  being  maintained  along  the  front  of  both 
armies,  from  which  the  assailants  suffered  considerable  loss. 
Perceiving  that  he  could  hold  the  enemy’s  centre  in  check,  the 
royalist  commander  ordered  Bringas  to  attack  them  in  flank, 
while  Iturbide  was  sent  with  a force  of  infantry  to  occupy  a 
steep  wooded  height  at  some  distance  from  Trujillo’s  right. 

Bringas  charged  with  great  impetuosity;  but  after  a fierce 
struggle  his  men  were  repulsed,  their  commander  falling 
mortally  wounded.  Nor  was  Trujillo  more  successful  in  his 
manoeuvre  on  the  right.  Allende  had  already  marked  the 
importance  of  the  position  on  which  Iturbide  was  marching, 
and  unnoticed  by  the  royalists  had  taken  possession  of  it  in 
person  with  a force  of  infantry  and  one  piece  of  ordnance. 
Thus  when  the  latter  had  almost  reached  the  summit,  he  sud- 
denly found  himself  confronted  by  the  enemy,  and  a brisk 
20 


306 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


encounter  followed,  resulting  in  the  defeat  of  the  revolutionists. 
The  repulse  of  Bringas’  forces,  however,  caused  the  royalist 
commander  to  recall  Iturbide,  whereupon  Allende  rallied  his 
men  and  took  possession  of  the  height. 

Trujillo  was  now  completly  surrounded,  and  his  position  was 
becoming  hopeless.  On  his  right  was  Allende;  on  his  left  was 
Aldama,  now  strongly  re-enforced,  and  with  two  pieces  of  artil- 
lery placed  in  a commanding  position;  in  rear,  a large  body 
of  troops  was  posted  on  his  line  of  retreat,  and  in  front  Men- 
dfvil,who  was  severely  wounded,  could  no  longer  maintain  his 
post.  It  was  three  o’clock  in  the  afternoon,  and  the  enemy 
had  approached  so  near  to  Trujillo’s  left  that  the  combatants 
were  within  speaking  distance.  At  this  juncture  the  royalist 
commander  was  guilty  of  an  act  which  has  forever  branded 
his  name  with  infamy.  Believing  themselves  masters  of  the 
field,  the  victors  invited  the  foe  to  join  their  cause;  and  so 
favorably  were  they  heard  that  Trujillo  was  thrice  induced  by 
his  officers  to  hold  parley  with  them  in  front  of  his  line  of 
infantry.  Meanwhile  hostilities  ceased.  Friendly  and  spe- 
cious were  the  words  used  by  the  leader,  and  at  each  confer- 
ence the  revolutionists,  gathering  in  crowded  ranks  around 
their  spokesman,  drew  nearer  and  nearer. 

Now  did  the  fate  of  Mexico  hang  in  the  balance,  for  if 
Ilidalgo  had  received  an  accession  to  his  ranks  of  nearly  3,000 
disciplined  troops,  with  their  arms  and  ammunition,  it  is  prob- 
able that  his  cause  would  have  been  successful.  But  at  the 
third  parley,  Trujillo,  having  enticed  the  unsuspecting  foe  close 
up  to  the  points  of  his  bayonets,  threw  off  the  mask,  and  ordered 
his  men  to  fire.  In  an  instant  sixty  of  the  revolutionists  lay 
stretched  on  the  ground,  the  victims  of  his  perfidy;  and  infu- 
riated by  this  act  of  treachery,  their  comrades  at  once  renewed 
the  conflict. 

The  royalists  held  their  ground  for  two  hours  longer,  when, 
after  losing  one  third  of  his  force  in  killed  and  wounded,  in- 
cluding many  of  his  best  officers,  Trujillo  resolved  to  force  a 
passage  through  the  enemy  posted  in  his  rear.  There  waB, 


HIDALGO'S  MARCH  TOWARD  MEXICO. 


307 


indeed,  no  other  alternative  except  to  surrender,  and  under  the 
circumstances,  capitulation  would  probably  have  been  followed 
by  a general  butchery.  Abandoning  his  cannon,  he  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  his  choicest  regiment,  and  followed  by  the 
remainder  in  close  column,  regained  the  Santiago  road  at  the 
point  of  the  bayonet,  on  the  following  day  arriving  at  the  capi- 
tal. Here,  as  there  were  none  to  contradict  him,  his  defeat 
was  made  to  appear  a victory,  and  a medal  was  issued  in  com- 
memoration of  his  glorious  achievements,  and  of  the  success  of 
the  royal  arms. 

Although  Hidalgo  remained  master  of  the  field,  the  victory 
was  dearly  purchased.  For  the  first  time  the  revolutionists 
had  confronted  any  considerable  force  of  royalists,  and  the 
result  was  far  from  encouraging.  Their  losses  amounted,  ac- 
cording to  Trujillo’s  estimate,  to  2,000  in  killed  and  wounded, 
and  including  deserters,  were  estimated  by  other  authorities 
at  a much  higher  figure.  The  Indians  were  terror-stricken  at 
the  havoc  wrought  by  the  enemy’s  artillery,  the  deadly  effect 
of  which  they  witnessed  for  the  first  time;  and  even  disciplined 
regiments  were  dismayed  at  the  stubborn  resistance  offered  by 
a handful  of  men  against  overwhelming  numbers.  Thus,  when 
on  the  morning  after  the  victory  Hidalgo  arrived  at  the  village 
of  Cuajimalpa,  where  during  the  retreat  the  rear  guard  of  the 
royalists  had  repulsed  his  cavalry  almost  without  effort,  there 
he  halted,  and  for  three  days  remained  inactive,  though  urged 
by  Allende  to  march  at  once  on  Mexico. 

Meanwhile,  throughout  the  capital  forebodings  of  evil  were 
not  diminished  by  the  reappearance  of  the  royalist  commander, 
who,  with  all  his  braggadocio,  had  returned  with  but  a rem- 
nant of  his  forces.  Quanajuato  had  fallen,  Valladolid  had 
surrendered,  and  now  Mexico  was  threatened.  On  the  last 
day  of  October  the  excitement  was  intense,  and  every  cloud 
of  dust  was  thought  to  herald  the  coming  of  the  foe.  Treasure 
and  jewelry  were  concealed;  men  were  panic-stricken  and 
amazed;  women  begged  for  asylum  in  the  nunneries,  and  even 
the  viceroy  proposed  to  seek  refuge  in  Vera  Cruz.  But  the 
hours  passed,  and  no  enemy  appeared. 


308 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Now  surely  the  opportunity  had  come;  but  where  was  the 
man?  Hidalgo  was  not  a professional  soldier:  he  was  not  even 
a soldier  at  all;  nor  did  he  pretend  to  be.  He  was  not  even  a 
man  of  the  world.  He  worked  neither  for  fame,  nor  power, 
nor  money,  but  merely  to  aid  his  country  in  its  progress 
toward  independence,  though  the  full  glory  of  the  triumph  he 
never  expected  to  see.  Yet  he  would  do  what  he  could,  and 
for  his  cause  would  cheerfully  give  up  his  life.  More  than 
once  had  he  offered  to  surrender  his  command  in  favor  of 
Allende;  but  in  the  curate  of  Dolores  and  in  no  other  would 
the  multitude  trust. 

Mexico  lay  at  his  feet,  the  city  of  the  Montezumas,  the  city 
of  Cortes,  a prize  that  would,  perhaps,  have  tempted  a more 
ambitious  or  resolute  commander;  but  in  the  capital  were  men, 
money,  arms,  ammunition,  while  in  the  ranks  of  the  revolu- 
tionists were  few  disciplined  regiments.  To  win  the  battle  of 
Las  Cruces  against  a mere  handful  of  royalists  had  cost  him 
2,000  lives,  and  what  would  be  the  sacrifice  should  he  attempt 
to  follow  up  his  hard-won  victory?  Moreover,  at  this  juncture 
a despatch  from  the  viceroy  was  intercepted,  in  which  were 
instructions  to  Calleja  to  put  his  troops  at  once  in  motion;  and 
Calleja,  a veteran  officer,  who  had  served  as  lieutenant-colonel 
under  Revilla  Gigedo,  was  already  on  his  march  from  San 
Luis  Potosi.  Thus  it  was  that  no  enemy  appeared  in  sight  of 
the  capital,  and  after  three  days’  inaction  at  Cuajimalpa,  the 
generalissimo  gave  orders  to  retreat. 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


309 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 

Felix  Calleja  del  Rey,  the  future  viceroy  of  Mexico, 
had  served  as  an  ensign  during  the  disastrous  expedition 
against  Algiers,  in  the  reign  of  Charles  III.  Accompanying 
Revilla  Gigedo  to  New  Spain  in  1789,  his  ability  and  faithful 
services  had  already  won  for  him  the  approbation  of  the  six 
viceroys  who  preceded  Venegas. 

Breaking  camp  on  the  24th  of  October,  he  set  forward  for 
Dolores,  where,  being  joined  by  the  forces  of  Colonel  Flon,  he 
found  at  his  disposal  about  7,000  men,  with  eight  pieces  of 
artillery.  His  intention  was  to  march  on  the  capital  hy  way 
of  Acambaro  and  Toluca,  following  in  the  track  of  the  revolu- 
tionists; but  being  diverted  by  a rumored  insurgent  attack  on 
Queretaro,  he  reached  that  city  on  the  very  day  of  the  battle 
of  Las  Cruces. 

Again  changing  his  route,  he  arrived  at  Arroyo  Zarco  on  the 
6th  of  November;  meanwhile  Hidalgo’s  forces,  following  the 
line  of  route  by  which  they  had  advanced,  were  now  at  Ixtla- 
huaca.  Thence  Hidalgo,  not  being  informed  as  to  Calleja’s 
movements,  turned  aside  toward  Queretaro,  expecting  to 
capture  that  city  almost  without  resistance;  and  now  the 
royalist  and  revolutionary  forces  were  converging  toward  the 
same  point  without  each  other’s  knowledge. 

The  retreat  from  Mexico  fell  like  a chill  on  Hidalgo’s  army, 
which  had  been  kept  together  partly  by  hope  of  plunder,  and 
was  already  thinned  by  desertion  to  some  30,000  or  40,000 
men.  Moreover,  Allende  and  Aldama  were  distrustful  of  their 
colleague,  or  perhaps  objected,  as  military  men,  to  be  led  by 
a priest. 

On  the  6th  of  November,  Calleja’s  advanced  guard  en- 
countered a detachment  of  the  revolutionists  at  Arroyo  Zarco, 


310 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


and  after  a sharp  skirmish  put  them  to  flight.  From  the 
prisoners  it  was  ascertained  that  the  main  body  was  posted  at 
the  neighboring  town  of  Aculco,  and  Calleja  at  once  made 
dispositions  for  battle. 

Hidalgo’s  forces  were  drawn  up  in  two  lines  on  the  summit 
of  a rectangular  hill  overlooking  the  town  and  surrounded  by 
ravines  and  gullies.  The  encounter  or  skirmish  which  fol- 
lowed was  merely  a feint  on  the  part  of  the  revolutionary 


The  Affair  at  Aculco. 

leaders,  for  the  purpose  of  covering  their  retreat.  Pushing 
forward  in  three  columns,  the  royalist  infantry  were  met  only 
with  a sluggish  fire  of  artillery,  the  cannon-balls  passing  high 
overhead;  and  on  scaling  the  height,  found  the  position  aban- 
doned. Later,  the  cavalry  came  into  action,  and  though  they 
did  little  execution,  succeeded  in  capturing  all  of  the  enemy’s 
cannon,  baggage,  and  ammunition,  together  with  a quantity 
of  valuable  merchandise. 

For  this  so-called  victory,  a solemn  thanksgiving  was  pro- 
claimed, and  for  a time  it  was  supposed  that  the  rebellion  had 
come  to  an  end;  but  the  royalists  were  soon  undeceived.  The 
Cry  of  Dolores  had  struck  deep  into  the  hearts  of  the  people, 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


311 


and  tidings  of  the  battle  of  Las  Cruces  had  spread  far  and 
wide  throughout  the  land.  Everywhere  were  gathered  hands 
of  insurgents,  some  intent  only  on  plunder,  while  others  har- 
assed the  enemy  in  ceaseless  guerilla  warfare.  In  the  south 
the  curate  Morelos  was  commencing  his  glorious  career;  in 


23  ZACATECAS 


*Ojo  Calkmtf 


■Homos 

o 

•CY  Asieutoc 


peAGUAS  1 
lCALI  ENTE3 


Pledro  Gor<la< 
iiitonloo 


Atotonllco 


UADALA- 
'JAR  A 


Pen  Jain  o 


^5?  bZipimea 
U^jDZacapo  GV 


AutlaiT 


[Man*  aid 


Field  of  Revolutionary  Movements. 


central  Mexico  a vast  extent  of  territory,  from  San  Luis  Potosi 
westward  to  the  ocean,  was  overrun  by  the  revolutionists.  In 
New  Galicia,  Torres  and  Mercado  captured  San  Bias  and 
Guadalajara,  Hidalgo  establishing  in  the  latter  city  his  base 
of  operations.  Zacatecas  came  forward  with  one  accord,  the 
leading  spirit  in  this  district  being  a man  styling  himself 
Lieutenant-General  Iriarte.  No  sooner  had  Calleja  set  forth 


312 


HISTORY  OR  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


from  San  Luis  Potosi  than  a plot  was  formed  to  gain  possession 
of  the  city;  and  this  the  friar  Herrera  carried  into  execution 
with  remarkable  neatness  and  despatch.  Soon  afterward, 
however.  Herrera  was  entrapped  and  thrown  into  prison  by 
Iriarte,  who  had  turned  royalist,  apparently  for  the  purpose 
of  helping  himself  to  the  royal  treasury. 

As  to  the  movements  of  the  revolutionary  chieftains  im- 
mediately after  the  affair  at  Aculco,  the  chroniclers  are  ex- 
tremely reticent,  little  being  known  except  that  they  made 
good  their  retreat  to  Celaya  without  further  loss.  In  a circular 
issued  by  Hidalgo  in  that  city,  dated  the  13th  of  November, 
he  states  that  his  forces  had  been  reunited,  and  that  he  had 
at  his  command  more  than  forty  pieces  of  artillery,  with  an 
ample  stock  of  ammunition. 

Arriving  about  this  date  at  Guanajuato,  which  was  now 
threatened  by  the  royalists,  Allende  posted  batteries  on  ten 
different  heights  commanding  the  Marfil  road,  and  also  at  a 
point  known  as  the  Rancho  Seco.  In  the  narrowest  part  of 
the  road,  no  less  than  1,500  holes  were  drilled  for  blasting, 
and  connected  with  a single  fuse,  the  intention  being  to  set 
fire  to  it  during  the  passage  of  Calleja’s  forces.  Meanwhile, 
the  captain-general  strongly  urged  Hidalgo  to  come  to  his  sup- 
port; but  the  appeal  was  disregarded. 

On  the  23d  of  November,  Calleja  arrived  at  the  Rancho  de 
Molineros,  distant  some  four  leagues  from  Guanajuato,  and  at 
once  determined  to  carry  the  enemy’s  position  by  storm.  His 
plan  was  to  attack  in  detail  the  ten  batteries  which  flanked 
the  Marfil  road  on  either  side;  and  for  this  purpose  he  formed 
his  troops  in  two  divisions,  leading  one  of  them  in  person 
against  the  batteries  on  the  right,  while  Flon,  at  the  head  of 
the  other  column,  dislodged  the  insurgents  on  the  left.  Roth 
commanders  were  successful,  the  enemy’s  positions  being  cap- 
tured in  succession  almost  without  loss.  While  Flon  drew  up 
his  forces  on  the  hill  of  San  Miguel  and  the  heights  of  Las 
Carreras,  Calleja  advanced  along  the  Marfil  road,  and  by  a 
detour  to  the  left  avoided  the  defile  where  the  mine  had  been 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


313 


prepared.  Meanwhile,  the  cavalry  scoured  the  glens  and  the 
level  ground,  cutting  off  the  retreat  of  the  insurgents,  and 


Royalist  Operations  against  Guanajuato. 

A.  Positions  occupied  by  the  insurgents. March  of  column  led  by  Calleja. 

B.  The  royalist  army  before  the  attack.  March  of  column  led  by  Klon. 


slaughtering  them  without  mercy.  The  conflict  lasted  for  six 
hours,  the  difficulties  encountered  by  the  royalists  being  rather 


314 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


from  the  steepness  of  the  heights  than  from  the  opposition  of 
the  enemy,  whose  guns  were  so  poorly  served  and  mounted 
that  they  could  be  pointed  only  in  one  direction,  while  their 
want  of  small-arms  prevented  their  infantry  from  making  a 
stand. 

The  results  of  the  day’s  operations  were  the  capture  of 
twenty-two  pieces  of  artillery,  the  dispersion  of  a large  body 
of  Indians,  and  the  investment  of  the  city  on  the  north  and 
south.  The  losses  on  the  side  of  the  royalists  were  trifling, 
while  of  the  revolutionists  probably  not  less  than  1,500  were 
slain. 

And  now  the  alhdndiga  de  granaditas  again  became  the 
scene  of  an  appalling  massacre.  No  longer  restrained  by  the 
interference  of  the  revolutionary  leaders,  the  people  thronged 
the  streets,  amid  demonstrations  of  fear  and  anger.  They  col- 
lected in  dense  crowds  around  the  building,  and  with  threat- 
ening gestures  and  angry  look  pointed  to  the  quarters  in  which 
certain  of  the  Spaniards  captured  by  Hidalgo  were  still  im- 
prisoned. For  a time  they  were  restrained  by  the  presence  of 
the  guard,  but  it  chanced  that  Allende  passed  in  that  direc- 
tion, and  one  of  his  party  cried  out,  “Why  do  you  not  finish 
them?”  pointing  toward  the  captives.  The  words  acted  on 
the  mob  like  a spark  on  a train  of  gunpowder,  and  now,  intent 
on  vengeance,  they  rushed  with  clubs  and  brandished  knives 
toward  the  gateway.  The  work  of  massacre  began,  and  soon 
the  alhdndiga  was  heaped  with  mutilated  corpses,  stripped  of 
every  shred  of  clothing.  A few  only  of  the  prisoners  escaped 
by  barricading  themselves  in  the  storerooms,  whence  they  is- 
sued forth,  while  a cry  was  raised  that  the  royalists  were  at 
hand. 

So  enraged  was  Calleja  at  this  barbarous  treatment  of  the 
Spaniards,  that  he  gave  instructions  to  his  troops  to  put  the  in- 
habitants of  the  city  to  the  sword,  and  numbers  were  butch- 
ered in  the  streets.  Soon,  however,  he  countermanded  the 
order,  intending  to  proceed  with  the  work  of  slaughter  in  a 
more  deliberate  manner.  On  the  morning  of  the  26th,  the 


P ROC, HESS  OF  THE  revolution. 


315 


carpenters  of  Guanajuato  were  employed  in  erecting  gallows 
in  all  the  principal  thoroughfares  of  the  city  and  in  the  plazas 
of  the  neighboring  towns.  While  this  was  being  done,  sixty 
or  seventy  of  those  who  had  been  arrested  the  previous  day 
were  put  on  their  trial,  and  about  one  third  of  them  were  con- 
demned to  death.  Their  examination  was  of  the  briefest,  and 
execution  immediately  followed,  the  place  selected  being 
within  the  walls  of  the  alhondiga.  After  sentence  had  been 
passed,  the  condemned  were  hurriedly  shrived  by  a priest  in 
one  of  the  storerooms,  and  then  led  to  the  doorway,  where 
they  were  blindfolded  and  shot. 

The  gallows  came  next  into  play,  and  at  nightfall  eighteen 
prominent  men  were  dragged  forth  and  hanged  by  torchlight 
in  the  plaza,  around  which  the  houses  rose  tier  above  tier  on 
the  surrounding  hills,  so  that  their  occupants  could  gaze  upon 
the  tragedy  as  from  the  benches  of  an  amphitheatre.  At 
length  the  ringing  of  bells  announced  that  Calleja  had  pro- 
claimed a general  pardon,  two  of  those  who  had  last  been  con- 
demned being  released  while  taking,  as  they  supposed,  their 
last  look  on  earth  and  sky,  and  with  halters  around  their  necks. 

Except  that  Hidalgo  reached  Celaya,  nothing  is  known  of 
his  movements  after  the  flight  from  Aculco,  until,  on  the  14th 
or  15th  of  the  same  month,  we  find  him  at  Valladolid.  Not- 
withstanding his  recent  reverses,  he  was  everywhere  enthusi- 
astically received,  and  at  each  town  the  people  sallied  forth  to 
welcome  the  apostle  of  independence  and  do  him  honor.  Or- 
ganizing at  Valladolid  a force  of  7,000  cavalry  and  250  infan- 
try, he  set  forth  for  Guadalajara,  where  he  was  met  with  a 
tumultuous  ovation.  As  the  cortege  entered  the  city,  and 
passed  between  dense  lines  of  citizens  drawn  upon  either  side, 
from  thousands  of  voices  rang  the  welcoming  viva ! mingled 
with  salvos  of  artillery,  firing  of  rockets,  and  ringing  of  bells. 
At  the  door  of  the  cathedral  an  altar  had  been  placed,  beside 
which  stood  the  dean  in  canonical  robes  and  presented  Hidalgo 
with  holy  water.  After  this  ceremony  he  proceeded  to  the 


316 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


presbytery,  where  a te  deum  was  chanted,  and  thence  to  the 
palace,  where,  in  the  grand  saloon,  beneath  a richly  orna- 
mented canopy,  he  received  the  members  of  the  audiencia,  the 
civil  corporations,  and  the  ecclesiastical  authorities. 

Thus  installed  in  office,  Hidalgo  proceeded  to  adjust  exist- 
ing differences  between  the  military  leaders,  and  to  organize  a 
formal  government.  For  the  latter  purpose,  he  appointed  two 


Ignacio  Lopez  Rayon. 


persons  to  take  charge  of  public  affairs,  one  of  them  being 
Ignacio  Lopez  Rayon,  with  the  title  of  secretary-general. 

Rayon,  who  later  became  a prominent  leader  in  the  revolu- 
tion, was  a native  of  Tlalpujahua,  a mining  town  in  Michoa- 
can,  where  he  was  born  in  1773.  At  an  early  age  he  displayed 
a studious  turn,  and  after  receiving  his  early  education  at 
Valladolid,  removed  to  the  city  of  Mexico,  where  he  studied 
jurisprudence  and  took  his  degree.  When  Hidalgo  entered 
Michoacan,  in  October  1810,  Rayon  declared  in  favor  of  the 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


317 


revolutionary  cause,  and  issued  a proclamation  in  Tlalpu- 
jahua,  inviting  the  people  to  join  him.  Later  he  accompanied 
the  former  to  the  Monte  de  las  Cruces,  Aculco,  and  Guadala- 
jara. 

While  Hidalgo  remained  at  Guadalajara  he  issued  several 
edicts  which  he  deemed  essential  to  his  cause,  among  them 
being  proclamations  for  the  emancipation  of  slaves,  the  restora- 
tion of  their  lands  to  the  Indians,  and  the  prohibition  of  pillage 
and  other  excesses  on  the  part  of  his  followers.  Meanwhile,  he 
pushed  forward  with  all  possible  despatch  his  military  prepa- 
rations. The  arsenal  at  San  Bias  supplied  him  with  cannon 
and  munitions  of  war,  and  no  less  than  forty-four  pieces  of 
artillery  were  conveyed  thence  over  a most  difficult  road. 
Large  numbers  of  recruits  were  enlisted;  and  to  supply  the 
want  of  small-arms,  grenades  and  iron-pointed  rockets  were 
manufactured.  No  means  were  spared  that  would  enable  the 
revolutionists  to  meet  Calleja  in  the  field;  but  there  was  still 
wanting  in  their  ranks  the  one  great  element  of  success  in  all 
military  operations,  and  that  was  discipline. 

On  receiving  intelligence  of  the  capture  of  Guanajuato, 
Venegas  again  supposed  that  the  rebellion  was  crushed,  while, 
in  reality,  it  was  more  widely  spread  than  ever.  The  provinces 
of  Nueva  Galicia,  Zacatecas,  and  San  Luis  Potosi  were  com- 
pletely in  the  power  of  the  insurgents,  who  at  this  junc- 
ture were  not  disposed  to  relax  their  efforts.  An  expedition  to 
the  provinces  of  Sinaloa  and  Sonora  ended  somewhat  disas- 
trously, its  commander  being  surprised,  and  his  followers 
slain  or  scattered;  but  in  other  directions  the  revolutionists 
were  for  a time  successful.  The  district. of  Nuevo  Santander 
declared  in  their  favor.  In  Coahuila,  a force  of  2,000  royalists 
deserted  to  the  enemy.  Nuevo  Leon  joined  in  the  movement, 
and  even  in  Texas  the  royalist  party  was  compelled  to  suc- 
cumb. Thus  the  whole  of  that  portion  of  Mexico  which 
extends  from  Sari  Luis  Potosi  to  the  United  States  had  de- 
clared for  independence. 

But  the  revolutionists  were  now  destined  to  suffer  a series  of 


318 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


reverses,  which  shattered  the  hopes  of  all  its  friends.  On 
the  16th  of  November,  1810,  General  Jose  de  la  Cruz  set  forth 
from  the  capital  at  the  head  of  a small  detachment,  after- 
ward re-enforced  to  2,000  men,  directing  his  march  against 
the  insurgent  leader  Villagran,  who  was  stationed  at  Hui- 
chapan,  and  had  proved  extremely  troublesome  to  the  roy- 
alists by  interrupting  their  communications  between  Mexico 
and  Queretaro.  Warned  of  his  danger,  however,  the  latter 
retreated  with  all  his  followers  to  a strong  position  on  the 
heights  of  a neighboring  sierra.  Entering  Iluichapan,  Cruz 
met  with  a hearty  welcome  from  the  few  royalists  who  re- 
mained in  the  town;  but  in  order  to  prevent  further  mis- 
chief, he  seized  all  articles  of  daily  use  that  could  possibly 
be  converted  into  weapons,  sparing  neither  the  housewife’s 
scissors,  the  laborer’s  implements,  nor  the  artisan’s  tools.  To 
the  commander  of  a force  sent  in  quest  of  other  revolutionary 
captains,  he  gave  orders  to  reduce  to  ashes  every  town  and 
hacienda  where  insurgents  were  found,  and  to  put  the  in- 
habitants to  the  sword.  On  the  14th  of  December,  according 
to  a plan  of  operations  arranged  by  Calleja,  he  put  his  forces 
in  motion  toward  Valladolid. 

Calleja  was  now  at  Leon,  where  he  arranged  the  coming  cam- 
paign with  a view  of  confining  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  to 
the  province  of  Nueva  Qalicia.  While  Cruz  marched  on  Va- 
lladolid, reducing  to  obedience  the  disaffected  towns,  he  so 
timed  his  movements  as  to  arrive  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Guadalajara  on  the  15th  of  January;  Calleja,  approaching  by 
way  of  Lagos,  expected  to  reach  that  point  at  the  same  date. 
Meanwhile,  the  governor  of  Coahuila,  after  restoring  order  in 
San  Luis  Potosi,  was  to  operate  with  his  troops  between  Guana- 
juato and  Queretaro,  while  another  force  was  to  enter  Zacate- 
cas and  keep  in  subjection  the  territory  extending  southward 
as  far  as  Leon.  The  design  was  well  conceived;  but  the  de- 
sertion of  the  royalists  in  Coahuila  prevented  the  cordon  being 
thus  drawn  around  Hidalgo. 

It  had  been  arranged  that  Cruz  should  set  forth  from  Va- 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


319 


lladolid  on  the  1st  of  January,  but  he  was  detained  in  that 
city  until  the  7th,  and  thus  Calleja’s  dispositions  were  further 
deranged.  Moreover,  Hidalgo  had  resolved  to  prevent,  if  pos- 
sible, a junction  between  the  two  armies,  and  had  instructed 
Colonel  Mier,  who  was  then  stationed  at  Zamora,  to  oppose 
the  advance  of  the  former.  At  the  head  of  more  than  10,000 
men,  with  twenty-seven  pieces  of  artillery,  Mier  took  up  a 
strong  position  commanding  a mountain  gorge,  about  four 
leagues  south-east  of  Zamora,  through  which  lay  the  route  of 
the  royalists.  But  in  an  action  fought  on  the  14th,  he  was 
totally  defeated,  with  the  loss  of  his  cannon  and  ammunition. 
The  delay  thus  caused  served,  however,  to  prevent  his  oppo- 
nent from  taking  part  in  the  decisive  battle  which  occurred 
three  days  later  at  the  bridge  of  Calderon. 

The  force  now  under  Hidalgo’s  command  was  far  superior 
to  any  that  the  revolutionists  had  thus  far  brought  into  the 
field,  mustering  no  less  than  80,000  men,  of  whom  20,000  were 
cavalry,  and  with  95  pieces  of  artillery,  many  of  them  of  heavy 
calibre.  No  exertion  was  spared  by  the  leaders  to  render  this 
huge  army  as  efficient  as  possible.  The  enthusiasm  of  the 
troops  was  stimulated  by  encouraging  addresses,  and  each  day 
they  were  drilled  and  practised  in  manoeuvres  on  the  plains 
adjoining  the  city  of  Guadalajara.  Most  of  them  were  still 
armed  only  with  the  sling  and  bow;  but  their  weapons  were 
better  than  those  with  which  they  had  fought  at  Las  Cruces, 
and  a large  supply  of  grenades  had  been  distributed  among 
the  infantry. 

On  the  13th  of  January,  Hidalgo  received  information  that 
Calleja  was  advancing  by  forced  marches  toward  Guadalajara, 
and  immediately  made  preparations  to  occupy  the  bridge  of 
Calderon,  which  spanned  a small  affluent  of  the  Rio  Grande 
de  Lerma,  eleven  or  twelve  leagues  distant  from  the  city.  On 
the  following  day  he  led  forth  his  host,  and  as  he  compared  it 
with  the  rabble  which  he  had  lately  commanded,  felt  confident 
of  victory.  On  the  morning  of  the  15th  lie  drew  up  in  a strong 
position  commanding  the  approaches  to  Guadalajara,  planting 


320 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


a battery  of  sixty-seven  guns  on  a steep  height  on  the  left 
bank  of  the  river.  The  latter  point,  almost  inaccessible  in 
front,  was  protected  in  rear  by  a deep  ravine,  and  almost  sur- 
rounded the  open  ground  through  which  lay  Calleja’s  line  of 
advance.  Flanking  the  main  battery  were  smaller  ones  on 
the  heights  toward  the  right  and  left. 

On  the  16th  the  royalist  array  appeared  in  sight;  but  ob- 
serving the  almost  impregnable  position  occupied  by  the 


Battle-field  hear  the  Bridge  of  Calderon. 


enemy,  Calleja  at  first  sent  forward  merely  a reconnoitring 
party,  which,  however,  becoming  engaged  with  their  outposts, 
succeeded  in  gaining  possession  of  the  bridge.  Thereupon 
re-enforcements  were  ordered  up,  and  the  bridge  held  until 
nightfall,  when  both  armies  bivouacked,  the  camp-fires  of  the 
revolutionists  extending  over  a line  three  quarters  of  a league 
in  length. 

Calleja’s  force  consisted  of  6,000  men,  of  whom  one  half 
were  cavalry,  and  all  were  thoroughly  equipped  and  disci- 
plined. lie  had  also  ten  pieces  of  artillery,  admirably  served. 


PROQRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


321 


and  an  abundant  supply  of  war  material,  while  the  revolution- 
ists had  but  few  muskets,  and  many  of  their  cannon  were 
worse  than  useless,  some  being  carried  in  wagons,  and  others 
fashioned  merely  of  wood,  bound  with  hoops  of  iron. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17th  the  royalist  commander  drew 
up  his  army  in  two  divisions,  with  one  of  which  he  proposed 
to  assail  the  enemy’s  right,  while  Flon,  in  charge  of  the  other, 
attacked  their  left.  The  assault  was  to  be  made  simultane- 
ously, so  that  the  two  commands  might  fall,  almost  at  the 
same  moment,  on  the  revolutionists’  centre.  At  some  little 
distance  above  the  bridge  a ford  had  been  discovered,  and 
leading  his  men  across  it,  Flon  at  once  began  to  scale  the 
heights  without  even  waiting  for  his  artillery,  which  on  ac- 
count of  the  ruggedness  of  the  ground  must  be  dragged  up  by 
hand.  Leading  his  troops  against  the  first  battery,  he  cap- 
tured it  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  following  up  his  ad- 
vantage, drove  the  revolutionists  from  all  their  positions  on  the 
right,  forcing  them  to  fall  back  on  the  centre. 

Meanwhile,  Calleja  advanced  with  his  division  toward  the 
bridge,  supporting  Flon’s  movement  with  the  fire  of  his  artil- 
lery, and  sending  him  a re-enforcement  of  grenadiers.  Sur- 
veying the  enemy’s  position,  he  recognized  the  danger  of 
attempting  an  assault  in  that  direction,  and  wheeling  farther 
toward  the  right,  occupied,  with  a considerable  portion  of  his 
command,  supported  by  four  pieces  of  artillery,  a small  emi- 
nence, from  which  he  opened  fire  on  the  enemy’s  nearest  bat- 
tery. At  the  same  time  he  pushed  forward  on  the  right  of  the 
stream  a detachment  of  his  cavalry,  under  Emparan,  for  the 
purpose  of  taking  the  enemy  in  rear,  while  Colonel  Jalon  was 
ordered  to  assault  a battery  of  seven  guns  situated  lower  on 
the  river. 

While  these  movements  were  in  progress,  Flon,  eager  to 
carry  ofF  the  honors  of  the  day,  exceeded  his  instructions,  and 
without  waiting  until  Calleja’s  operations  were  sufficiently 
developed,  attacked  with  his  division  the  main  battery  of  the 
insurgents.  Here  the  foe  was  concentrated  in  overwhelming 
£1 


< 


322 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


numbers,  and  twice  his  troops  were  repulsed;  ammunition 
gave  out,  and  the  men,  losing  confidence,  began  to  retreat  in 
great  disorder.  Emparan’s  detachment  also  suffered  defeat, 
the  commander  being  severely  wounded,  and  victory  appeared 
to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  revolutionists. 

At  this  juncture,  the  coolness,  promptitude,  and  military 
skill  of  Calleja  alone  saved  the  royalists  from  total  rout. 
Ordering  Jalon,  who  had  captured  the  opposing  battery,  to 
cover  Emparan’s  retreat,  and  rally  his  men,  he  at  once  sent 
a strong  column  to  the  aid  of  Flon’s  division,  and  crossing  the 
bridge  with  the  remainder  of  his  forces,  deployed  them  into 
line,  and  followed  in  support.  The  artillery,  concentrated  at 
one  point,  then  opened  within  half  musket-shot  of  the  enemy’s 
principal  battery,  and  a general  charge  was  ordered  along  the 
royalist  line. 

And  now  occurred  an  incident  which  at  once  decided  the 
issue  of  the  battle,  and  probably  retarded  for  eleven  tedious 
years  the  victorious  career  of  the  revolutionists.  The  ammu- 
nition-wagon of  the  insurgents  was  struck  by  a shell  from  the 
enemy’s  cannon,  and  a terrific  explosion  followed,  which 
wrought  havoc  in  their  ranks.  But  this  was  the  smallest  part 
of  the  disaster.  The  ground  was  covered  with  a thick  matting 
of  dry  grass,  which  instantly  took  fire,  and  the  flames  and 
smoke  were  blown  full  in  the  faces  of  Hidalgo’s  foremost  bat- 
talions. Before  the  blast  no  living  creature  could  stand. 
Some  were  choked  to  death;  others  were  horribly  burned,  and 
instant  flight  became  inevitable.  Meanwhile,  along  the  royal- 
ist line,  the  troops  pressed  forward,  and  with  insignificant  loss, 
cavalry,  infantry,  and  artillery  gained  the  height  together. 
When  the  flames  subsided  the  enemy  was  observed  in  full 
retreat,  and  their  abandoned  guns  were  found  to  be  still  loaded 
with  grape-shot.  A single  battery  on  the  insurgent’s  left  still 
maintained  its  fire,  and  there  the  last  stand  was  made  by  a 
remnant  of  the  defeated  army. 

Then  followed  pursuit;  and  as  the  horsemen  urged  their 
steeds  over  the  charred  ground,  foremost  among  them  was 


PROGRESS  OF  THE  REVOLUTION. 


323 


General  Flon.  Mortified  at  the  failure  caused  by  his  own 
rashness,  and  determined  not  to  survive  the  disgrace,  he 
charged  alone  into  the  midst  of  the  foe,  and  fell  covered  with 
wounds.  At  night  his  absence  was  noticed,  and  a party  was 
sent  in  search  of  him;  hut  it  was  not  until  the  following  day 
that  his  mangled  corpse  was  discovered. 

The  losses  on  the  side  of  the  revolutionists  cannot  be  ascer- 
tained; hut  that  they  were  very  severe  may  be  inferred  from 
the  fact  that  more  than  1,200  fell  in  the  part  of  the  field  alone 
where  Emparan’s  command  was  engaged.  Of  the  royalists, 
49  were  killed,  134  wounded,  and  10  were  missing.  The  in- 
surgent leaders  fled  by  different  routes  to  the  city  of  Zacatecas, 
Rayon  saving  the  treasure-chests,  containing  some  .$800,000, 
while  most  of  their  followers  were  dispersed  after  losing  all 
their  artillery  and  the  greater  portion  of  their  baggage. 

Thus  for  the  time  the  strength  of  the  revolution  was  broken; 
but  the  Cry  of  Dolores  was  still  heard  throughout  the  land, 
and  the  sacred  image  of  liberty  was  now  too  deeply  graven  or. 
the  people’s  hearts  ever  again  to  be  entirely  eradicated. 


K I MlfW 


air  iV«'/r  ft  tYf  i >1  i f ID  ; y frR  WV 1 1*  1 * i f .W. 


MngiMnMBgMnMmM 


324 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

CATTURK  AND  DEATH  OF  HIDALGO. 

The  reception  accorded  to  Calleja,  when,  on  the  21st  of  Janu- 
ary, 181  l,he  entered  Guadalajara,  was  similar  to  that  with  which 
Hidalgo  had  been  greeted  a few  weeks  before.  With  commend- 
able versatility  the  inhabitants  of  this  city  could  turn  royalists 
or  revolutionists  as  occasion  demanded.  And  fortunate  for 
them  that  it  was  so;  else  by  this  time  there  had  been  few  of 
their  number  left.  Yet  here  as  elsewhere  in  Mexico  there  were 
many  who  adhered  firmly  to  the  cause,  pledging  themselves  to 
support  it  with  their  lives  and  property,  though  aware  that 
such  a course  was  attended  with  imminent  peril. 

The  action  taken  by  the  audiencia  and  the  clergy,  on  the 
occasion  of  Hidalgo’s  entry,  was  not  likely  to  win  for  them 
the  favor  of  the  viceroy;  and  now  they  hastened  to  send  ex- 
planations of  their  conduct,  mingled  with  assurances  of  fidel- 
ity. The  oidores  expressed  unbounded  joy  at  the  recent  victory, 
and  the  restitution  of  their  functions,  which  had  been  inter- 
rupted during  the  occupation  of  the  city  by  the  “insurgent 
monster,  Miguel  Hidalgo”;  while  the  ecclesiastical  chapter 
deeply  regretted  that  its  members  should  have  been  exposed 
to  the  bitter  humiliation  of  being  prevented  by  the  insurgent 
leader  from  giving  utterance  to  their  feelings  of  loyalty  and 
fidelity.  In  reply,  Venegas  said  that  he  hoped  the  time  would 
come  when  the  very  high  opinion  which  he  had  formed  of  all 
these  functionaries  would  be  fully  justified. 

Before  reaching  Zacatecas,  Hidalgo  was  overtaken  by  others 
of  the  insurgent  chieftains,  and  compelled  to  resign  the  chief 
command  in  favor  of  Allende.  From  the  first,  the  two  leaders 
had  not  been  fully  in  accord,  and  had  frequently  disagreed  as 
to  the  conduct  of  the  war.  On  the  eve  of  the  battle  at  the 
bridge  of  Calderon,  Allende  had  in  vain  urged  the  generalis- 


CAPTURE  AND  DEATH  OF  HIDALGO. 


325 


simo  to  divide  his  unwieldy  force  into  several  divisions  instead 
of  risking  the  campaign  on  the  issue  of  a single  combat.  Doubt- 
less the  former  was  a better  soldier  than  the  aged  representa- 
tive of  the  church  militant;  but  Hidalgo,  and  he  alone,  could 
again  rally  the  people  around  the  standard  of  the  revolution- 
ists. His  presence  with  the  remnant  of  the  army  was  therefore 
still  deemed  necessary;  but  after  the  surrender  of  his  author- 
ity he  was  treated  almost  as  a prisoner;  his  advice  wTas  ignored, 
his  movements  watched,  and  orders  were  given  to  slay  him  if 
he  attempted  to  escape.  For  all  this,  Hidalgo  cared  less  than 
for  the  cause.  Personal  fame  had  never  been  his  object;  and 
if  those  who  now  assumed  control  could  better  carry  out  the 
revolution  alone,  he  was  content.  But  from  the  sequel  it  ap- 
pears that  they  could  not;  for  destruction  quickly  overtook 
them. 

From  Zacatecas  Allende  decided  to  retreat  on  Saltillo, 
where,  joining  his  forces  with  those  of  Jimenez,  he  would  oc- 
cupy a more  secure  position;  but  both  points  were  threatened 
by  the  royalists,  who  captured  the  former  city  without  diffi- 
culty, though  repulsed  by  Jimenez  before  Saltillo.  Soon  after- 
ward Galleja  entered  San  Luis  Potosf,  the  situation  of  the 
revolutionary  leaders  became  each  day  more  hopeless,  the 
number  of  their  followers  being  reduced  to  some  4,000  or 
5,000  men,  undisciplined,  discouraged,  and  poorly  armed  and 
equipped.  Nevertheless,  they  would  not  abandon  the  struggle. 
The  northern  provinces  were  still,  as  they  believed,  devoted  to 
their  cause;  and  they  would  proceed  to  the  United  States, 
and  there  purchase  arms,  and  enlist  the  sympathies  of  that 
young  and  rising  republic.  Then  they  would  return  and 
again  meet  the  enemy  in  the  field,  with  equal  weapons  and 
superior  numbers.  Such  were  their  dreams;  but  far  different 
was  the  fate  in  store  for  them. 

About  this  time  Hidalgo  received  from  General  Cruz  a copy 
of  the  pardon  extended  to  the  insurgents  by  the  Spanish 
cortes,  and  was  exhorted  to  accept  their  clemency,  and  thus 
avoid  the  further  shedding  of  blood,  But  this  offer  he  could 


32G 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


nut  for  a moment  entertain : first,  because  he  had  no  faitli  in 
royalist  promises;  and  second,  because  he  would  never  for- 


'Moncloval 


Salinas  ( 


MONTEREY 


^SALTILLO  f 


AguaJNaevac 


> oMazapil 


Cedral 


Fjvsnlllo 


oTenado 


Maguey 


de  Romos 
e Aden  to* 


® S.LUIS  POTOSI 


Scene  of  tue  Revolutionists’  Movements. 


sake  his  sacred  cause.  Perhaps  his  death  would  better  serve 
the  interests  of  the  revolution;  if  so,  lie  would  cheerfully  die. 
What  was  life  or  death  in  comparison?  He  had  soon  to  die 


CAPTURE  AND  DEATH  OF  HIDALGO. 


327 


in  any  event;  but  the  liberty  he  hoped  to  establish  for  his 
country,  that  would  never  die!  He  therefore  kept  the  matter 
a secret,  and  to  General  Cruz  he  answered:  “Pardon,  your 
excellency,  is  for  criminals,  and  not  for  defenders  of  their 
country.” 

In  San  Luis  Potosf  and  Nuevo  Santander,  the  revolution  was 
for  the  moment  ended  by  tbe  defeat  and  execution  of  the  lay- 
friar  Herrera,  and  others  of  the  insurgent  chieftains.  Mean- 
while in  Texas  and  Coaliuila,  events  were  occurring  which 
boded  ill  for  the  cause  of  freedom.  At  the  beginning  of  Feb- 
ruary 1811,  Aldama  had  been  appointed  by  the  revolution- 
ary leaders  minister  plenipotentiary  to  the  United  States. 
Taking  with  him  a large  sum  of  money  for  the  purchase  of 
arms,  and  for  procuring  there,  as  is  related,  the  services  of 
30,000  auxiliaries,  he  reached  the  town  of  Bejar,  within  the 
modern  state  of  Texas,  where  a counter-revolution  was  secretly 
in  progress,  headed  by  the  deacon  Zambrano.  The  deacon  and 
his  confederates  began  to  cast  suspicion  on  Aldama  and  his 
motives,  representing  him  to  be  an  emissary  of  Napoleon,  and 
pointing  to  his  uniform,  which  resembled  those  of  French 
officers.  If  he  brought  with  him  so  large  a body  of  volun- 
teers, would  they  not  seize  the  opportunity  of  gaining  posses- 
sion of  a province  already  regarded  with  covetous  eyes 
throughout  the  American  republic?  Finally,  when  on  the 
1st  of  March  Aldama  was  prepared  to  set  forth,  he  was  de- 
tained with  his  escort,  under  the  pretence  that  their  passports 
were  not  in  order.  A new  government  was  then  formed,  with 
Zambrano  as  president;  troops  were  organized;  the  partisans 
of  the  revolutionists  deposed  from  office,  and  Aldama  was 
afterward  conveyed  to  Monclova,  in  northern  Coahuila,  where 
he  was  executed  by  sentence  of  court-martial. 

At  Saltillo,  where  Allende  and  Jimenez  were  still  encamped, 
these  incidents  were  unknown.  Among  their  officers  at  Mon- 
clova was  a lieutenant-colonel  named  Ignacio  Elizondo,  who, 
being  refused  promotion,  had  become  secretly  disaffected,  and 


328 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


now  cast  about  him  for  means  of  revenge.  After  gaining  con- 
trol at  Bejar,  Zambrano  sent  to  Calleja  and  the  viceroy  two 
commissioners,  who,  on  reaching  Monclova,  revealed  to  the 
lieutenant-colonel  Allende’s  designs,  probably  disclosed  by 
Aldama’s  confederates.  Thereupon  Elizondo  determined  to 
surprise  the  revolutionary  leaders  on  their  way  toward  the 
United  States.  Ascertaining  that  they  would  arrive  at  Bajan 
on  the  morning  of  the  21st,  he  set  forth  with  a guard  of  honor 
to  hid  them  welcome,  as  he  had  written  to  Jimenez.  The 
utmost  precaution  was  taken  lest  Allende  should  be  informed 
of  what  had  occurred  at  Monclova,  and  remarkable  as  it  may 
appear,  the  insurgent  captain  had  not  the  slightest  suspicion  of 
the  trap  that  was  being  laid  for  him.  Before  starting  on  their 
journey,  a council  was  held  to  determine  who  should  take 
charge  during  the  absence  of  the  principal  chieftains,  and  the 
choice  fell  on  Ignacio  Lopez  Rayon,  with  the  licentiate  Arri- 
eta  as  second  in  command. 

All  was  now  in  readiness  for  their  departure  from  Saltillo. 
The  road  lay  through  a rugged  desert,  in  which  water  could  he 
obtained  only  in  small  quantities  and  at  long  intervals.  At 
the  wells  near  Bajan,  men  and  animals  would  stop  to  drink, 
and  there  Elizondo,  with  240  picked  soldiers,  awaited  the 
arrival  of  the  revolutionists.  The  ground  was  favorable  for 
his  design,  and  two  parties,  each  of  50  men,  were  placed  in 
ambush.  On  the  morning  of  the  21st  Allende  appeared  in 
sight.  Accompanied  by  all  the  principal  leaders,  he  had  left 
Saltillo  with  a force  of  nearly  2,000  troops,  24  pieces  of  artil- 
lery, and  more  than  half  a million  of  money.  The  march 
across  the  desert  had  been  most  toilsome,  and  no  military 
order  was  preserved,  the  carriages  and  horsemen  approaching 
in  scattering  groups  far  in  advance  of  the  main  body,  while 
the  artillery  was  slowly  dragged  along  in  the  rear.  This 
seeming  carelessness  was  due  to  a suggestion  made  by  the 
colonel,  who  said  that,  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  water,  it 
would  be  better  for  the  carriages  and  the  leading  oflicers  to 
proceed  well  in  advance.  If  all  journeyed  together,  the  wells 


CAPTURE  AND  DEATH  OP  HIDALGO. 


329 


would  be  quickly  exhausted,  while  with  this  arrangement 
they  could  be  replenished  as  rapidly  as  might  be  needed. 

The  first  one  to  approach  was  Friar  Pedro  Bustamante, 
accompanied  hv  five  soldiers.  Passing  between  files  of  men 
drawn  up  as  a guard  of  honor,  he  was  respectfully  saluted, 
and  without  the  least  suspicion,  continued  on  his  way  until 
he  suddenly  found  himself  in  the  midst  of  an  ambush  and 
was  compelled  to  surrender.  Then  followed  a troop  of  sixty 
men,  who  were  also  made  captives  and  securely  hound.  Pres- 
ently the  carriages  arrived,  and  one  after  another  fell  into 
Elizondo’s  hands  almost  without  resistance.  Allende,  how- 
ever, did  not  yield  until  his  son  was  shot  dead  by  his  side; 
Arias,  one  of  the  insurgent  leaders  who  occupied  the  same 
vehicle,  being  mortally  wounded.  Last  of  all  the  chieftains 
came  Hidalgo,  who  might  still  have  escaped  if  he  had  received 
the  least  intimation  of  the  colonel’s  treachery.  But  even  the 
sound  of  firing  created  no  alarm.  When  called  upon  to  sur- 
render, he  prepared  to  defend  himself,  pistol  in  hand;  but  his 
escort  intervening,  and  refusing  to  support  him,  he  threw  aside 
his  weapon.  Thus  at  one  fell  stroke  all  the  revolutionary 
leaders  became  victims  to  the  perfidy  of  a traitor;  and  never 
was  plot  more  cunningly  planned  or  more  successfully  accom- 
plished. 

Leaving  his  prisoners  in  charge  of  a slender  escort,  Elizondo 
marched  with  only  150  men  against  the  main  body  of  the  in- 
surgents, some  1,500  strong,  and  still  about  a league  distant. 
The  combat  was  of  the  briefest;  for  in  less  than  an  hour  forty 
of  the  revolutionists  were  slain,  893  were  captured,  many 
joined  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  and  the  remainder  were  dis- 
persed, leaving  all  their  cannon,  equipage,  and  treasure  in  the 
hands  of  the  assailants. 

Five  days  later  the  principal  captives,  among  wnom  were 
Hidalgo,  Allende,  and  Jimenez,  were  sent  for  trial  to  the  city 
of  Chihuahua.  Bound  hand  and  foot,  mounted  on  mules,  and 
escorted  by  a strong  guard,  they  travelled  painfully  over  200 
leagues  of  difficult  road,  and  not  even  at  night  were  their 


330 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


fetters  removed.  The  day  on  which  they  reached  their  desti- 
nation was  proclaimed  a public  holiday,  and  permission  was 
given  to  the  inhabitants  to  witness  the  humiliation  of  the  pris- 
oners, though  all  expressions  of  hate  or  sympathy  were  for- 
bidden. After  undergoing  this  ordeal,  they  were  lodged  in 
prison,  the  three  principal  leaders  being  placed  in  a deserted 
college  of  the  jesuits. 

On  the  6th  of  May  a military  court  was  organized,  consist- 
ing of  a president,  auditor,  secretary,  and  four  voting  members. 
The  prosecution  rested  entirely  on  the  statements  of  the  pris- 
oners, special  judges  being  appointed  to  take  their  depositions, 
on  which  the  tribunal  pronounced  its  verdict  and  sentence. 
The  trials  were  conducted  with  all  possible  despatch,  and 
within  a few  days  several  of  the  captives  were  led  forth  to  exe- 
cution. Allendc  suffered  on  the  26th  of  May  in  company  with 
Jimenez  and  two  others,  all  of  them  being  shot  as  traitors, 
with  their  backs  to  the  firing  platoons. 

The  execution  of  Hidalgo  was  delayed  by  ecclesiastical  for- 
malities; for  before  sentence  could  either  be  pronounced  or 
carried  into  effect,  civil  and  canonical  law  required  that  the 
prisoner  should  be  degraded  from  his  priestly  office,  and  for- 
mally handed  over  by  the  ecclesiastical  judge  to  the  secular 
authorities.  When  conducted  into  the  presence  of  the  former, 
his  fetters  being  for  the  first  time  removed,  he  was  arrayed  in 
the  sacred  vestments  of  his  order,  and  on  hi£  knees  listened  to 
the  cause  of  his  degradation,  and  to  his  death  sentence.  He 
was  then  stripped  of  his  robes  and  delivered  to  the  guard,  an 
earnest  but  vain  appeal  being  made  for  a mitigation  of  his 
punishment.  Then  his  fetters  were  replaced,  and  he  was  con- 
ducted to  his  cell. 

While  at  breakfast,  before  daybreak,  on  the  31st  of  July, 
Hidalgo  received  with  his  usual  tranquillity  the  officers  ap- 
pointed to  conduct  him  to  the  place  of  execution.  Finishing 
his  repast,  he  arose  and  calmly  remarked  in  a low  voice  that 
he  was  prepared  to  accompany  them.  The  spot  selected  was 
an  enclosed  court  adjoimng  the  hospital,  and  as  he  stepped 


CAPTURE  AND  DEATH  OF  HIDALGO. 


331 


slowly  forward,  encumbered  by  chains,  his  fortitude  and  seren- 
ity never  for  a moment  deserted  him.  Remembering  that  he 
had  left  some  sweet-meats  under  his  pillow,  be  requested  that 
they  might  be  brought  to  him,  and  distributed  them  among 
the  firing  platoons,  at  the  same  time  assuring  them  of  bis  for- 
giveness. It  was  yet  early  dawn,  and  in  order  to  guide  their 
aim  he  placed  his  hand  upon  bis  heart,  bidding  them  fire  at 
this  mark.  The  signal  was  then  given;  but  though  one  of  the 
bullets  pierced  his  hand,  it  failed  to  reach  his  heart,  and  Hi- 
dalgo remained  erect  in  bis  seat  uttering  words  of  prayer.  At 
the  second  volley,  as  though  in  premonition  of  his  soul’s  re- 
lease, the  cords  which  bound  him  to  the  chair  of  execution 
were  severed,  and  he  fell  to  the  ground;  but  not  until  three 
more  shots  were  fired  from  muskets  held  close  to  his  breast 
did  life  become  extinct. 

The  heads  of  Hidalgo,  Allende,  Aldama,  and  Jimenez  were 
sent  to  Guanajuato,  and  suspended  in  iron  cages  at  the  four 
corners  of  the  albdndiga,  their  bodies  being  interred  in  a 
Franciscan  chapel  at  Chihuahua.  There  they  remained  until 
1823,  when  they  were  transferred  to  the  cathedral  of  Mexico, 
and  deposited  with  befitting  ceremonies  amid  the  tombs  of 
the  viceroys,  — the  future  burial-place  of  the  presidents  of  the 
republic. 

Rebellion  is  justified  only  by  success,  in  which  event  it  is 
not  rebellion,  but  revolution.  But  though  unsuccessful  as  it 
would  seem  upon  the  surface,  Hidalgo’s  fame  will  never  die. 
His  failure  was  due  in  part  to  misfortune,  but  more  to  the 
fact  that  he  was  not  by  training  a soldier,  or  even  a man  of 
the  world.  By  his  admirers,  Hidalgo  lias  been  termed  an 
angel  of  light;  by  his  enemies,  a bloodthirsty  rebel  whose  sole 
delight  was  in  revenge  and  cruelty.  But  this  question  is  now 
seldom  raised.  He  permitted  some  excesses, — it  was  the  age 
of  excesses;  his  enemies  did  the  same.  But  for  all  that,  and 
much  more,  he  was  a great  and  good  man,  calm  and  firm  in 
the  right,  exalted  in  all  his  ideas  and  purposes,  unselfish, 


332 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


seeking  not  his  own  but  his  country’s  good.  We  must  look  far 
among  the  patriots  of  the  world  to  find  a purer  or  a better 
man.  His  cause  was  just  and  his  impulses  were  noble;  nor 
is  it  necessary  to  say  that  he  who  strives,  even  in  vain,  to  de- 
liver his  country  from  oppression,  and  cheerfully  lays  down 
his  life  in  so  doing,  is  entitled  to  the  same  praise  as  if  his 
efforts  had  been  crowned  with  success.  Almost  wdthout  know- 
ing it,  and  surely  before  he  intended  it,  the  curate  of  Dolores 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  a people  crying  to  heaven  for 
liberty,  and  swearing  before  heaven  that  their  homes  and 
altars  should  be  free.  For  many  years  the  Grito  de  Dolores 
resounded  throughout  the  land,  and  long  before  the  imprints 
of  viceregal  domination  had  been  effaced  by  the  healing  touch 
of  time,  the  name  of  Miguel  Hidalgo  was  enrolled  among  the 
world’s  champions  of  liberty. 


Bridge  at  Huejtjtla. 


MORELOS  AND  MS  CAMPAIGNS. 


333 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

MORELOS  AND  HIS  CAMPAIGNS. 

Thus  somewhat  minutely  have  we  followed  the  career  of 
Hidalgo,  and  the  early  struggles  of  the  revolutionists.  Of  the 
strife  which  continued  during  the  long  years  preceding  the 
triumph  of  their  cause,  it  will  suffice  to  relate  briefly  the  lead- 
ing incidents. 

With  the  execution  of  the  principal  leaders,  it  was  thought 
that  the  revolution  had  come  to  an  end;  and  so  it  might  have 
been  had  the  movement  originated  with  a single  man,  or  with  a 
single  clique,  or  had  it  depended  for  success  on  anything  but 
the  resistless  power  of  progress.  The  cause  of  freedom  had 
long  been  predetermined,  and  though  myriads  should  be 
butchered,  other  myriads  would  take  their  places,  until  the 
dragon  of  oppression  were  slain. 

At  this  juncture,  there  remained  only  one  man  who  stood 
forth  prominently  among  the  revolutionists  as  an  admitted 
chieftain,  a leader  around  whom  they  could  rally  with  some 
degree  of  confidence.  This  man  was  also  a priest,  and  a friend 
and  disciple  of  Hidalgo.  His  name  was  Jose  Maria  Morelos  y 
Pavon.  After  receiving  a limited  education,  he  began  life  as 
a muleteer  in  the  service  of  his  uncle,  being  compelled,  by  the 
death  of  his  father,  to  earn  his  bread.  His  ambition  had  ever 
been  to  enter  the  profession  of  the  church.  By  great  effort 
and  self-denial  he  succeeded  in  gaining  admission  as  a sizar,  or 
servitor,  in  the  college  of  San  Nicolas.  Here  he  studied  natu- 
ral and  moral  philosophy,  under  the  guidance  of  Hidalgo,  who 
was  then  the  rector,  and  for  whom  he  ever  afterward  enter- 
tained the  warmest  regard  and  veneration. 

When  first  the  Cry  of  Dolores  was  raised,  Morelos  was 
about  forty-five  years  of  age.  He  was  a man  of  powerful 
physique,  and  of  considerable  brain-power;  not  above  medium 


334 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


height,  and  capable  of  great  endurance.  Of  dun  complexion, 
and  with  dark,  brilliant  eyes,  his  glance  was  quick,  searching, 
and  magnetic,  though  often  stern  and  meditative,  and  again 
lapsing  into  profound  reverie.  Yet  he  was  no  dreamer,  being 


Jos£  Maria  Morelos. 


far  more  a man  of  the  world  than  Hidalgo,  though  in  point  of 
learning  he  might  almost  be  termed  illiterate,  when  compared 
with  the  sage  of  Dolores.  Nevertheless,  he  had  sufficient  edu- 
cation for  the  development  of  his  genius,  which  must  be 
regarded  as  among  the  brightest  of  his  age. 

Morelos  was  a man  of  such  astonishing  energy  that  the  very 


MORELOS  AND  HIS  CAMPAIGXS. 


335 


atmosphere  which  surrounded  him  seemed  to  vibrate  with 
latent  force  emanating  from  his  presence.  His  eyebrows  were 
heavy  and  met  together,  giving  to  his  countenance  the  expres- 
sion of  a resolute  and  quick-tempered  man.  Around  the  mouth 
and  lower  jaw  the  character  lines  were  deeply  traced,  and  re- 
markable among  his  features  was  the  well-rounded  chin, 
resembling  somewhat  that  of  Julius  Ca3sar  on  a Roman  medal. 
In  battle  his  eyes  flashed  with  a sinister  light,  and  his  deep 
angry  voice  pealed  forth  like  the  roar  of  thunder.  Of  danger 
he  thought  no  more  than  of  repeating  his  prayers  in  a cloister; 
and  notwithstanding  these  traits  of  character,  in  the  ordinary 
affairs  of  life  his  manner  and  countenance  were  impassive  and 
serene,  and  he  never  betrayed  the  inner  workings  of  his  mind. 

By  his  originality  and  soundness  of  judgment,  he  won  the 
admiration  and  esteem  of  his  followers;  and  his  combinations, 
both  as  a military  commander  and  a political  leader,  have 
seldom  been  surpassed.  lie  knew,  moreover,  how  to  select  his 
officers  and  his  agents,  and  he  fully  recognized  the  importance 
of  giving  attention  to  details.  A rigid  Catholic,  he  always 
made  confession  on  the  eve  of  battle;  and  such  were  his  re- 
ligious scruples,  that  after  his  first  engagement. with  the  enemy 
he  never  in  person  celebrated  mass.  But  conspicious  among 
all  his  qualities  was  His  perfect  disinterestedness,  no  personal 
motive  guiding  him  in  his  valiant  struggle  for  liberty;  and  to 
the  distinctions  and  decorations  earned  by  his  victories  he  was 
quite  indifferent,  preferring  to  all  others  the  title  of  Servant  of 
the  Nation. 

Bidding  adieu  to  Hidalgo,  as  it  chanced  forever,  after  his 
capture  of  Guanajuato,  he  raised  and  armed  a band  of  25  fol- 
lowers, and  set  forth  for  the  port  of  Zacatula,  where  he  was 
joined  by  a militia  captain  with  fifty  others.  From  this  small 
beginning  arose  momentous  results,  and  Morelos  was  soon  in 
command  of  a considerable  force.  On  the  11th  of  January, 
1811,  his  lieutenant,  Miguel  de  Avila,  with  GOO  men,  defeated 
with  trifling  loss  nearly  1,000  of  the  royalists,  capturing  six 
pieces  of  cannon  and  a large  quantity  of  stores  and  ammuni- 


336 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


tion.  After  several  victories  gained  by  Morelos,  Rayon,  Torres, 
and  other  revolutionary  leaders,  though  with  some  reverses,  at 
the  close  of  the  year  wo  find  the  rebellion  still  widely  spread, 
and  despite  his  utmost  efforts  the  viceroy  was  unable  to  arrest 
its  progress.  Moreover,  the  cause  was  steadily  gaining  ground 
in  the  capital  and  other  large  cities  in  the  possession  of  the 
Spaniards. 

About  the  middle  of  November,  Morelos  entered  upon  his 
second  campaign,  and  in  February  1812  was  stationed  with 
5,550  men,  of  whom  the  greater  portion  were  cavalry,  in  the 
city  which  now  bears  his  name,  but  was  then  called  Cuautla, 


CUAUTLA  AND  ITS  VlCINITV. 


ttuutu 


distant  only  some  twenty  leagues  from  the  capital.  Here  he 
resolved  to  make  a stand  against  Calleja,  who  was  approach- 
ing with  a strong  force  from  the  direction  of  Chaleo,  and  was 
afterward  joined  by  2,500  men  under  the  command  of  General 
Llano. 

At  this  date  Cuautla  was  an  unfortified  town,  situated  on  a 
rising  ground  amid  a level  plain,  its  main  street  connecting 
the  plazas  of  the  convents  of  San  Diego  and  Santo  Domingo. 


MORELOS  AND  HIS  CAMPAIGNS 


337 


At  the  northern  extremity  was  the  chapel  of  the  Calvario; 
toward  the  east  rose  the  hills  of  Zacatepec,  between  them 
being  a river  with  banks  200  varas  apart,  but  with  a bed  only 
12  or  15  varas  in  width.  Morelos  fortified  the  two  convents 
with  their  plazas,  surrounding  them  with  ramparts.  Deep 
trenches  were  also  cut  across  the  streets,  batteries  placed  in 
suitable  positions,  and  the  doors  and  lower  windows  of  the 
houses  on  the  line  of  defence  walled  up,  their  partitions  being 
broken  through  in  order  to  establish  a line  of  communication. 

At  daylight  on  the  19th  of  February,  the  royalists  advanced 
in  four  columns  to  the  assault,  directed  mainly  against  the 
intrenchments  at  the  plaza  of  San  Diego.  When  the  foremost 
division  approached  the  parapets,  so  deadly  a fire  was  opened 
on  them  that  they  were  forced  to  retreat;  but  elsewhere  the 
enemy  fought  their  way  close  up  to  the  ramparts,  causing 
some  confusion  among  the  ranks  of  the  revolutionists.  Con- 
fidence was  soon  restored,  however,  and  the  enemy  was 
repulsed,  though  returning  again  and  again  to  the  charge.  At 
the  final  effort,  Calleja  led  the  attack  in  person;  but  his 
troops,  though  accustomed  to  victory,  quailed  before  the 
incessant  and  well-directed  volleys  of  the  defenders.  For 
the  first  time  in  his  career,  the  Spanish  general  was  defeated, 
and  after  holding  a council  of  war,  decided  to  lay  regular  siege 
to  the  town,  sending  to  the  capital  for  heavy  artillery,  mortars, 
and  munitions  of  war. 

On  the  10th  of  March  the  bombardment  began,  and  for 
four  days  the  iron  shower  fell  upon  the  city.  But  though  shot 
and  shell  tore  through  houses  and  parapets,  the  spirit  of  the 
defenders  remained  unbroken.  The  breaches  made  by  day 
were  repaired  at  night,  and  each  morning  the  attack  must 
commence  anew.  As  the  water  supply  had  been  cut  off,  wells 
were  sunk,  and  all  privations  were  borne  with  such  cheerful 
fortitude  that  Calleja  at  length  began  to  recognize  the  diffi- 
culty of  his  task.  Finding  that  he  could  make  little  impres- 
sion on  the  fortifications,  even  with  the  cannon  sent  to  him 
from  Mexico,  he  resolved  to  turn  the  siege  into  a blockade. 

22 


338 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Week  after  week  passed  by,  and  at  last  hunger,  a foe  more 
terrible  than  sword  or  musket,  began  to  assail  the  revolution- 
ists. Still  the  inhabitants  bore  their  sufferings  without  a mur- 
mur, and  with  every  manifestation  of  unyielding  purpose. 
On  returning  from  their  frequent  sallies,  the  soldiers  were 
greeted  with  deafening  cheers;  those  who  fell  were  buried  to 
the  solemn  sound  of  bells,  and  death  was  declared  the  penalty 
of  him  who  should  talk  of  surrender.  Even  Calleja  could  not 
repress  his  admiration  for  such  high-souled  fortitude.  “These 
people  are  heroes,”  he  writes  to  the  viceroy,  “and  if  their  cause 
were  just,  they  would  merit  a worthy  record  in  the  page  of 
history.” 

Meanwhile,  the  situation  of  the  royalists  was  by  no  means 
an  enviable  one.  Transferred  from  the  temperate  regions  of 
the  table-land,  they  suffered  severely  from  their  incessant  toil 
beneath  the  fervid  skies  of  the  tierra  caliente.  Sickness  was 
upon  them,  and  toward  the  end  of  April  800  were  in  hospital. 
The  rainy  season  was  near,  when  fever  would  strike  them  down 
by  scores,  and  the  enemy,  inured  to  this  deadly  climate,  would 
fall  on  them  and  complete  their  ruin.  Thus  it  was  merely  a 
question  between  time  and  nature  which  side  should  win. 
But  on  this  occasion  nature  declared  for  the  cause  of  oppres- 
sion. The  rains  were  unusually  late,  and  as  day  after  day  the 
fiery  sun  arose  and  set,  no  cloud  appeared  to  the  wistful  eyes 
of  the  thirsty  and  famished  crowds  within  the  beleaguered 
city.  Their  sufferings  w'ere  appalling,  and  such  was  the  scar- 
city, that  lizards,  rats,  and  vermin  were  the  only  remaining 
food.  A few  head  of  cattle  straying  in  between  the  Spanish 
camp  and  the  town  were  almost  sufficient  to  bring  on  a general 
engagement.  M'hen  all  else  was  consumed,  decayed  and 
weather-beaten  hides  were  stripped  from  doors  to  which  they 
had  been  nailed  for  years,  and  after  being  soaked  and  scraped, 
were  swallowed  in  fragments  with  gulps  of  water,  while  foul 
grubs  and  crawling  insects  were  eagerly  devoured.  Pestilence, 
the  companion  of  famine,  followed  in  her  footsteps.  The 
church  of  San  Diego  was  converted  into  a hospital,  where 


MORELOS  AND  JUS  CAMPAIGNS. 


339 


twenty  or  thirty  perished  daily;  gaunt  spectral  figures  moved 
wearily  along  the  streets,  and  no  longer  did  children,  as  here- 
tofore, marshal  their  bands  in  mimic  warfare.  Still  Morelos 
yielded  not,  and  still  Calleja  dared  not  risk  another  assault. 

In  vain  did  the  revolutionists  attempt  to  break  through  the 
enemy’s  lines  to  obtain  provisions,  for  on  the  open  plain  the 
latter  were  vastly  superior.  On  the  27th  of  April  a desperate 
effort  was  made,  but  without  success,  and  now  no  hope  re- 
mained but  to  force  their  way  out  of  the  town.  On  the  1st  of 
May,  Calleja  sent  to  the  besieged  a copy  of  a general  pardon, 
proclaimed  by  the  viceroy  for  all  who  consented  to  lay  down 
their  arms.  This  offer  of  mercy  was  received  with  apparent 
joy,  and  at  once  hostilities  ceased.  It  was  but  a ruse,  however, 
for  Morelos  had  already  determined  to  cut  his  way  out,— or  at 
least  he  would  make  the  attempt.  Ilis  influence  over  his  fol- 
lowers was  supreme;  wherever  he  went,  or  whatever  his  fate, 
they  were  ready  to  accompany  him,  and  if  need  be  to  die  with 
him.  That  night  the  troops  were  assembled  in  the  plaza  of 
San  Diego,  and  at  two  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  were 
marched  in  silence  out  of  the  city,  the  lights  being  left  burn- 
ing on  the  ramparts. 

The  van  consisted  of  about  1,000  infantry,  armed  with  mus- 
kets, and  supported  by  250  cavalry;  then  came  a large  number 
of  troops  whose  weapons  were  slings  and  lances,  followed  by  a 
miscellaneous  crowd  of  both  sexes  and  of  all  ages.  The  rear 
guard  was  composed  of  a second  body  of  infantry,  with  the 
baggage  and  two  field-pieces  in  its  centre.  So  skilfully  were 
the  arrangements  made  that  Calleja,  with  all  his  vigilance, 
was  deceived,  and  for  more  than  two  hours  afterward  did  not 
know  what  Morelos  was  doing.  Directing  its  course  toward 
the  river,  so  noiselessly  did  the  column  move  that,  unperceived, 
it  approached  the  earthworks  of  the  royalists,  drove  back  the 
guard,  and  demolishing  the  intrenchments,  advanced  toward 
the  river,  which  was  crossed  on  hurdles  provided  for  the  pur- 
pose. 

But  now  the  enemy  was  upon  them,  and  assailed  in  flank 


340 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


and  rear,  after  800  had  fallen,  the  leader  gave  orders  that  his 
men  should  disperse.  So  rapidly  was  this  accomplished  that 
the  royalist  troops,  advancing  from  opposite  directions,  fired 
upon  each  other  before  discovering  their  mistake.  Morelos, 
after  having  two  of  his  ribs  crushed  by  a fall  from  his  horse, 
fled  by  way  of  Zacatepec,  and  there  the  foe  overtook  him.  His 
escort  was  cut  down  almost  to  a man,  but  the  commander 
escaped  and  made  his  way  to  the  town  of  Cuautla,  where  he 
at  once  began  to  collect  his  scattered  troops  and  to  prepare  for 
a new  campaign. 

Among  the  crowd  of  civilians  who  set  forth  from  Cuautla, 
the  slaughter  was  hideous;  men,  women,  and  children  being 
butchered  without  regard  to  age,  sex,  or  condition,  and  their 
corpses  strewn  for  leagues  along  the  road.  Of  the  dire  ven- 
geance with  which  Calleja  visited  the  defenceless  people  of  this 
city  no  further  details  need  be  given.  Let  a veil  be  drawn 
over  one  of  the  most  dastardly  deeds  of  the  revolutionary  war, 
of  which,  even  ten  years  afterward,  royalist  officers  could  not 
speak  without  a blush  of  shame. 

Having  destroyed  the  fortifications  of  Cuautla,  the  royalist 
commander  returned  to  the  capital,  with  his  military  reputa- 
tion impaired  and  his  troops  in  miserable  plight.  There, 
notwithstanding  his  glowing  reports,  he  became  the  laughing- 
stock of  the  populace,  all  of  whom  well  knew  that  he  had  been 
outwitted.  A few  nights  after  his  arrival  a comedy  was 
acted,  in  which  was  introduced  a soldier,  who,  on  his  return 
from  battle,  presented  his  general  with  a head-dress,  exclaim- 
ing pompously:  “ Here  is  the  turban  of  a Moor  whom  I took 
prisoner.” — “And  the  Moor  himself?” — “ 0,  unfortunately  he 
escaped!”  The  allusion  was  readily  understood,  and  the  pas- 
sage received  with  roars  of  laughter. 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


341 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 

During  the  year  1812  military  operations  resulted  more 
favorably  for  the  royalist  arms  in  the  interior  than  in  the 
eastern  and  southern  provinces,  since  in  the  former  the  revo- 
lutionist forces  were  divided  into  numerous  bands,  which 
seldom  acted  in  concert,  and  while  obstructing  the  public 
highways,  interrupting  traffic,  and  living  by  plunder,  rarely 
attempted  the  capture  of  fortified  towns,  or  confronted  the 
foe  in  the  open  field.  Toward  the  end  of  May,  Orizaba  was 
captured  by  the  insurgents,  but  retaken  a few  days  later  by 
Llano’s  command;  and  in  several  minor  engagements  their 
forces  were  defeated,  though  elsewhere  in  the  province  of  Vera 
Cruz,  and  also  in  Puebla,  they  were  more  successful.  In 
Oajaca,  Trujano,  besieged  at  Huajuapan  by  1,000  of  the 
enemy  well  supplied  with  artillery  and  ammunition,  was  re- 
lieved by  Morelos,  after  a protracted  defence.  The  royalists 
here  suffered  defeat,  with  the  loss  of  half  their  men  and  all 
their  cannon  and  baggage. 

With  3,600  troops,  including  the  garrison  of  Huajuapan, 
Morelos  then  marched  on  Tehuacan,  where,  on  the  10th  of 
August,  he  established  his  headquarters,  and  whence  he  could 
send  forth  expeditions  against  Oajaca,  Orizaba,  and  Vera 
Cruz,  without  losing  sight  of  Mexico.  From  this  point  also, 
being  well  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  he  could 
best  support  his  cause  in  those  provinces  which  had  repeat- 
edly shown  a disposition  to  throw  off  the  Spanish  yoke. 
Moreover,  in  the  event  of  a large  force  being  sent  against  him, 
a road  lay  open  to  the  interior. 

The  comandante  of  Oajaca,  fearing  that  Morelos’  objective 
point  would  be  the  capital  of  that  province,  appealed  to  the 
viceroy  for  re-enforcements.  But  Venegas  had  all  that  he 


342 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


could  attend  to  attend  to  at  home;  meanwhile  Puebla,  Ori- 
zaba, and  the  road  to  Vera  Cruz  were  also  threatened,  and  it 
was  in  the  power  of  the  insurgents  to  intercept  the  trains  laden 


[oAUchln&ngo 


TLAXCAI 


14opaduc&n 


S.Ju«no\^ 

VERA  CRUZ' 


')  Cbolula  / PUEBLA 


AQixco 


Toc*U 


Chautla 


OjUUn0 

>v 


ChIU 


oHuajuapaa 


Campaigns  in  Puebla  and  Veka  Cruz. 


with  tobacco  and  other  merchandise,  then  the  only  means  of 
raising  money. 

It  was  indeed  a time  of  tribulation  for  the  viceroy.  More- 
los’ daring  and  energetic  efforts  were  again  being  partially 
crowned  with  success,  and  there  were  no  funds  wherewith  to 
pay  the  royalist  troops  or  keep  them  together.  The  revenue 
from  custom  dues  was  inconsiderable;  the  treasures  of  private 
individuals  had  been  wellnigh  exhausted;  the  church  had 
contributed  largely  of  its  substance,  and  other  sources  of  in- 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


343 


come  were  entirely  insufficient.  Venegas  must  have  money; 
not  in  driblets,  but  in  large  amounts,  and  at  once.  He  there- 
fore called  a meeting  of  officials  and  merchants,  and  as  all 
other  means  were  rejected, — among  them  being  propositions  to 
reduce  the  salaries  of  the  former,  and  to  levy  a tax  on  staple 
commodities, — he  was  compelled  to  resort  to  the  old  expedient 
of  a forced  loan.  Here  was  further  ground  for  dissatisfaction; 
and  to  counteract  the  ill  feeling,  several  measures  were  passed, 
one  of  them  allowing  to  persons  of  African  descent  admission 
into  the  universities  and  religious  organizations,  and  another, 
substituting  the  garrote  for  hanging,  the  latter  being  a “spec- 
tacle repugnant  te  humanity  and  to  the  generous  character  of 
the  Spanish  nation,” — a refreshing  sentiment  truly,  in  these 
days  of  wholesale  slaughter  and  spoliation 

Thus  the  cause  of  the  royalists  was  not  improving  in  Mexico. 
True,  the  revolution  now  possessed  only  one  powerful  leader, 
and  only  one  small  army;  but  in  scattered  troops  they  over- 
ran almost  the  entire  country.  The  highways  of  commerce 
were  infested  with  guerillas,  and  in  every  district  some  chief- 
tain had  become  notorious.  If  the  forces  of  the  revolutionists 
had  been  united,  the  reverses  which  they  had  already  sus- 
tained might  have  ended  the  rebellion;  hut  as  matters  now 
stood,  royalist  victories  served  only  to  multiply  insurgent 
bands,  and  to  extend  the  seat  of  war  over  a yet  broader  area. 

Leaving  Tehuacan  on  the  13th  of  October,  on  the  29tli 
Morelos  captured  Orizaba  with  but  slight  resistance,  and 
toward  the  end  of  November  we  find  him  encamped  before 
Oajaca  with  5,000  men  and  40  pieces  of  artillery.  The  gar- 
rison consisted  of  about  2,000  royalists,  and  the  place  was 
protected  by  several  batteries,  and  well  supplied  with  ammuni- 
tion. 

After  demanding  the  surrender  of  the  city  within  three 
hours,  and  receiving  no  answer,  Morelos  made  his  dispositions 
for  the  attack.  Separating  his  forces  into  six  divisions,  he 
placed  one  of  them  in  charge  of  Ramon  Sesma,  with  orders  to 
carry  the  fortifications  in  the  convent  of  La  Soledad,  which 


344 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


commanded  the  town;  while  a second,  under  Matamoros  and 
Galeana,  forced  an  entrance  by  way  of  the  suburb  of  Mar- 
quesado.  Of  tbe  remaining  divisions,  two  cut  off  the  retreat 


Gorita  do 
Tepeoc* 


Jfontoj 


if  r 

m v 

1 Jalatlaco\ 


Sv:r  • 

.•  „ J J 

□ JrJ  J-J  J J3s.l  J'JLJLllQ 

- J Jll  !d J JJ-JJ'JULJ, 

X^carBaoBB 


GaritnlMontt 


<nHiaBiifflffloaiaaua9ap 

■.'“•■TiaGaiaQaaaaBHHiiaa 
jaaBDaaaaaaaiHa 
, wLJgaaBBaauuQKacja 

10IDG‘UBDSa[^EID 
,3  iQBEaaai  1 y.  J 
/^gv^aauajU  o -ft 
7 ;^5v~1E«bb0 


Can  d Ian  i 


La  SaiiRT© 
de  Cristo  • 


Plan  of  Oajaca. 


1.  Cathedral. 

2.  Santo  Domingo  Convent 

3.  Palace. 

4.  Plaza. 


5.  El  Instituto  College. 

6.  Mint 

7.  Town  Hall. 

8.  Monte  Alban  Kuins. 


of  the  garrison  by  the  road  to  Guatemala,  one  guarded  the 
baggage  and  protected  the  rear,  and  one  was  held  in  reserve. 
The  .attack  succeeded  at  every  point,  and  in  two  hours  the 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


345 


city  was  in  possession  of  the  revolutionists.  Then  followed 
the  pillage  of  the  houses  and  shops  of  the  Spaniards,  an  order 
being  issued  for  the  surrender  of  all  effects  that  had  been  con- 
cealed. Five  hundred  prisoners  were  captured,  and  among 
them  was  a lieutenant-general  who  had  attempted  to  escape  in 
disguise  by  the  Guatemala  road.  On  being  conducted  to  the 
building  set  apart  for  ordinary  criminals,  he  begged  Morelos 
to  treat  him  as  befitted  his  rank,  offering  $40,000  for  his  free- 


Provinck  of  Oajaca. 


dom,  and  for  permission  to  embark  for  Spain.  His  proposition 
was  declined,  and  a few  days  later  he  was  executed  in  com- 
pany with  the  notorious  royalist  Regules  Villasante,  at  the 
spot  where,  early  in  the  revolution,  two  of  Hidalgo’s  messengers 
had  been  put  to  death.  Four  others  suffered  capital  punish- 
ment, and  the  lives  of  the  remainder  were  spared;  but  not- 
withstanding this  and  other  acts  of  forbearance,  Morelos,  like 
Hidalgo,  has  been  charged  with  cruelty.  It  must  be  remem- 
bered, however,  that  this  was  a war  in  which  quarter  was  sel- 


346 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


<lom  given;  and  with  far  greater  strictness  than  the  insurgents 
did  the  royalists  award  the  penalty  of  death  to  all  revolution- 
ary leaders  who  fell  into  their  hands.  If  the  situation  at 
Oajaca  had  been  reversed,  we  may  be  assured  that  Morelos 
and  his  leading  officers  would  have  speedily  met  with  the  fate 
which  overtook  Hidalgo,  Allende,  and  Jimenez. 

With  a view  to  making  himself  master  of  all  the  rich  prov- 
ince of  Oajaca,  and  of  the  portion  of  Puebla  bordering  on  it, 
Morelos  now  resolved  to  destroy  a number  of  small  royalist 
garrisons,  whose  centre  was  the  town  of  Jamiltepec.  This 
accomplished,  he  soon  afterward  resolved  to  lay  siege  to  the 
seaport  of  Acapulco,  where  alone,  in  southern  Mexico,  there 
remained  any  considerable  force  of  royalists.  All  these  advan- 
tages had  been  gained  by  his  foresight  in  making  Tehuacan 
the  base  of  operations,  and  also  through  the  blunders  of  the 
viceroy  and  his  generals,  in  leaving  uncovered  many  points  of 
defence. 

We  must  return  once  more  to  the  capital,  where  in  February 
1813  Calleja,  after  resigning  his  command  and  living  for  a 
time  in  retirement,  was  appointed  viceroy  of  Mexico.  This 
change  was  due  in  part  to  the  representations  made  to  the  gov- 
ernment by  the  merchants  of  Cadiz,  who  ascribed  the  progress 
of  the  rebellion  mainly  to  the  inefficient  measures  of  Venegas. 
Moreover,  the  latter  had  now  become  extremely  unpopular 
among  all  classes  of  the  people.  The  insurgents  of  course 
hated  him  because  he  had  prevented  the  consummation  of 
their  designs;  the  clergy  disliked  him  because  he  had  cur- 
tailed their  privileges;  and  the  royalists  found  fault  with  him 
for  his  lenience  toward  the  rebels,  to  which,  together  with  the 
absence  of  a well-conceived  plan  of  military  operations,  they 
attributed  the  recent  advantages  gained  by  the  revolutionists. 

The  news  of  Calleja;s  promotion  was  not  received  in  the 
capital  with  feelings  of  unmixed  delight.  Nevertheless,  he  was 
acknowledged  as  the  foremost  soldier  in  Mexico,  and  his  ap- 
pointment did  not  fail  to  inspire  the  army  with  confidence  and 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


347 


the  insurgents  with  misgiving,  though,  among  the  people  at 
large,  he  was  regarded  at  best  with  indifference. 

Among  his  first  acts  was  a proclamation,  wherein  he  stated 
that  in  order  to  levy  troops  and  lead  them  to  battle,  he  must 
he  supplied  with  funds,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  a little 
temporary  sacrifice  on  the  part  of  his  subjects  would  secure 
the  restoration  of  peace  and  prosperity.  This  appeal  for  money 
caused  no  little  apprehension,  for  Callcja  was  known  to  be  as 
unscrupulous  in  levying  contributions  as  he  was  lavish  of  ex- 
pense. There  was  now  a debt  of  more  than  $30,000,000,  and  a 
monthly  deficit  of  some  $260,000,  the  best  sources  of  revenue 
being  already  hypothecated  for  the  repayment  of  temporary 
loans.  The  first  measure,  declared  the  viceroy,  must  be  to 
liberate  commerce,  mining,  and  other  industries  from  the  con- 
trol of  the  rebels;  and  as  the  merchants  would  receive  the 
principal  benefit,  he  appealed  to  them  for  a loan  of  $1,500,- 
000.  Although  the  demand  was  not  fully  complied  with,  the 
response  was  sufficiently  prompt  to  reveal  the  confidence  re- 
posed in  Calleja,  together  with  the  wholesome  fear  evoked 
by  his  discouraging  revelation  as  to  the  actual  condition  of 
affairs. 

In  truth,  the  royalists  were  under  a cloud.  “ The  govern- 
ment,” writes  Calleja,  “could  barely  claim  anything  else  than 
the  capitals  of  the  provinces,  and  even  of  these,  Oajaca,  per- 
haps the  richest,  was  absolutely  lost.”  At  this  date  Morelos 
controlled  all  the  southern  portions  of  Vera  Cruz  and  Puebla, 
together  with  the  present  states  of  Oajaca  and  Guerrero,  with 
the  exception  of  Acapulco,  which  was  even  then  about  to  fall. 
North  of  Jalapa,  Vera  Cruz  was  overrun  by  insurgent  bands, 
whose  strongholds  lay  within  the  Sierra  Madre,  extending 
thence  to  the  gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  southern  line  of  Tamau- 
lipas.  Prominent  among  their  leaders  was  Villagran,  who 
had  assumed  the  pompous  title  of  Julian  I.,  emperor  of  Huas- 
teca.  Farther  inland,  his  son  Chito  occupied  the  districts 
centring  in  Huichapan,  while  in  northern  Puebla,  Osorno 
controlled  the  regions  south  and  east  as  far  as  the  shores  of 


348 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  gulf,  with  his  headquarters  at  Zacatlan,  where  were  sev- 
eral large  establishments  for  the  manufacture  of  arms  and 
ammunition.  From  his  retreat  at  Tlalpujahua,  Ignacio  Rayon 
commanded  the  region  between  Zitacuaro  and  Toluca,  and 
thence  northward,  while  his  brother  Ramon  obstructed  traffic 


Districts  Occupied  by  the  Revolutionists. 


Extentof  the  revolution  in  New  Spain  in  the  springof  1813;  the  dark  shading  in- 
dicates the  territory  absolutely  under  control  of  the  insurgents;  the  lighter  shading 
the  ground  overrun  or  raided  by  them,  but  where  royalists  held  the  chief  towns. 

on  the  high  road  to  Queretaro,  and  others  spread  alarm  in  the 
valley  of  Mexico,  threatening  even  the  capital.  The  coast 
districts  of  Michoacan  also  adhered  to  Rayon,  while  in  Guana- 
juato most  of  the  larger  towns  had  declared  for  the  revolu- 
tionists. 

Tims  matters  stood  in  the  spring  of  1813,  the  remoteness  of 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


349 


Rayon’s  command  from  the  capital  and  the  approach  of  the 
rainy  season  preventing  all  military  operations,  other  than 
were  needed  for  the  release  of  the  central  provinces  from  the 
insurgent  bands  which  obstructed  communication  with  the 
mines,  cut  off  supplies,  and  intercepted  the  government  trains 
laden  with  merchandise  and  treasure.  At  Salvatierra,  Rayon 
was  defeated  by  Iturbide,  who  for  this  exploit  was  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  colonel,  and  appointed  comandante  of  Guana- 
juato. At  Puruandiro  the  insurgent  leaders  Liceaga  and 
Verdusco  also  suffered  defeat,  the  latter  escaping  on  an  un- 
saddled horse,  with  the  loss  of  his  uniform  and  baton.  The 
fortress  of  Cerro  del  Gallo,  defended  by  Ramon  Rayon,  was 
captured  by  the  royalist  general  Castillo.  At  Zimapan,  in 
the  centre  of  a rich  silver  region,  the  elder  Villagran  still  held 
out,  disposing  of  the  persons  and  property  of  the  inhabitants 
very  much  as  he  pleased,  and  founding  cannon  and  coining 
money  wherewith  to  make  further  conquests. 

The  task  of  humbling  this  pretender  was  intrusted  to  Colonel 
Ordonez,  with  Pedro  Monsalve  second  in  command.  On  the 
3d  of  May,  Monsalve  presented  himself  before  Huichapan, 
where  Chito  Villagran  rejected  all  overtures  of  peace,  confident 
that  he  could  hold  the  place  until  re-enforcements  should 
arrive.  Defeated  with  heavy  loss,  he  was  captured,  while  head- 
ing his  followers  in  panic  flight.  Though  pardon  was  offered 
both  to  father  and  son  in  case  of  submission,  Villagran  the 
elder  would  not  consent  to  such  humiliation.  “Die  with 
dignity,”  was  his  message  to  Chito;  whereupon  the  latter  was 
shot  in  front  of  his  palace,  and  his  head  impaled  on  the  walls 
of  the  town. 

After  due  preparation,  the  royalists  set  forth  toward  Zimapan 
under  command  of  Ordonez,  and  found  the  place  evacuated, 
for  Villagran  had  retired  to  a neighboring  height,  on  which 
were  mounted  30  pieces  of  artillery.  At  the  approach  of  the 
royalists,  however,  the  insurgents  fled,  almost  without  resist- 
ance, and  soon  afterward  the  self-styled  emperor  was  captured 
and  shot,  his  head  being  impaled  on  the  walls  of  Huichapan, 
close  to  that  of  his  son 


350 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


The  main  reliance  of  the  insurgents  in  this  quarter  was  now 
on  Osorno,  against  whom  Calleja  directed  his  opening  cam- 
paign. This  chieftain  occupied  the  territory  south-east  of 


Zimapan  and  Huichapan,  and  was  recognized  as  leader  by  a 
number  of  scattered  revolutionary  bands.  Though  held  in 
great  esteem  by  his  followers,  he  was  wanting  in  power  of 
organization,  and  was  little  acquainted  with  military  tactics. 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


351 


In  January  1813  a detachment  was  ordered  to  march  on 
Zacatlan  in  the  hope  of  surprising  the  town,  which  was  ill 
prepared  for  defence;  but  an  intercepted  despatch  gave  warn- 
ing to  the  revolutionists,  and  they  resolved  to  anticipate  the 
movement.  Appearing  before  the  enemy’s  camp,  they  were 
attacked  by  the  royalists,  and  fell  back  as  if  in  retreat;  but 
no  sooner  had  the  pursuing  cavalry  been  separated  from  the 
main  body  than  they  turned  upon  them  and  put  them  to  rout. 
With  a little  exertion  on  the  part  of  Osorno  the  infantry  might 
have  been  captured  or  cut  to  pieces;  but  he  was  satisfied  with 
his  victory,  and  allowed  the  foe  to  escape. 

In  April  the  insurgents  took  the  offensive,  advancing  against 
the  town  of  Zacapoaxtla,  about  2,000  strong.  Here  at  first 
some  advantage  was  gained;  but  the  death  of  a favorite  officer 
wrought  confusion  in  their  ranks,  and  their  opponents,  seizing 
the  opportunity,  routed  them  with  the  loss  of  their  siege  artil- 
lery. Thereupon  Osorno  retreated  to  Zacatlan,  but  abandon- 
ing that  stronghold,  and  retreating  to  a safe  distance  on 
the  approach  of  the  royalists,  resumed  his  raids  southward 
and  into  the  valley  of  Mexico,  as  soon  as  the  town  was  evacu- 
ated. Resolved  to  take  vengeance  on  the  rebels,  Calleja 
ordered  a considerable  force  to  reoccupy  Zacatlan.  This  was 
accomplished  almost  without  a struggle,  and  the  fortifications 
destroyed,  Osorno  being  attacked  a few  days  later  in  a strong 
position  at  Las  Mesas,  but  without  decisive  result.  After  hold- 
ing his  ground  for  several  hours,  he  retreated  in  good  order 
toward  Tlasco,  and  thence  to  Apam,  where  he  still  remained 
master  of  the  situation,  and  where  for  the  present  we  will  leave 
him. 

In  Nueva  Galicia,  the  only  event  of  the  campaign  worthy  of 
note  is  the  siege  of  the  Mescala  rock,  a few  miles  from  the 
northern  shore  of  Lake  Chapala.  There  a number  of  Indians, 
aroused  by  the  continued  exactions  of  General  Cruz,  had  taken 
refuge  under  the  revolutionary  banner;  and  feeling  secure  in 
their  retreat,  they  made  raids  on  the  neighboring  settlements, 
keeping  them  in  constant  alarm.  The  attack  was  made  in 


352 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


June  by  the  royalist  leader  Negrete,  at  the  head  of  500  men, 
a number  of  large  boats  being  lashed  together  to  bear  the 
weight  of  the  cannon.  But  the  unwieldy  vessels  of  the  assail- 
ants presented  an  easy  target  to  the  Indians,  who  showered 
missiles  on  them  from  the  rock  and  from  their  light,  swift 


canoes,  forcing  them  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of  two  boat-loads 
of  artillery  and  ammunition.  The  operations  of  the  royalists 
were  then  restricted  to  a defence  of  the  shore  line  and  a par- 
tial blockade  of  the  enemy’s  stronghold. 

While  these  affairs  were  in  progress,  Morelos  had  already 
laid  siege  to  Acapulo.  In  April  1813  he  encamped  before  the 
city  with  1,500  men,  leaving  a garrison  of  1,000  in  Oajaca,  and 
stationing  a force  of  1,500  at  Yanhuitlan  to  hold  possession  of 
the  surrounding  district.  The  place  was  captured  with  little 
difficulty,  though  defended  by  strong  batteries,  and  by  the 
vessels  of  war  within  the  harbor,  while  the  besiegers  had  but 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  T1IE  WAR. 


353 


few  cannon,  and  those  of  light  calibre.  . With  the  garrison 
were  surrendered  80  pieces  of  artillery,  and  a considerable 
quantity  of  small  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions.  Yet 
from  this  success,  brilliant  though  it  was,  may  be  traced  the 
beginning  of  Morelos’  downfall.  The  time  needed  for  the 
operations  against  Acapulco  had  allowed  Calleja  seven  months 
for  his  own  operations,  enabling  him  to  carry  out  his  plans 
with  little  opposition, — to  destroy  the  most  dreaded  of  the 
revolutionary  chieftains  in  the  north,  and  then  to  turn  his 
entire  force  against  those  in  the  southern  provinces.  The 
capture  of  a single  seaport  was  no  compensation  for  these  dis- 
asters. In  truth,  Morelos  was  at  this  juncture  somewhat  over- 
confident, believing  that  he  would  soon  make  himself  master 
of  the  capital,  when  the  fall  of  Vera  Cruz  and  other  royalist 
cities  would  speedily  follow. 

At  this  date,  the  discord  in  the  governing  council,  or  as  it 
was  termed  supreme  junta  of  the  revolutionists,  materially 
aided  the  plans  of  Calleja,  though  also  of  service  to  Morelos, 
who,  flushed  with  success,  began  to  aspire  to  the  political 
leadership  of  his  party.  While  one  member  of  the  council 
sought  to  disqualify  another,  all  of  them,  discouraged  by  their 
reverses,  appealed  for  support  to  Morelos,  who  had  hitherto  been 
practically  ignored.  The  latter  saw  his  opportunity,  and  re- 
solved to  direct  the  current  of  events  so  as  to  further  his  own 
designs.  To  this  end,  he  proposed  that  the  members  should 
meet  at  some  rendezvous  within  the  territory  controlled  by 
himself,  where,  unmolested,  they  might  discuss  and  determine 
the  questions  in  dispute.  The  time  selected  was  September 
1813,  and  the  place  the  town  of  Chilpancingo,  in  the  modern 
state  of  Guerrero. 

As  the  result  of  this  measure,  the  supreme  junta  was  re- 
placed by  a representative  congress,  before  which  Morelos  de- 
livered the  opening  speech.  Its  first  act  was  to  confirm  his 
appointment  as  generalissimo,  already  sanctioned  by  the  army 
with  tumultuous  acclaim,  this  office  including  in  its  functions 
the  executive  power  and  remaining  in  the  hands  of  its  pos- 
23 


354 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


sessor  so  long  as  he  displayed  fitness  for  his  duties.  The 
judicial  authority  was  vested  for  the  moment  in  existing 
tribunals,  at  the  head  of  which  was  the  congress  itself ; but 
at  an  early  day  a meeting  of  advocates  was  to  be  called  for 
the  purpose  of  electing  judges  for  a supreme  court. 

The  regulations  issued  by  Morelos  for  the  guidance  of  the 
congress  formed  practically  a constitution,  wherein  he  had 
framed  everything  to  suit  his  own  designs,  constituting  him- 
self actual  ruler  in  all  provinces  where  his  arms  had  been 
victorious,  and  sustaining  his  control  by  making  appoint- 
ments at  will.  Although  crude  and  incomplete,  this  consti- 
tution served  the  purposes  of  its  projector,  and  its  provisions 


Seal  of  Congress. 


are  not  to  be  hastily  condemned,  when  we  consider  that  he 
far  overshadowed  all  other  leaders  in  military  success.  At 
least,  it  cannot  be  said  that  he  abused  the  trusts  which  he 
had  outlined,  maintaining  as  he  did,  an  assembly  that  could 
have  been  easily  dissolved,  under  the  plausible  excuse  that 
the  cause  of  the  revolution  demanded  the  concentration  of 
power  in  a single  hand. 

On  the  2d  of  November  Ignacio  Rayon  arrived  at  Chilpan- 
cingo,  and  Bustamante,  Verdusco,  Liceaga,  Murguia,  Herrera, 
and  other  leading  revolutionists  being  present,  the  session  was 
opened  for  regular  business.  Its  first  measure  was  the  famous 
declaration  of  independence  on  November  Gth,  wherein  Mexico 


FURTHER  PROGRESS  OF  THE  WAR. 


355 

was  forever  declared  free  of  Spanish  control,  with  liberty  to 
work  out  its  own  destinies,  and  with  the  Roman  Catholic  re- 
ligion for  its  spiritual  guidance.  In  vain  did  Rayon  oppose 
this  radical  proposition  as  dangerous  and  unnecessary.  Ad- 
mitting that  to  retaim  even  a nominal  allegiance  to  the  sov- 
ereign was  a mere  pretence,  still  he  urged  it  was  one  which 
would  gain  a large  and  valuable  support,  especially  among 
the  Indians,  who  were  accustomed  to  reverence  and  bend  to 
royalty.  Ilis  views  were  supported  by  Bustamante  and  others; 
but  nevertheless  Morelos  carried  his  point,  and  the  revolution- 
ists declared  themselves  no  longer  subjects  of  the  king  of  Spain. 

In  consonance  with  this  proclamation  of  independence,  the 
decrees  already  issued  by  Morelos  were  confirmed,  whereby 
all  distinctions  of  race  or  caste  were  merged  in  the  one  broad 
appellation  of  Americans;  slavery  was  abolished;  the  collection 
of  tribute  was  pronounced  unlawful;  and  the  offices  of  church 
and  state  were  declared  open  to  all  classes.  Debts  due  to  Eu- 
ropeans were  cancelled,  in  virtue  of  the  authority  of  the  nation 
to  confiscate  the  property  of  its  opponents,  and  taxes  were  re- 
stricted practically  to  those  derived  from  excise  and  from  tithes 
and  parochial  dues,  to  which  Indians  were  subject  in  common 
with  all  others.  Finally,  it  was  proposed  to  enlist  for  the  sup- 
port of  the  revolutionary  cause  half  the  available  population 
of  every  town,  and  to  arm  them  with  the  best  weapons  that 
could  be  procured.  Though  some  of  these  measures  were  not 
out  of  keeping,  it  will  be  observed  that  others  savored  very 
strongly  of  communistic  tendencies. 


356 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

DOWNFALL  AND  DEATH  OF  MORELOS. 

To  regain  possession  of  Valladolid  had  long  been  a favorite 
project  of  Morelos,  not  only  on  account  of  its  wealth  and  cen- 
tral position,  but  also  because  of  the  revolutionary  tendencies 
of  the  surrounding  population.  Emboldened  by  success  on 
battle-field  and  in  council-ball,  he  now  proposed  to  remedy 
the  mistakes  and  avenge  the  humiliation  of  his  colleagues. 
Deliverance  was  to  come  from  the  south;  and  the  first  step  was 
to  recover  the  much  disputed  capital  of  Michoacan,  there  to 
install  the  new-born  congress  and  affirm  its  dignity,  while  mak- 
ing this  city  the  starting-point  for  the  operations  henceforth  to 
he  directed  against  the  central  provinces.  Although  the  place 
was  hut  slenderly  fortified,  aid  could  easily  reach  it,  and  the 
generalissimo  now  mustered  all  his  forces,  summoning  from 
Vera  Cruz  and  Puebla,  Nicholas  Bravo  and  Matamoros,  whose 
well-disciplined  troops  formed  the  nucleus  of  his  army,  to 
which  were  added  the  guerilla  bands  of  Michoacan,  including 
those  of  Ramon  Rayon. 

Without  disclosing  his  purpose,  except  to  a few  intimate 
friends,  he  set  forth  from  Chilpancingo  on  the  7th  of  Novem- 
ber, 1813,  and  on  the  22d  of  December  appeared  before  the 
gates  of  Valladolid  with  an  army  variously  estimated  at  from 
6,000  to  20,000  men,  and  with  30  pieces  of  artillery.  The 
inhabitants  were  in  despair;  for  the  garrison  mustered  less 
than  800  strong,  and  Morelos  at  once  presented  the  usual  al- 
ternative of  death  or  immediate  surrender. 

But  Calleja  had  not  been  deceived  by  the  manoeuvres  of  the 
insurgent  leader,  and  his  plans  had  been  so  skilfully  arranged 
as  to  allow  of  rapid  counter-movements  in  any  direction.  More 
than  2,000  troops,  designated  as  the  Army  of  the  North,  had 
been  concentrated  at  Acambaro,  under  General  Llano,  with 


DOWNFALL  AND  DEATH  OF  MORELOS. 


357 


Iturbide  second  in  command.  Ramon  Rayon,  attempting  to 
check  their  advance,  was  defeated,  and  after  a forced  march, 
the  royalists  came  into  position  on  the  morning  of  the  23d, 
guided  by  the  sound  of  firing,  which  had  already  commenced. 
The  assault  was  directed  mainly  against  the  Zapote  gate,  as 
the  point  most  likely  to  be  threatened  by  re-enforcements  from 
Mexico,  and  which,  after  being  captured  by  the  insurgents,  had 
been  retaken  by  the  royalists,  who  had  finally  been  driven  back 
into  the  city.  At  this  moment  Llano  and  Iturbide  attacked  the 
revolutionists  in  flank  from  different  directions,  whereupon 
the  latter  retreated  to  their  camp,  whence  they  were  routed 
with  considerable  loss.  Llano’s  forces  then  entered  the  city, 
amid  the  acclaim  of  the  people,  who,  whatever  their  proclivi- 
ties, were  always,  for  the  time,  on  the  side  of  success. 

This  disaster  was  a severe  blow  to  Morelos,  who  passed  the 
greater  part  of  the  following  day  in  deliberating  what  should 
next  be  done.  At  length  he  decided  to  place  the  command  of 
his  forces  in  the  hands  of  Matamoros,  who  drew  up  the  infan- 
try in  line  in  front  of  the  city,  posting  the  cavalry  on  the  hill 
of  Santa  Marla,  which  commanded  the  encampment.  To 
ascertain  the  meaning  of  this  demonstration,  Llano  sent  Itur- 
bide with  360  horse  to  reconnoitre.  The  latter  had  not  failed 
to  observe  the  defects  in  their  position,  and  could  not  resist 
the  temptation  to  display,  in  sight  of  his  native  city,  the 
prowess  for  which  he  had  already -become  famous.  Placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  command,  he  broke  through  the 
enemy’s  line,  routed  a body  of  cavalry  sent  to  its  support,  and 
then,  warming  to  his  work,  charged  up  the  hill  in  the  very 
face  of  the  enemy’s  most  powerful  battery.  Bewildered  at 
this  unexpected  onset,  their  ranks  broke  in  all  directions,  and 
panic  fell  upon  the  army.  It  was  already  dusk,  and  amid 
the  gathering  gloom,  friend  could  not  be  distinguished  from 
foe,  some  of  the  battalions  firing  upon  each  other  with  dis- 
astrous result. 

Meanwhile  Iturbide  had  taken  advantage  of  the  confusion 
to  force  his  way  into  the  enemy’s  camp,  and  Morelos  himself 


358 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


narrowly  escaped  death  or  capture.  On  seeing  their  com- 
mander surrounded  by  the  royalists,  protected  only  by  a few 
of  his  followers,  the  fugitives  rallied;  whereupon  the  former 
fell  back  on  Valladolid,  carrying  off  some  of  the  insurgents’ 
cannon  and  standards,  their  retreat  being  covered  by  Llano’s 
infantry. 

Though  checked  for  a moment,  the  panic  still  continued: 
for  the  revolutionists  imagined  that  Calleja’s  army  was  on 
their  flank  and  rear,  while  the  garrison  of  Valladolid  had  been 
strongly  re-enforced.  In  vain  their  officers  clung  to  the  scat- 
tered regiments,  upbraiding,  entreating  them,  and  driving 
back  the  fugitives  at  the  point  of  the  sword.  All  their  efforts 
were  useless,  and  they  were  finally  compelled  to  spike  the 
guns  and  follow  after  the  rout,  a mere  handful  of  men  remain- 
ing at  daybreak  on  the  heights  of  Santa  Maria. 

On  the  5th  of  January,  1814,  the  forces  of  Morelos,  reduced 
to  3,000,  made  a final  stand  behind  their  intrenchments  near 
the  village  of  Puruaran;  but  their  spirit  was  broken,  and  a 
few  well-directed  shots  put  them  to  flight.  During  the  retreat, 
Iturbide  again  dashed  in  upon  them  with  his  cavalry;  and 
then  followed  a general  massacre,  the  corpses  of  the  slain  being 
strewn  along  the  road  for  a distance  of  more  than  two  leagues, 
while  700  of  the  insurgents  were  captured,  among  them  being 
being  Matamoros  and  a number  of  the  foremost  captains.  An 
offer  to  set  free  200  royalist  prisoners  in  exchange  for  the  re- 
lease of  the  former  was  refused,  and  a month  later  this  favorite 
chieftain  was  shot  at  Valladolid,  meeting  his  fate  with  the 
calmness  which  he  had  ever  displayed  on  the  field  of  battle. 

The  victory  at  Valladolid  opened  to  Calleja  the  gates  of  the 
southern  provinces,  and  at  once  he  ordered  his  lieutenants  to 
set  forth  in  pursuit  of  the  scattered  bands  of  insurgents,  put- 
ting to  death  all  who  had  failed  to  submit.  Even  Chimpan- 
cingo  was  threatened  by  the  royalists,  under  Armijo,  and  when 
news  arrived  of  Morelos’  defeat,  the  congress  took  into  its 
own  hands  the  control  of  affairs,  seeking  refuge  at  Tlacotepec, 
where,  at  the  end  of  January,  its  sessions  were  renewed.  Here 


DOWNFALL  AND  DEATH  OF  MORELOS. 


359 


soon  afterward  Morelos  arrived  with  the  remnant  of  his  forces, 
mustering  about  1,000  men,  and  humbled  by  his  reverses, 
readily  surrendered  the  executive  power.  Though  confirmed 
in  his  rank  as  generalissimo,  he  was  not  intrusted  with  the 
control  of  his  troops,  and  henceforth  was  no  longer  in  harmony 
with  his  colleagues. 

But  further  disasters  were  yet  in  store  for  the  revolutionists. 
A body  of  1,500  recruits  which  attempted  to  check  Armijo’s 
advance  was  scattered  almost  without  firing  a shot,  and  the 
congress  at  Tlacatopec  narrowly  escaped  surprise,  the  mem- 
bers taking  to  flight  with  the  loss  of  all  their  effects,  including 
the  seal  and  archives.  Marching  on  Acapulco,  Armijo  found 
the  city  abandoned  and  in  flames,  the  loss  thus  caused  to  the 
inhabitants  and  to  the  merchants  of  Mexico  being  immense, 
for  this  was  now  the  wealthiest  city  on  the  Pacific  coast  of 
North  America.  Near  by  the  insurgent  Galeana  was  driven 
from  a strongly  fortified  position,  and  was  soon  afterward 
captured  and  shot. 

In  Oajaca  the  royalists  were  no  less  successful,  the  entire 
province  being  reconquered,  and  many  of  the  leading  insur- 
gents stooping  low  for  pardon,  only  to  rejoin  the  cause  as  soon 
as  opportunity  offered.  Vera  Cruz  and  Puebla  then  became 
the  centre  of  revolutionist  operations,  and  here  the  elder 
Rayon  and  other  chieftains  still  held  out;  but  their  campaigns 
had  been  reduced  to  mere  raids,  and  often  the  leaders  were 
arrayed  against  each  other,  intent  only  on  plunder,  in  pursuit 
of  which  they  would  draw  their  sword  on  foe  or  comrade. 

In  Guanajuato  and  around  its  borders,  Iturbide  claimed 
that  in  less  than  two  months  he  and  his  lieutenants  had 
slaughtered  some  900  of  the  revolutionists,  including  many  of 
their  captains.  It  is  somewhat  remarkable  that  in  this  fell 
destroyer,  whose  greatest  delight  was  to  hunt  down  human 
beings  as  tigers  hunt  their  prey,  we  find  the  man  who  later 
struck  the  decisive  blow  for  the  cause  of  independence,  and 
was  acknowledged  as  the  liberator  of  Mexico. 

Thus  the  revolution  had  assumed  an  aspect  very  different 


360 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


from  that  presented  when  Calleja  was  appointed  viceroy. 
His  plans  had  been  carefully  matured,  and  in  the  main  skil- 
fully executed.  The  congress  was  humbled;  Matamoros, 
Galeana,  and  the  Villagranes  were  no  more,  and  even  Morelos 
was  but  a shadow  of  his  former  self.  Oajaca  and  Tecpan  — 
the  modern  Guerrero  — were  at  his  feet;  in  the  north  there  was 
little  disturbance,  and  in  the  central  provinces  all  that  seemed 
necessary  was  to  keep  watch  on  a few  isolated  hands  in  their 
mountain  fastnesses.  Nevertheless  the  insurgents  were  still 
sufficiently  numerous  to  cause  serious  annoyance,  especially 


Mount  C6poro. 


to  the  trade  and  industries  of  Mexico;  and  in  August  1814, 
the  viceroy,  unable  to  hold  them  in  check,  appealed  to  the 
home  government  for  a re-enforcement  of  8,000  men. 

Amid  the  series  of  reverses  sustained  by  the  revolutionist 
leaders  in  Michoacan,  Ramon  Rayon  alone  was  in  a position 
to  offer  organized  resistance.  At  the  head  of  650  men,  he  had 
selected  a retreat  of  great  natural  strength  on  the  Cdporo  hill, 
north  of  Zitacuaro,  accessible  only  on  one  side,  which  was 
protected  by  three  batteries,  mounted  with  34  guns,  in  front 
being  a wide  moat,  surmounted  with  a stockade.  Toward 
the  end  of  January  1815,  Tdano  and  Iturbide,  in  command  of 


DOWNFALL  AND  DEATH  OF  MORELOS. 


361 


3,000  royalists,  laid  siege  to  this  stronghold.  For  more  than  a 
month  no  impression  was  made,  though  trenches  were  pushed 
forward  to  within  a few  hundred  feet  of  the  insurgent  lines. 
An  attempt  to  carry  the  position  by  assault,  the  storming 
party  being  led  by  Iturbide,  was  defeated,  and  the  victor  of 
Valladolid  retired,  as  he  relates,  from  the  scene  of  his  first 
repulse  “ with  the  fortunate  result  of  saving  four  fifths  of  his 
men.” 

Meanwhile,  after  being  driven  from  Chimpancingo  and  Tla- 
cotepec,  the  members  of  the  revolutionary  congress  had  taken 
refuge  in  a small  town  near  the  western  border  of  Michoacan, 
and  thence  proposed  to  remove  to  Tehuacan,  amid  the  foot- 
hills of  the  mountain  range  that  separates  Puebla  from  Vera 
Cruz.  Here  they  might  find  at  least  a more  stable  abode,  and 
recover  some  portion  of  the  dignity  and  influence  denied  them 
while  flitting  as  a fugitive  body  amid  neighboring  haciendas, 
with  scanty  means  and  ragged  retinue.  As  Morelos  was  best 
acquainted  with  the  region  -which  intervened,  and  held  the 
most  influence  over  its  inhabitants,  he  was  intrusted  with  the 
command  of  the  escort,  amounting  with  re-enforcements  from 
Nicolas  Bravo  and  others  to  about  1,000  men,  of  whom  per- 
haps one  half  were  supplied  with  fire-arms. 

Calleja  had  been  informed  as  to  this  movement,  and  though 
at  first  baffled  by  the  feints  of  Morelos,  had  ascertained  to 
some  extent  the  line  of  the  enemy’s  route.  Near  Tezmalaca, 
in  eastern  Guerrero,  the  revolutionists  were  suddenly  con- 
fronted with  a force  of  600  royalists,  and  after  a feeble  resist- 
ance a portion  of  the  escort  was  put  to  flight.  Seeing  that  all 
was  lost,  the  generalissimo  exclaimed  in  the  hearing  of  Bravo, 
who  still  held  his  ground  on  the  insurgent  left,  “Go,  protect 
the  congress;  it  matters  not  what  becomes  of  me.”  After 
vainly  attempting  to  rally  his  men,  he  bade  those  around 
him  escape  as  best  they  could,  and  with  a single  attend- 
ant reached  the  base  of  a neighboring  bill,  where  he  dis- 
mounted, purposing  to  climb  on  foot.  At  this  moment  a 


362 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


squadron  of  horse  came  up,  led  by  Lieutenant  Carranco,  who 
had  formerly  served  under  Morelos.  “Surrender!”  cried  the 
lieutenant,  as  he  waved  his  sword  behind  the  levelled  carbines 
of  his  troopers.  Resistance  was  useless,  and  quietly  removing 
from  his  lips  the  cigar  which  he  had  been  smoking,  Morelos 
replied:  “ Senor  Carranco,  it  would  seem  that  we  know  each 
other.” 

On  his  way  to  Mexico  the  captive  chieftain  was  annoyed  no 
less  by  the  impertinent  questions  of  the  royalist  oflicers  than 
by  the  dull  gaze  of  the  vacant-minded  mob  which  lined  the 
thoroughfares  of  every  town  and  village.  Asked  by  one  of  the 
former  what  he  would  have  done  if  the  capture  had  been  re- 
versed, he  curtly  replied:  “ I would  have  given  you  two  hours 
for  confession  and  then  have  shot  you.”  To  a woman  who 
grossly  insulted  him,  he  mildly  answered:  “Is  there  nothing 
that  you  can  find  to  do  at  home?” 

At  his  trial,  Morelos  pleaded  that  there  was  no  recognized 
monarch  of  Spain  during  the  earlier  portion  of  the  war,  the 
restoration  of  Ferdinand  VII.  being  due  to  a compact  with 
Napoleon.  The  decrees  of  the  church  had  no  weight  among 
an  independent  people  unless  sanctioned  by  the  Vatican. 
Slaughter  and  pillage  were  among  the  necessary  evils  of  war, 
and  the  execution  of  royalist  oflicers  was  merely  a reprisal 
justified  by  circumstances.  The  defence  of  his  counsel  covered 
almost  the  same  ground.  Morelos  had  made  war,  not  against 
Spain,  but  against  the  cortes,  and  as  that  body  had  been  de- 
clared illegal  and  its  acts  annulled,  the  accused  stood  absolved, 
if  not  justified. 

The  church  then  took  the  prisoner  in  hand.  Intent  on 
branding  the  insurrection,  the  inquisition  condemned  its  re- 
puted leader  as  a heretic,  who  had  profaned  the  sacraments, 
neglected  religious  duties,  ignored  all  ecclesiastical  author- 
ity, and  led  an  immoral  life.  In  partial  expiation,  he  was 
arrayed  in  penitential  robes,  in  which,  before  a vast  assembly, 
he  was  required  to  abjure  his  errors  and  perform  his  religious 
exercises.  At  the  ceremony  of  reconciliation,  the  accused 


DOWNFALL  AND  DEATH  OF  MODE  LOS. 


363 


listened  on  bended  knee  to  the  recitation  of  the  miserere,  and 
was  purified  by  the  infliction  of  blows  gently  applied;  for 
the  torture-chamber  and  the  stake  had  been  abolished,  and 
the  auto-de-fe  of  Morelos  was  the  last  imposing  spectacle  of  the 
inquisition.  The  act  of  degradation  was  performed  by  the 
bishop  of  Oajaca,  who  burst  into  tears  during  the  ceremony, 
calling  forth  the  only  sign  of  emotion  that  had  yet  been  dis- 
played by  the  penitent. 

Sentence  of  death  was  pronounced,  and  on  the  morning  of 
the  22d  of  December,  1815,  Morelos  was  conducted  to  San 
Cristobal  Ecatepec,  a village  north  of  the  lake  of  Mexico, 
where  in  former  days  the  viceroys  received  their  successors. 
His  last  prayer  uttered,  he  was  led  forth,  heavily  shackled,  to 
the  place  of  execution.  “ Kneel  ! ” said  the  officer  in  charge; 
and  calmly  the  great  leader  obeyed,  exclaiming:  “Lord,  thou 
knowest  if  I have  done  well;  if  not,  I implore  thy  infinite 
mercy.”  The  next  moment  he  fell,  shot  through  the  heart, 
and  the  Servant  of  the  Nation  was  no  more. 


/^Ia.america.^ 

* MEXICANS  '|\ 
/|EN.LAJ)IV1SI0N.^ 
| DE.LOS.TRES.SU-; 
WPREMOS  .P  ODERESJ 
^ANO.D.  1814. 


Medal  of  Apatztnoan  Congress. 


364 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX 

CLOSE  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 

Fou  his  operations  in  1815,  Calleja  had  at  his  command 
30,000  men,  of  whom  one  half  were  regulars,  and  the  remain- 
der local  militia;  and  if  to  this  number  be  added  the  armed 
citizens  in  towns,  villages,  and  haciendas,  the  royalists  could 
place  in  the  field  some  80,000  men.  Of  the  revolutionists, 
the  strongest  organized  force  was  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Tehuacan,  consisting  of  about  2,000  well  armed  and  discip- 
lined troops,  under  Manuel  Mier  y Teran.  In  Mizteca,  Guer- 
rero and  Sesma  could  muster  together  about  a thousand 
mountaineers.  In  Vera  Cruz,  Victoria  was  at  the  head  of 
about  2,000,  most  of  them  being  mounted  rancheros,  intent 
only  on  spoil  and  adventure.  In  Puebla,  Osorno  had  a sim- 
ilar force,  while  Torres  was  in  charge  of  about  800  insurgents 
in  the  lowlands  of  Guanajuato,  and  in  Michoacan  the  Rayon 
brothers  still  retained  a few  hundred  followers.  There  were 
among  the  insurgents  7,000  or  8,000  muskets,  1,000  pairs  of 
pistols,  and  about  200  cannon,  though  many  of  the  fire-arms 
were  worn  out  and  useless.  Whenever  an  expedition  was  on 
foot  that  gave  promise  of  rich  booty,  it  was  always  found  that 
the  numbers  prepared  to  join  it  were  thrice  as  many  as  could 
be  furnished  with  suitable  weapons. 

On  the  16th  of  November  the  fugitive  congress  reached 
Tehuacan,  with  but  a dilapidated  remnant  of  its  escort,  much 
to  the  disgust  of  Teran,  who  was  now  the  most  successful  of 
the  revolutionary  leaders.  Its  arbitrary  measures,  and  the  in- 
judicious appointment  of  deputies,  caused  him  serious  annoy- 
ance; and  on  being  deprived  of  the  financial  control  of  affairs, 
he  determined  to  bring  about  the  dissolution  of  this  useless 
and  cumbersome  assembly. 


CLOSE  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


365 


Of  the  several  campaigns,  if  such  they  can  be  called,  it  re- 
mains only  to  l>e  said  that  the  insurgents  were  defeated  at 
Huamantla,  near  the  city  of  Tlascala;  while  in  Oajaca  Teran 
was  more  fortunate,  both  by  land  and  sea,  the  first  naval  suc- 
cess of  the  revolutionary  war  being  gained  by  the  schooner 
Patriot , on  board  of  which  the  insurgents  boldly  hoisted  the 
Mexican  flag.  On  the  other  hand,  Osorno,  his  command  be- 
ing increased  to  1,600  strong,  was  routed  in  a series  of  engage- 
ments; and  Guerrero,  though  holding  his  ground,  failed  in  his 
attempts  to  assume  the  offensive. 

Thus  ended  in  Mexico  the  military  operations  of  Calleja, 
who,  during  the  following  year,  was  succeeded  as  viceroy  by 
Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca,  a naval  officer,  whose  ability  had 
gained  for  him  the  rank  of  admiral  in  the  royal  navy,  and 
afterward  the  appointment  of  ambassador  to  England. 

Landing  at  Vera  Cruz  in  August,  the  new  viceroy  obtained 
a practical  insight  into  the  condition  of  affairs  during  the  jour- 
ney to  the  capital,  his  party  narrowly  escaping  capture  at  the 
hands  of  Osorno.  The  former  retaliated  only  by  releasing 
the  prisoners  taken  during  the  skirmish,  and  requesting  his 
wife  and  daughters  to  tend  those  who  were  wounded.  This 
humane  proceeding,  together  with  his  kindness  toward  other* 
captives,  and  the  strict  orders  given  to  prevent  the  arbi- 
trary execution  of  insurgents,  tended  to  soothe  the  ire  of  the 
revolutionists.  In  the  capital,  however,  he  made  himself  un- 
popular by  issuing  a number  of  ridiculous  decrees,  one  of  them 
against  kite-flying,  thus  bringing  on  himself  the  contempt  of 
the  populace. 

Apodaca  followed  in  the  main  the  plan  of  operations  out- 
lined by  his  predecessor;  and  his  orders  were  executed  with 
such  prompt  obedience  that  there  was  soon  a radical  change 
in  the  condition  of  affairs.  In  January  1817,  Teran,  Osorno, 
and  other  revolutionist  chieftains  surrendered  to  the  royalists, 
and  the  leniency  extended  to  them,  coupled  with  their  persua- 
sion and  example,  enabled  Llano  to  report  from  Puebla  that 
peace  was  restored  in  that  section.  In  Vera  Cruz  the  royalist 


,‘JGG  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

arms  were  also  successful,  and  applications  for  pardon  poured 
in  from  every  quarter,  a few  scattered  bands,  one  of  them 
headed  by  Victoria,  being  all  that  remained  of  the  insurgent 
forces  on  the  gulf  coast.  In  Mizteca  and  Tecpan,the  viceroy’s 
commanders  ended  a brilliant  campaign  by  driving  back 
Guerrero  and  Nicolas  Bravo  to  tbe  lowlands  of  the  River  Zaea- 
tula,  there  to  await  an  opportunity  to  retrieve  their  fortunes. 
At  Coporo,  Ramon  Rayon  surrendered  to  Aguirre,  and  in  Nueva 
Galicia  the  rock  of  Mescala  was  captured. 

Among  those  who  resented  the  arbitrary  measures  of  Ferdi- 
nand VII.,  when  after  his  return  from  ignominious  captivity  he 
overthrew  the  constitution  and  the  cortes,  was  a young  Navar- 
rese,  by  name  Espoz  y Mina.  A student  in  the  University  of 
Zaragoza,  when  in  1808  the  French  invasion  roused  to  fury 
the  dormant  passions  of  a nation  once  recognized  as  the  first, 
military  power  in  Europe,  he  threw  aside  the  scholar’s  gown 
for  the  soldier’s  uniform,  and  while  still  almost  a beardless 
youth,  was  acknowledged  as  the  foremost  guerilla  chieftain  in 
the  peninsula.  Seeking  refuge  in  England,  after  the  failure  of 
a plot  to  depose  his  sovereign,  he  obtained  men,  money,  and 
arms  wherewith  to  fit  out  an  expedition  for  Mexico,  and  in 
May  181G  took  ship  at  Liverpool.  While  on  the  point  of  em- 
barkation, news  of  the  reverses  sustained  by  the  insurgents 
caused  him  to  change  his  course  for  the  United  States,  where 
he  purchased  or  chartered  three  other  vessels,  and  enlisted  re- 
cruits. Landing  at  Soto  la  Marina  in  Tamaulipas  about  the 
middle  of  April,  he  took  possession  of  the  town,  and  assumed 
the  title  of  General  of  the  Relief  Army  of  the  Republic  of 
Mexico.  Joined  by  200  rancheros,  he  built  there  an  adobe 
fort  for  the  protection  of  his  supplies.  Then  at  the  head  of 
300  troops  he  marched  on  the  province  of  Guanajuato,  where 
at  this  date  was  the  revolutionist  centre. 

With  the  exception  perhaps  of  the  expedition  of  Cortes,  no 
such  deed  of  daring  was  accomplished  in  Mexico  as  that  of 
Espoz  y Mina,  who  now.  at  the  head  of  a mere  handful  of 


CLOSE  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


367 


followers,  confronted  a nation  in  arms.  On  the  15th  of  June 
he  was  met,  near  San  Luis  Potosi,  by  a force  of  1,700  royalists, 
consisting  mainly  of  cavalry.  Retreat  was  impossible,  and 
leaving  a portion  of  his  command  at  a neighboring  hacienda 
in  charge  of  the  baggage.  Mina  drew  up  the  remainder  in 
square  to  resist  the  attack  of  a veteran  force  ten  times  their 
number.  After  the  first  onslaught  Mina  gave  orders  to  fall 


Xlchu. 


AQUAS  CALJENTI 


do  la  Pa?,/ 


Janunillo 


ipatitbui 


i Tollman 


^ Gara vatiUos 
.Miguel  elG  ran  da 
de  Agu* 

0 Sta.Hoaa 
i Chauittcn tro  C*. 


pjjbRY  GORDA- 


Juan  'de 

. ;Celay»»t/ 

'a lie) do  Santiago 


QUERETARO 


L*  Lancia 


r Ynnriapujf/iaroff^ 

<Yaririapundar^*C 


.Mollnordia  Caballero 


Purnrandlro 


“y'/yT' J •'  ^ckTou  ‘ i 

S.  J uan'^Gapec^j^ 


•Pateo 


S.W4ro 


Mina’s  Operations. 


back  on  the  hacienda,  his  band  being  outflanked  by  cavalry 
and  assailed  in  front  by  a column  of  infantry.  But  this 
movement  was  merely  a feint,  and  at  the  critical  moment  Mina 
led  his  men  to  the  charge.  One  blinding  volley  was  delivered, 
and  then  amid  the  smoke  appeared  the  gleam  of  bayonets  in 
serried  line.  The  royalist  infantry  fell  back  in  confusion,  and 
the  cavalry  breaking  through  their  ranks  in  panic  flight 
turned  defeat  into  total  rout. 


368 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


The  city  was  captured  without  a blow,  and  then  followed  a 
three  days’  march  across  a bare  silent  plain,  laid  desolate  by 
the  ravages  of  war.  As  the  Navarrese  leader  advanced,  his 
fame  preceded  him;  the  foe,  in  order  to  excuse  their  failure, 
declared  his  followers  to  be  demons,  and  not  men.  Near  San 
Felipe  the  royalists  were  again  defeated  with  the  loss  of  500 
men;  and  here  occurred  an  incident  which  shed  lustre  on  the 
cause  of  the  revolution.  In  exchange  for  a favorite  officer 
who  had  been  captured,  Mina  offered  200  prisoners.  lie  was 
refused;  whereupon  he  ordered  his  captives  to  be  placed  in 
front  of  the  troops,  and  said  to  them:  “Behold  the  heartless 
indifference  of  your  government.  Your  lives  are  doubly 
mine,— mine  by  victory  and  retaliation;  yet  you  are  free!  You 
may  join  my  standard  or  go  your  way  in  peace.” 

At  Sombrero,  a hill  fortress  near  the  town  of  Leon,  his 
forces,  then  mustering  650  men,  were  besieged  by  the  royalists 
under  the  mariscal  de  campo  Lilian,  at  the  head  of  4,000 
troops.  Mina  escaped  through  the  enemy’s  lines,  to  obtain  at 
the  hands  of  Torres  the  supplies  furnished  by  the  revolution- 
ists of  Guanajuato;  but  relief  came  too  late. 

There  were  200  women  and  children  in  Sombrero,  and  the 
provisions  and  water  were  almost  consumed.  The  rainy  sea- 
son was  at  hand;  but  from  the  passing  clouds  there  fell  no 
drop  of  water.  Many  ventured  forth,  heedless  of  cannon-balls 
and  bullets,  to  dig  up  the  roots  which  still  retained  some  par- 
ticles of  moisture,  and  women  and  children  stole  by  night  to 
a neighboring  brook,  there  to  be  captured  by  the  enemy.  Ne- 
gotiations were  opened,  but  no  terms  were  offered  except 
unconditional  surrender.  Colonel  Young,  an  American  officer 
and  second  in  command,  proposed  to  cut  his  way  out;  but 
others  demurred,  whereupon  the  colonel  swore  that  he  would 
remain  until  the  last.  Soon  afterward  the  attempt  was  made, 
and  the  besieged,  abandoning  their  sick  and  wounded,  crept 
stealthily  down  the  slope,  gaining  the  level  ground. 

At  this  moment  a cry  arose  from  some  frightened  women 
who  had  been  allowed  to  precede  the  garrison.  And  now  fol- 


CLOSE  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


369 


lowed  a massacre  more  hideous  than  any  which  had  yet  occurred 
during  the  revolutionary  war.  The  royalists  sprang  like 
bloodhounds  on  their  victims,  caring  not  whether  their  bullets 
and  lances  were  aimed  at  men,  women,  or  children,  and 
corpses  were  strewn  far  out  on  the  plain,  only  50  of  the  fugi- 
tives making  their  escape.  At  dawn  the  fort  was  occupied, 
and  there  the  royalist  commander  ordered  the  sick  and 
wounded  prisoners  to  he  brought  forth  in  hatches  and  shot,  the 
maimed  being  supported  on  wooden  frames,  as  targets  for  their 
executioners. 

Sixty  miles  to  the  south  of  Sombrero,  Torres  was  encamped 
in  a fortress  which  he  had  named  Los  Remedios,  and  to  this 


Fort  of  Los  Remedios. 


stronghold  the  royalists  laid  siege  about  the  end  of  August. 
It  had  been  arranged  that  Mina  should  attack  the  enemy’s 
convoys  and  cut  off  their  supplies;  but  less  than  threescore 
were  left  of  those  who  had  accompanied  him  from  Europe  and 
the  United  States,  the  remainder  of  his  command  consisting  of 
unreliable  troops,  mustering  in  all  some  1,400  men.  Finding 
24 


370 


111  STORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


them  no  match  for  the  disciplined  troops  of  the  royalists,  he 
marched  on  Guanajuato,  and  so  sudden  and  secret  were  his 
movements  that  he  penetrated  far  into  the  town  before  the 
garrison  were  aware  even  of  his  approach.  But  the  latter,  led 
by  Linares,  easily  dispersed  the  intruders,  who  were  in  fact 
little  better  than  an  armed  mob,  and  Mina  dismissed  them  in 
disgust,  retaining  only  100  of  their  number. 

While  resting  at  the  hacienda  of  Mariano  Herrera,  Mina 
was  surprised  and  captured,  his  escort  having  deserted  him  at 
the  first  alarm.  The  news  spread  rapidly,  and  from  Mexico 


Fort  Jaujilla. 


orders  were  issued  to  celebrate  the  event  with  ringing  of  bells 
and  other  manifestations  of  joy.  Conducted  to  the  royalists’ 
camp,  the  leader  was  shot  in  sight  of  the  garrison  of  Los 
Remedios,  which  was  evacuated  on  the  1st  of  January,  1818, 
Torres  escaping  with  a handful  of  men. 

Meanwhile  other  reverses  had  overtaken  the  insurgents. 
On  the  1st  of  December,  1817,  Cdporo  was  carried  by  assault. 
A few  days  afterward  Ignacio  Rayon  and  Nicolas  Bravo  were 
captured.  The  fortress  of  Jaujilla,  situated  on  an  isolated 
rock  in  the  lake  of  Zacapo,  surrendered,  after  a two  months’ 
6iege,  in  March  of  the  following  year,  several  prominent  revo- 


CLOSE  OE  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


371 


lutionists  falling  into  the  enemy’s  hands.  Others  of  the 
insurgent  captains  submitted,  though  a few  still  scorned  to 
yield,  among  them  being  Victoria.  A reward  being  offered 
for  his  arrest,  he  fled  to  the  woods  and  mountains,  where  for 
several  months  he  was  hunted  like  a wild  beast,  though  always 
baffling  his  pursuers.  For  more  than  two  years  he  lived  with- 
out a single  companion,  his  sufferings  from  hunger  and  exposure 
being  almost  incredible.  During  all  this  period  he  never  saw 
the  face  of  a human  being,  and  his  clothes  were  torn  to  shreds. 


Guadalupe  Victoria. 


his  wardrobe  being  reduced  to  a single  cotton  wrapper,  while 
at  times  he  existed  for  an  entire  week  on  one  scanty  meal. 
Nevertheless,  he  endured  until  the  end. 

All  the  hopes  of  the  revolutionists  were  now  centred  in 
Guerrero,  who  still  retained  a feeble  band  of  followers,  hoping, 
and  praying,  and  laboring  that  the  day  might  come  when  new 
men  and  new  leaders  would  rally  round  the  banner  of  liberty; 
but  it  was  destined  that  independence  should  finally  be  gained 
by  other  means,  and  under  the  leadership  of  a former  enemy 
to  the  cause. 


372 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


In  April  1820,  news  was  first  received  in  the  capital  of  the 
revolutionary  movements  in  Spain,  causing  great  excitement 
among  the  Spanish  poplulation,  some  of  whom  welcomed  the 
change  with  enthusiasm,  while  others  were  opposed  to  it. 
Clandestine  meetings  of  various  political  parties  were  held,  at 
which  a great  variety  of  opinions  was  expressed.  Although 
all  classes,  with  the  exception  of  the  Spaniards,  longed  for 
independence,  there  was  much  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the 


Vicente  Guerrero 


best  mode  of  securing  it,  and  the  form  of  government  to  he 
adopted.  With  regard  to  the  first  point,  the  expulsion  of  the 
Spaniards,  or  even  their  extermination, -and  the  more  mod- 
erate proposal  that  they  should  only  be  excluded  from  public 
office  were  severally  advocated.  As  to  the  form  of  govern- 
ment, absolute  monarchy,  a limited  monarchy  with  a consti- 
tution expressly  framed  for  Mexico,  and  a federal  republic 
were  the  various  plans  discussed,  each  one  having  its  support- 
ers. But  in  order  to  carry  out  their  plans,  a military  leader 
was  needed  on  whom  all  could  rely,  and  the  one  selected  as 


CLOSE  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


373 


the  man  for  the  purpose  was  Agustin  de  Iturbide.  The  over- 
tures made  to  him  were  readily  accepted,  for  lie  was  now  liv- 
ing in  retirement  and  also  in  poverty,  and  eagerly  welcomed 
an  opportunity  to  acquire  fame  and  wealth. 

Iturbide’s  first  intention  was  to  make  himself  master  of  the 


Agustin  de  Iturbide. 


capital;  but  it  was  finally  concluded  that  it  would  be  safer  to 
begin  operations  in  the  provinces.  He  therefore  applied  to  the 
viceroy  for  a military  command,  and  was  appointed  to  succeed 
Armijo,  in  charge  of  the  army  of  the  south.  By  means  of  flat- 
tering promises  and  assurances  of  devotion,  he  then  induced 
the  viceroy  to  place  at  his  disposal  a considerable  force,  to- 
gether with  large  sums  of  money,  directing  his  first  operations 
against  Guerrero,  in  order  to  cloak  his  real  design.  But  at 
the  hands  of  this  chieftain  Iturbide  suffered  defeat,  and  fear- 
ing that  a longer  struggle  would  frustrate  his  own  projects, 


374 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


proposed  to  him  to  join  his  cause.  Though  at  first  refused, 
the  offer  was  finally  accepted;  and  now,  finding  himself  at  the 
head  of  some  5,500  men,  he  issued  a proclamation,  setting 
forth  the  necessity  for  independence,  and  containing  his  pro- 
ject for  a future  government.  This  was  called  the  plan  of 
Iguala,  from  the  name  of  the  town  where  the  leader  was  then 
stationed,  its  main  features  being  the  maintenance  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  religion,  with  all  the  privileges  of  its  clergy, 
and  the  establishment  of  a limited  monarchy,  with  equal 
rights  as  between  Europeans  and  Americans. 

No  time  was  lost  in  laying  these  proceedings  before  the 
viceroy,  Iturbide  addressing  to  him  letters  in  which  he  ten- 
dered him  the  presidency  of  the  junta,  and  enclosed  a list  of 
the  proposed  members.  Apodaca  rejected  this  offer,  and  at 
once  issued  a proclamation  warning  the  people  against  the 
schemes  of  the  revolutionists.  He  also  concentrated  his  troops 
within  a short  distance  of  the  capital,  and  made  preparations 
for  organizing  an  army  to  operate  against  the  conspirators  in 
the  south.  Nor  were  measures  of  policy  neglected,  a general 
pardon  being  proclaimed  to  all  who  should  abandon  Iturbide’s 
standard,  and  the  leader  himself  declared  an  outlaw. 

In  the  campaign  which  followed,  there  were  no  features  of 
interest,  the  viceroy  in  vain  attempting  to  arouse  among  his 
troops  the  spirit  of  loyalty.  Province  after  province  declared 
for  the  revolutionists,  and  at  length  a mutiny  broke  out  in  the 
capital,  where,  Apodaca’s  feeble  efforts  to  suppress  the  rebel- 
lion being  regarded  with  suspicion,  it  was  resolved  to  depose 
him.  His  successor  was  Lieutenant-General  Juan  O’Honoju, 
who,  on  arriving  at  Vera  Cruz,  found  it  impossible  to  advance 
a single  step  without  coming  in  contact  with  the  enemy.  Find- 
ing no  other  course  open  to  him,  he  agreed  to  recognize  the 
independence  of  Mexico,  and  formally  to  surrender  to  Iturbide 
the  possession  of  the  capital. 

On  the  27th  of  September,  1821,  the  leader  arrived  at  the 
convent  of  San  Francisco,  where  he  was  met  by  the  town 
council,  and  alighting  from  his  horse,  received  the  congratu- 


CLOSE  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  WAR. 


375 


lations  of  the  members  of  the  city  council.  Then  followed  the 
ceremony  of  delivering  to  him  the  keys  of  the  city,  which  were 
presented  on  a silver  platter,  and  returned  with  appropriate 
remarks.  At  the  palace,  he  was  received  by  the  viceroy,  who 
had  entered  the  city  on  the  preceding  day.  Then  followed  a 
religious  ceremony,  with  all  the  imposing  rites  of  the  Romish 
ritual. 

Thus  at  length  Mexico  was  free,  and  nothing  was  left  to 
Spain  of  this  the  brightest  jewel  in  her  crown  save  the  cities 
of  Vera  Cri}z,  Perok,  and  Acapulco.  Independence,  which  ten 
years  of  strife  had  failed  to  achieve,  was  won  by  the  aid  of 
Iturbide  within  a few  months,  and  almost  without  bloodshed. 
Amid  the  glory  of  his  triumph  the  victor  affected  humility; 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  popular  enthusiasm,  when  thousands 
of  voices  shouted  forth  his  name  for  joy,  he  asked  merely  as 
his  reward  permission  to  retire  into  private  life,  carrying  with 
him  only  the  kind  remembrances  of  the  people.  But  all  the 
while  the  flame  of  ambition  was  burning  in  his  heart.  On 
that  very  day  a project  had  been  formed  to  proclaim  him 
emperor;  and  though  the  time  was  not  yet  ripe,  he  was  none 
the  less  determined  to  secure  for  himself  the  imperial  sceptre. 


PART  V.— UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

AOUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE. 

On  the  28th  of  September,  1821,  the  members  selected  by 
Iturbide  for  the  sovereign  provisional  junta  assembled  in  the 
hall  of  the  viceregal  palace,  the  viceroy  himself  being  present. 
Iturbide  briefly  laid  before  them  the  points  requiring  their 
attention,  declared  himself  subject  to  their  direction,  and 
offered  his  services  and  those  of  the  army  in  their  behalf. 
The  members  then  repaired  to  the  cathedral,  where,  after  the 
oath  had  been  administered,  each  swearing  to  support  the 
plan  of  Iguala  and  faithfully  discharge  the  duties  of  his  office, 
Iturbide  was  elected  president. 

The  first  act  of  the  junta  was  to  issue  a declaration  of  inde- 
pendence, wherein  Mexico  was  proclaimed  a sovereign  nation, 
independent  of  Spain,  there  being  no  longer  any  bond  of  union 
between  them  save  that  of  friendship.  The  next  proceeding 
was  to  nominate  a regency  composed  of  five  members,  with 
Iturbide  as  president,  and  the  viceroy  as  one  of  his  colleagues. 
A few  days  later  occurred  the  death  of  O’Donojii;  and  with  his 
demise  the  last  shadow  of  viceregal  authority  disappeared  for- 
ever from  Mexico. 

In  token  of  the  nation’s  gratitude,  a yearly  stipend  of  $120,- 
000  was  conferred  on  the  president,  together  with  the  titles  of 
most  serene  highness,  generalissimo,  and  admiral.  The  pro- 
motions which  he  recommended  in  the  army  were  adopted  by 
the  regency,  and  at  his  suggestion  medals  were  distributed 
among  the  troops,  bearing  the  motto  “Orbem  ah  orbe  solvit.” 
the  design  representing  two  worlds  disunited 


AO  LISTIN'  DE  ITURBIDE. 


377 


The  triumph  of  the  revolution  was  immediately  followed  hy 
the  capture  of  the  few  remaining  points  which  had  held  out  to 
the  last,  the  only  exception  being  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de 
Ulua.  Before  the  end  of  October  this  was  the  sole  possession 
remaining  to  Ferdinand  VI I.  of  all  his  Mexican  colonies.  On 
the  9th  of  that  month  the  fortress  of  Perote  capitulated ; on 
the  15th  Acapulco  surrendered;  and  on  the  27th  the  town 
council  of  Vera  Cruz  passed  an  act  recognizing  the  authority 
of  the  regency. 

Under  the  new  order  of  affairs  few  Europeans  remained  in 
office,  even  those  whom  the  government  desired  to  retain  de- 
clining to  serve,  notwithstanding  the  earnest  solicitations  of 
the  president.  Many  were  in  fear  of  assassination;  and  so 
great  was  the  number  of  Spaniards  who  demanded  their  pass- 
ports, that  a decree  was  issued  hy  the  junta  forbidding  them 
to  lea^e  the  country,  or  even  to  remove  their  property,  until 
action  should  be  taken  in  the  matter  hy  the  congress  then 
about  to  be  convened. 

According  to  the  so-called  treaty  of  Cordoba,  in  which 
O’Donoju,  in  his  sovereign’s  name,  recognized  the  indepen- 
dence of  Mexico  and  gave  his  assent  to  the  plan  of  Iguala, 
the  elections  for  congress  were  to  be  conducted  in  the  manner 
prescribed  by  the  Spanish  constitution.  This  method,  how- 
ever, would  not  suit  the  designs  of  Iturbide,  who  proposed  to 
make  the  members  as  subservient  to  his  interests  as  were 
those  of  the  regency.  If,  with  this  view,  he  could  procure  the 
appointment  of  a body  of  representatives  not  specially  gifted 
with  intelligence,  and  at  the  same  time  well  packed  with 
more  sagacious  adherents  of  his  own,  then  would  his  aim  be 
almost  accomplished.  He  therefore  laid  before  the  junta  a 
plan  for  the  election  designed  hy  himself,  the  basis  of  which 
was  that  each  class  and  profession  should  choose  its  own 
deputies.  His  measure  was  adopted  in  all  its  main  points; 
and  it  was  provided  that,  in  provinces  which  were  entitled  to 
four  representatives,  or  to  any  larger  number,  three  of  them 
and  no  more  should  be  clergymen,  military  officers,  and 
magistrates  or  lawyers. 


378 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


During  all  these  proceedings,  Iturbide  made  the  most  hum- 
ble protestations  to  the  people.  He  declared  that  his  col- 
leagues in  the  regency,  his  comrades  in  arms,  and  he  himself 
were  but  the  devoted  servants  of  the  nation.  The  public  weal 
was  the  loadstar  of  his  aspirations,  and  w'henever  his  country 
desired  it,  he  would  retire  to  private  life.  But  there  were  few 
deceived  by  this  hypocrisy,  and  there  were  none  blind  to  the 
fact  that  a blow  bad  been  struck  at  the  liberties  of  the  people 
in  their  right  to  select  at  will  their  own  representatives.  As 
the  result  of  this  policy,  a plot  was  formed  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  untrammelled  liberty  of  election,  and  with  a view  to 
establishing  a republic,  among  the  conspirators  being  several 
of  the  revolutionary  leaders,  including  Victoria  and  Nicolas 
Bravo.  The  president  received  due  warning,  however,  and  the 
leaders  were  arrested,  though,  as  rigorous  measures  would  at 
this  juncture  be  injudicious,  most  of  them  were  liberated. 

Other  causes  of  dissatisfaction  were  at  work  among  all 
classes.  During  the  eleven  years  of  strife  which  had  just  come 
to  an  end,  the  revenue  had  been  so  greatly  reduced  as  to  be 
entirely  inadequate  to  the  expenditure  of  the  new  government, 
which  to  gain  popularity  recklessly  voted  large  pensions  and 
salaries,  while  diminishing  its  resources  by  wholesale  reduc- 
tions in  taxation  Free-trade  was  declared  to  be  the  policy  of 
the  junta;  but  as  commercial  relations  with  Spain  were  closed, 
and  had  not  with  other  countries  been  established,  commerce 
was  almost  at  a stand-still,  with  corresponding  loss  to  the 
treasury.  All  industries  had  fallen  into  decay,  especially  that 
of  mining;  and  such  was  the  scarcity  of  funds,  that  the  prov- 
inces, instead  of  contributing  to  the  finances  of  the  regency, 
were  compelled  to  apply  for  subsidies.  Nevertheless,  by  ap- 
pealing for  subscriptions  to  wealthy  corporations  and  individ- 
uals, and  by  other  means,  it  was  made  to  appear  that  for  the 
four  months  ending  on  the  27th  of  January,  1822,  the  public 
revenue  amounted  to  $1,274,695,  and  the  public  expenditure 
to  $1,272,458.  Of  the  latter  amount  nearly  eighty  per  cent 
was  set  apart  for  army  estimates,  and  about  nine  per  cent  for 


AG  US  Try  DE  IT  UR  BIDE. 


379 


the  payment  of  Iturbide’s  salary, — dating  back  from  the  time 
when  he  first  proclaimed  the  plan  of  Iguala, — thus  leaving 
only  some  $170,000  for  the  general  purposes  of  government. 

Meanwhile  the  elections  had  been  held,  and  the  deputies 
were  already  arriving  in  the  capital,  though  events  had  oc- 
curred which  somewhat  altered  the  character  of  the  national 
assembly.  In  September  1821,  Central  America  had  declared 
its  independence,  and  many  of  the  people  had  pronounced  in 
favor  of  union  with  Mexico.  But  the  claims  of  some  of  the 
provinces,  and  of  the  various  factions  there,  to  separate  and 
form  individual  governments  had  produced  such  a conflict 
of  opinion  that  for  a time  anarchy  prevailed.  At  the  request 
of  certain  parties  in  Guatemala,  a considerable  force  had  been 
sent  by  Iturbide  to  preserve  order;  and  in  the  midst  of  the 
confusion  a letter  addressed  by  the  generalissimo  to  the  cap- 
tain-general of  Guatemala,  setting  forth  the  advantages  of 
annexation,  was  printed  and  issued  as  a circular  in  all  the 
leading  towns.  A vote  taken  on  this  measure  resulted  in  an 
immense  majority  in  its  favor,  and  it  thereupon  became  neces- 
sary to  provide  for  the  representation  of  the  country  in  con- 
gress. As  the  deputies  could  not  arrive  in  time  for  the  opening 
session,  there  were  appointed  forty  substitutes,  residents  of 
Mexico  but  natives  of  Central  America,  who  were  to  serve  only 
until  the  arrival  of  the  members  elect. 

At  daybreak  on  the  24th  of  February,  salvos  of  artillery  an- 
nounced to  the  residents  of  the  capital  that  the  first  Mexican 
congress  was  about  to  be  inaugurated.  No  effort  had  been 
spared  to  render  the  spectacle  worthy  of  the  occasion,  and  to 
please  the  fancy  of  the  populace.  The  streets  were  carpeted, 
and  the  buildings  profusely  decorated  with  garlands,  flags,  and 
colored  drapery,  while  the  procession  which  conducted  the 
representatives  to  the  cathedral  was  most  imposing.  Preceded 
by  the  members  of  the  regency  and  junta,  and  accompanied 
by  a military  escort,  the  representatives  marched,  to  the  music 
of  regimental  bands,  between  long  lines  of  troops,  dressed  in 


380 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


their  brightest  uniforms.  To  the  mere  spectator,  the  pageant 
seemed  a befitting  honor  to  the  chosen  ones  of  the  nation;  but 
to  many  of  the  deputies  this  ostentatious  display,  with  its  pomp 
and  glitter,  was  extremely  painful,  for  they  were  not  deceived 
as  to  its  significance. 

Soon  after  the  commencement  of  the  session  the  members 
of  the  national  assembly  divided  themselves  into  three  parties. 
These  were  the  Bourbonists,  who  rigidly  sustained  the  plan  of 
Iguala,  and  declared  for  a constitutional  monarchy  under  a 
prince  of  the  house  of  Bourbon;  the  Iturbidists,  who  also 
adopted  the  plan  of  Iguala  in  its  main  features,  hut  desired  to 
place  Iturbide  on  the  throne;  and  the  republicans,  who  entirely 
ignored  the  plan,  and  were  in  favor  of  a federal  republic. 

By  a decree  of  the  13th  of  February,  1822,  the  Spanish  cor- 
tes  declared  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  null,  so  far  as  the  govern- 
ment and  its  subjects  were  concerned.  This  decision  broke 
up  the  Bourbonist  faction,  some  joining  the  ranks  of  the 
republicans,  while  others,  who  would  have  a king  under  any 
circumstances,  and  still  hoped  to  see  some  prince  of  royal 
blood  on  the  throne,  cast  in  their  lot  with  the  Iturbidists. 
Henceforth  the  struggle  was  confined  to  these  two  parties,  and 
soon  the  contest  became  interesting. 

In  the  proclamation  issued  by  Iturbide  concerning  the 
elections,  it  had  been  stated,  or  at  least  implied,  that  he  would 
resign  the  presidency  during  the  first  session  of  congress;  hut 
soon  it  became  evident  that  he  had  no  such  intention,  and 
hence  arose  discord  between  himself  and  the  national  assem- 
bly. Moreover,  he  had  displayed  in  an  offensive  manner  his 
want  of  sympathy  with  the  former  leaders  of  the  rebellion,  and 
had  drawn  a broad  line  of  distinction  between  the  insurrection 
which  failed  under  Hidalgo  and  the  revolution  which  succeeded 
under  his  own  leadership. 

But  the  question  of  gravest  importance,  and  that  which 
placed  Iturbide  and  the  congress  in  antagonism  to  each  other, 
was  the  condition  of  the  treasury.  Thus  far,  the  deficit  had 
been  covered  by  temporary  expedients;  but  such  means  were 


AG  US  TIN  DU  ITURB1DE. 


381 


now  exhausted,  and  measures  must  be  adopted  for  permanent 
relief.  There  were  no  funds  wherewith  to  pay  the  troops,  and 
yet  Iturbide  declared  that  an  army  of  36,000  men  was  needed, 
most  of  them  to  be  stationed  in  the  capital,  though  the  minis- 
ter of  war  could  not  satisfactorily  explain  why  they  should  be 
quartered  in  the  city  when  they  could  be  supported  at  less 
cost  in  the  provinces. 

This  want  of  union  was  not  without  result,  and  it  was  be- 
lieved by  certain  of  the  leading  royalists,  among  whom  was 
General  Davila,  that  the  dominion  of  Spain  might  be  restored 
by  a counter-revolution.  Many  of  the  Spanish  troops  yet 
remained  in  the  country  awaiting  means  of  transport,  and  were 
disgusted  at  the  prospect  of  retiring  ignominiously  from  a 
country  which  for  three  centuries  had  been  held  in  subjection 
by  their  forefathers.  When  the  dissensions  between  Iturbide 
and  the  assembly  became  serious,  Davila  hoped  to  win  back 
the  former  to  his  allegiance,  and  addressed  to  him  a letter  un- 
folding his  design,  inviting  him  to  aid  in  its  consummation, 
and  promising,  in  the  name  of  the  king,  not  only  forgiveness, 
but  recompense  for  his  services.  By  many  it  is  believed 
that,  in  order  to  carry  out  his  own  plans,  this  overture  was 
favorably  received  by  the  president;  but  be  this  as  it  may, 
Davila’s  efforts  were  frustrated  and  his  troops  defeated. 

Meanwhile,  Iturbide  had  brought  to  a climax  the  dispute 
between  himself  and  the  congress.  The  assembly  had  closed 
its  sessions  during  holy  week;  but  on  the  3d  of  April  the 
deputies  were  hastily  summoned  by  Iturbide,  under  the  plea 
that  he  wished  to  communicate  to  them  matters  of  vital  im- 
portance to  the  nation.  They  objected  to  meet  the  generalis- 
simo in  formal  session,  unless  he  was  accompanied  by  other 
members  of  the  regency;  and  though  the  former  protested, 
they  remained  firm  in  their  refusal,  adjourning  until  this  con- 
dition was  complied  with.  When  their  sittings  were  renewed, 
the  regent  Yanez  stated  that  he  was  not  aware  of  the  purpose 
for  which  he  had  been  summoned,  but  that  he  had  observed 
an  unusual  excitement  among  the  public,  and  was  surprised 


382 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


that  the  regency  had  not  been  informed  as  to  its  cause.  There- 
upon Iturbide,  losing  his  temper,  turned  toward  Yafiez,  and 
holding  forth  some  papers,  hotly  exclaimed:  “You  know 
nothing;  the  fact  is,  there  are  traitors  both  in  the  regency  and 
the  congress,  as  these  documents  will  prove.”  “As  for  traitors,” 
replied  Yafiez,  “it  is  you  who  are  the  traitor.”  For  a time 
confusion  prevailed,  and  but  for  the  interference  of  the  presi- 
dent of  the  congress,  matters  might  have  been  brought  to  a 
crisis;  but  presently  the  regents  retired,  and  the  assembly 
proceeded  to  examine  the  papers.  Nothing  was  found  in  them 
that  could  implicate  any  of  the  members,  Lklvila’s  letter  being 
the  only  one  from  which  the  vaguest  inference  could  be  drawn, 
and  suspicion  pointed  to  Iturbide  himself  as  the  one  who  had 
held  correspondence  with  the  enemy. 

The  junta  had  surrendered  its  powers  in  favor  of  the  assem- 
bly; but  not  so  the  president  of  the  regency.  “By  what 
authority,”  it  was  demanded,  “had  Iturbide  been  in  corre- 
spondence with  Davila,  without  the  knowledge  or  consent  of 
congress?”  When  the  president  of  the  national  legislature 
replied  with  the  ominous  words,  “Caesar  has  passed  the  Rubi- 
con,” the  excitement  became  for  the  moment  uncontrollable. 
Quiet  being  restored,  a commission  was  sent  to  Iturbide, 
requesting  him  to  supply  other  documents  in  support  of  his 
accusations,  as  those  already  produced  failed  to  substantiate 
his  charges.  Thereupon  he  returned  to  the  council-chamber 
and  designated  by  name  eleven  of  the  deputies,  all  of  whom 
were  held  in  esteem  by  the  congress.  His  statements  only 
roused  afresh  the  indignation  of  his  audience;  while  the  oft- 
told  story  of  his  own  exploits,  and  his  thread-bare  professions 
of  disinterestedness,  were  received  at  best  with  a shrug  of  dis- 
dain. Truly  it  was  a contemptible  part  that  he  was  playing; 
and  but  for  the  cooler  judgment  of  certain  of  the  deputies,  a 
vote  would  have  been  passed  declaring  him  a traitor.  Thus 
the  generalissimo  was  defeated  at  every  point,  his  schemes  to 
enhance  his  importance  and  to  malign  his  colleagues  resulting 
only  in  his  own  humiliation. 


AO  US  TIN  DE  ITU  It  HIDE. 


383 


While  lturbide  and  the  congress  were  thus  quarrelling,  the 
republican  party  was  constantly  gaining  strength.  The  decis- 
ion of  the  cortcs  rejecting  the  treaty  of  Cordoba  was  already 
known,  and  the  plan  of  Iguala  was  no  longer  contemned  in 
smothered  whispers.  Members  of  the  assembly  openly  raised 
their  voices  against  it;  a portion  of  the  press  sustained  their 
views,  and  even  the  army  declared  in  favor  of  republican 
principles.  Meantime  the  legislature  was  adopting  measures 
which  aimed  directly  at  curtailing  the  power  of  the  president. 
After  long  and  angry  discussion,  it  had  been  decreed  that  the 
number  of  troops  should  be  reduced  to  20,000,  and  a measure 
was  about  to  be  introduced,  providing  that  no  member  of  the 
regency  should  hold  military  command. 

And  now  the  die  is  cast.  If  the  schemes  of  the  president 
are  ever  to  be  successful,  immediate  action  must  be  taken.  As 
yet,  the  greater  portion  of  the  army  can  be  relied  upon;  the 
clergy  will  support  him  in  suppressing  measures  threatening 
their  own  interests  and  of  the  people.  lturbide  is  the  acknowl- 
edged favorite.  By  a liberal  distribution  of  funds  he  further 
wins  the  support  of  the  military  and  the  populace.  All  being 
in  readiness,  on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  May  one  Pio  Marcho, 
a sergeant  in  the  first  infantry  regiment,  calls  the  men  to 
arms,  who,  sallying  forth,  raise  the  cry  of  Viva  Agustin  I.! 

The  soldiers  are  joined  by  crowds  of  citizens,  and  amid 
deafening  shouts  multitudes  throng  from  all  points  to  the 
quarters  of  the  generalissimo  and  proclaim  him  emperor.  Of 
course  lturbide  is  apparently  overwhelmed  at  this  unexpected 
demonstration.  Several  times  he  addresses  the  assemblage 
from  the  balcony  of  his  residence,  expressing  his  surprise,  and 
protesting  his  unwillingness  to  accept  the  imperial  crown. 
But  if,  like  Caesar,  he  thrice  refuses,  the  acclaim  of  the  people 
at  length  begin  to  take  effect.  Sending  for  his  officers,  and 
for  certain  of  the  regents  and  deputies  who  are  among  his 
stanchest  supporters,  he  beseeches  of  them  aid  and  counsel  in 
this  the  hour  of  trial.  They  urge  him  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of 
the  people,  and  with  well-feigned  reluctance  he  returns  to  bow 
in  submission  to  their  will. 


384 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Then  follows  a scene  of  the  wildest  commotion.  Cannon 
are  dragged  forth  and  fired  as  quickly  as  the  gunners  can 
load.  From  the  church  towers  the  peal  of  bells  is  mingled 
with  the  whiz  of  rockets  shooting  forth  from  all  parts  of  the 
city,  and  night  is  turned  into  day  with  bonfires  and  illumina- 
tions. But  the  rejoicing  is  by  no  means  universal.  Those 
who  had  resisted  the  pretensions  of  Iturbide  retire  to  their 
homes  in  fear  and  trembling,  for  the  tumult  may  end  in 
violence,  and  terror  and  exultation  prevail  alike  throughout 
the  capital.  Meanwhile,  Iturbide  continues  to  play  his  part. 
A proclamation  is  issued,  stating  that  it  rests  with  the  nation 
to  confirm  or  disapprove  the  choice  of  the  army  and  the  citi- 
zens of  Mexico,  whom  he  exhorts  not  to  give  way  to  the  excite- 
ment of  the  moment,  but  calmly  await  the  decision  of  the 
national  assembly. 

At  seven  o’clock  on  the  following  morning  the  congress 
assembled  in  special  session.  At  first  it  was  attempted  to 
conduct  the  proceedings  with  closed  doors,  but  this  was  found 
impossible.  The  uproar  of  the  mob  was  deafening;  and  it 
became  necessary  to  send  for  Iturbide,  whose  influence  it  was 
thought  would  allay  the  tumult,  and  secure  for  the  members 
freedom  of  debate.  At  first  lie  objected  to  being  present  at  a 
discussion  of  which  he  was  himself  the  subject;  but  finally, 
yielding  to  the  advice  of  his  ministers,  he  proceeded  to  the 
assembly-hall,  his  carriage  being  dragged  by  the  people.  No 
sooner  had  he  entered  than  the  multitude  crowded  into  the 
building  with  loud  cries  of  “Viva  Agustin  I.!”  The  delibera- 
tions which  followed  were  constantly  interrupted,  and  all  op- 
position to  an  immediate  decision  was  met  with  clamorous 
disapprobation. 

In  vain  did  the  bolder  spirits  propose  to  aw’ait  the  verdict  of 
the  provinces;  their  voices  were  drowned  in  the  uproar,  and 
they  sat  down  amid  shouts  of  “Coronation  or  death  !”  Thrice 
did  Iturbide  address  this  turbulent  gathering,  but  his  words 
failed  to  allay  the  tempest  which  he  had  so  dexterously 
aroused;  and  thus,  under  coercion  and  menace,  the  deputies 


A OUST  IN  DE  ITURBIDE. 


385 


cast  their  votes.  Of  the  82  members  who  were  present,  67 
pronounced  in  favor  of  an  empire,  and  though  the  decision 
was  invalid,  since  the  presence  of  102  representatives  was 
required  to  constitute  a quorum,  it  satisfied  the  multitude. 
The  president  of  the  assembly  then  resigned  his  seat  to  the 
emperor  elect. 

Thus  was  the  plan  of  Iguala  set  aside,  while  the  schemes  of 
Iturbide  were  triumphant.  But  it  was  a triumph  won  by 
trickery,  amid  the  vivas  of  a military  mob  and  the  hoarse 
plaudits  of  the  rabble.  Yet  it  cannot  be  said  that  his  victory 
was  regarded  altogether  with  disfavor.  The  dilatory  proceed- 
ings of  their  rulers,  first  of  the  junta  and  then  of  the  congress, 
had  exhausted  the  patience  of  the  people.  Nine  months  had 
been  frittered  away  in  useless  ceremonies,  trifling  discussions, 
and  unseemly  altercations,  while  vital  affairs  of  state,  as  the 
framing  of  a constitution,  and  the  organization  of  the  various 
departments  of  government,  were  almost  neglected.  Popular 
discontent  wras  the  consequence,  and  it  was  but  natural  that 
the  people  should  look  for  aid  to  him  who  had  already  released 
them  from  the  yoke  of  the  viceroys. 

On  the  21st  of  May,  Iturbide  took  the  oath  prescribed  by 
the  representatives  of  the  nation,  swearing  to  observe  the  con- 
stitution which  the  congress  was  about  to  frame,  together  with 
all  orders  and  decrees  issued  by  that  body;  never  to  transfer, 
or  allow  to  be  transferred,  any  portion  of  the  territory  of  the 
empire,  and  to  respect  the  political  freedom  and  personal 
liberties  of  the  people.  He  then  addressed  to  the  members 
and  the  people  at  large  a brief  proclamation,  concluding  with 
these  words:  “If,  Mexicans,  I do  not  secure  the  happiness  of 
the  country;  if  at  any  time  I forget  my  duties,  — then  let  my 
administration  come  to  an  end.” 

At  this  moment,  no  shadow  dimmed  the  brightness  of  the 
emperor’s  prospects.  Congratulations  flowed  in  from  every 
side;  many  of  the  revolutionary  chieftains  offered  their  lives 
in  his  service,  and  already  the  throne  seemed  firm  beneath 
him,  the  sceptre  secure  in  his  grasp.  Nor  did  congress  hesitate 
25 


380 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


to  do  him  honor.  The  crown  was  declared  hereditary,  and  the 
succession  secured  to  his  eldest  son,  on  whom  was  conferred 
the  title  of  Prince  Imperial.  His  family  was  ennobled,  the 
children  being  styled  princes  and  princesses  of  Mexico,  while 
his  father  was  proclaimed  Prince  of  the  Union.  The  day  on 
which  he  was  elected  emperor  was  added  to  the  list  of  national 
festivals,  and  his  bust  was  ordered  to  be  stamped  on  the  coins 
of  the  realm,  on  the  face  being  the  inscription,  “Augustinus  Dei 
Providentia;”  on  the  reverse  a crowned  eagle;  and  on  the  cir- 
cumference the  words,  “Mexici  primus  imperator  constitution- 
alism’ 

The  imperial  household  was  remodelled  on  a basis  befitting 
the  dignity  of  a sovereign.  There  was  a high-steward  and  a 
king’s  almoner;  equerries  in  waiting  and  a master  of  the  horse; 
a body-guard,  with  its  captain,  its  staff,  and  its  aids.  There 
were  chaplains  and  physicians;  pages,  and  gentlemen  of  the 
bed  chamber;  and  all  the  officers  and  officials  usually  attached 
to  the  courts  of  royalty. 

The  21st  of  July  was  appointed  for  the  coronation;  and  as 
the  time  approached  elaborate  preparations  were  made  for  the 
ceremony,  the  committee  of  regulations  handing  to  the  assem- 
bly the  result  of  their  labors  more  than  a month  before.  As 
there  were  no  funds  in  the  treasury,  it  was  impossible  to  make 
ready  with  befitting  display  the  paraphernalia  of  royalty;  but 
jewels  and  gems  were  borrowed;  and  though  the  Monte  Pio, 
where  were  stored  the  treasures  of  the  national  pawnshop, 
refused  to  lend  its  pearls  and  diamonds,  the  regal  insignia 
glittered  with  tinsel  splendor. 

On  the  morning  of  the  coronation  day  the  city  was  bril- 
liantly decorated;  from  balconies  and  windows  fluttered  many 
colored  banners  and  streamers,  while  the  walls  were  decked 
with  floral  wreaths,  and  Hags  waved  from  church  towers  and 
turrets.  At  eight  o’clock  the  assembly  met,  and  two  deputa- 
tions, each  composed  of  twenty-four  members,  proceeded  to  the 
palace  to  escort  the  emperor  and  empress  to  the  cathedral. 
Here,  on  raised  dais,  thrones  had  been  erected,  on  both  sides 


AGUSTIN  DE  ITURBIDE. 


387 


of  which  were  seats  for  the  members  of  this  mushroom  mon- 
archy. 

The  procession  which  accompanied  the  royal  pair  was  some- 
what in  imitation  of  the  order  observed  at  the  coronation  of 
Napoleon  I.  There  were  sergeants-at-arms  and  ushers,  pages 
and  maids  of  honor  in  gorgeous  attire,  and  a master  of  cere- 
monies with  his  suite  of  attendants.  On  velvet  cushions  were 
borne  the  apparel  in  which  the  imperial  couple  were  to  array 
themselves,  and  the  sceptre,  the  signet-ring,  and  the  patchwork 
crowns.  At  the  entrance  of  the  cathedral  obsequious  bishops 
received  the  emperor  and  empress,  and  administered  to  them 
the  holy-water.  They  were  then  conducted  to  the  dais  and 
the  ceremonies  commenced.  The  regalia  were  placed  on  the 
altar,  and  high-mass  was  celebrated,  during  which  Iturbide 
and  his  spouse  were  consecrated  with  sacred  oil,  and  arrayed 
in  the  robes  of  royalty.  The  president  of  congress  placed  the 
diadem  on  the  head  of  the  former,  who  crowned  with  his  own 
hands  the  empress.  Thereupon  they  ascended  to  their  thrones; 
and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  services  the  presiding  bishop  ex- 
claimed in  a loud  voice:  “Vivat  Imperator  in  teternum!”  the 
assemblage  responding  with  the  cry  of  “Long  live  the  emperor 
and  empress.” 

By  some  writers  the  coronation  of  Iturbide  has  been  com- 
pared to  that  of  Napoleon  I.,  who,  when  placing  on  his  brow 
the  iron  crown  of  the  Lombard  kings,  exclaimed  in  a voice 
that  rolled  through  the  cathedral  of  Milan:  “Dio  me  la  diede; 
guai  a chi  la  tochera,” — God  gives  it  unto  me;  woe  to  him 
that  shall  touch  it.  The  comparison  is  well  enough;  though 
it  is  related  that  the  bauble  tottered  when  first  it  was  placed 
on  the  head  of  Iturbide.  “Do  not  let  it  fall,”  exclaimed  the 
bishop  with  unintentional  irony.  “It  shall  not  fall;  I have  it 
safe,”  replied  the  emperor. 


388 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

DETHRONEMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  ITURBIDE. 

At  the  conclusion  of  the  coronation  ceremonies,  Iturbide 
was  escorted  to  the  palace,  where  largess  was  distributed 
among  the  assembled  multitude.  For  three  days  festivities 
were  held  in  celebration  of  the  event;  but  banquets  and  merry- 
making cannot  clothe  an  emperor  with  majesty.  By  the 
high-born  he  was  looked  upon  with  contempt;  by  the  base- 
born,  with  suspicion;  and  by  all,  the  high-sounding  titles  of 
his  court  were  regarded  with  a supercilious  smile. 

At  first  there  was  harmony  between  the  congress  and  the 
emperor,  but  it  was  short  lived ; for  such  were  Iturbide’s  pre- 
tensions and  impatience  of  control,  that  the  deputies  found  it 
impossible  to  work  in  concert  with  the  man  who  had  sworn  to 
obey  their  decrees. 

Among  the  members  of  the  assembly  was  Padre  Servando 
Mier,  who  had  taken  part  in  Mina’s  expedition,  and  after 
being  banished  to  Ilabana  and  escaping  thence,  was  elected 
representative  for  the  province  of  Monterey.  An  uncompro- 
mising radical,  and  one  already  noted  for  his  political  writ- 
ings, he  immediately  began  to  inveigh  against  royalty, 
declaring  the  coronation  a farce,  satirizing  the  empire,  and 
publishing  a forcible  essay  in  favor  of  a republican  form  of 
government.  Seditious  sheets  were  scattered  broadcast,  while 
French  works  advocating  the  social  principles  of  Rousseau 
were  printed  in  Spanish,  and  though  condemned  by  the  clergy, 
and  burned  in  the  plazas,  were  reissued  and  widely  circulated. 

In  August  1822,  a revolution  was  planned  with  a view  to 
declaring  Iturbide’s  election  unconstitutional,  removing  the 
seat  of  congress  to  Tczcuco,  and  proclaiming  a republican  gov- 
ernment. In  this  conspiracy  a number  of  military  officers 
and  not  a few  of  the  representatives  were  implicated.  The 


DETHRONEMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  ITURBIDE.  389 


emperor  was  informed  of  the  plot,  and  fifteen  of  the  deputies 
were  arrested,  among  them  being  Padre  Mier.  When  put  on 
trial,  the  evidence  against  them  was  found  to  he  defective;  an 
attempt  at  conspiracy  was  clearly  proved,  but  it  could  not  be 
fastened  on  individuals.  Nevertheless  they  were  detained  in 
custody,  a few  only  being  released  at  the  end  of  the  year,  as 
an  act  of  grace  rather  than  as  an  admission  of  their  innocence. 

After  the  imprisonment  of  the  deputies,  congress  became 
openly  defiant,  the  opposing  parties  uniting  in  self-defence. 
A proposition  on  the  part  of  the  government  to  establish  mili- 
tary tribunals  being  absolutely  rejected,  Iturbide  held  a coun- 
cil, at  which  it  was  proposed  to  reduce  the  number  of  deputies 
to  seventy.  This  was  rejected;  but  in  the  hope  of  adjusting 
differences,  the  power  of  veto,  as  provided  in  the  Spanish  con- 
stitution, was  conceded  to  the  emperor,  together  with  the  right 
of  electing  the  judges  of  the  supreme  court.  Iturbide  required, 
however,  that  the  veto  should  be  extended  to  each  article  of 
the  constitution  then  being  framed,  and  that  he  should  be 
authorized  to  raise  and  maintain  a police  force,  at  the  same 
time  insisting  on  a reduction  in  the  number  of  deputies.  At 
these  preposterous  demands,  even  the  strongest  conservatives 
were  disgusted,  and  the  emperor’s  claims  were  rejected,  one 
and  all;  whereupon  he  cut  short  the  dispute  by  forcibly  dis- 
solving the  assembly. 

To  preserve  at  least  the  shadow  of  a legislature,  a junta  was 
established  consisting  of  forty-five  members,  chosen  from  the 
more  tractable  of  the  former  representatives;  and  in  this  body 
was  vested  the  legislative  authority  until  the  election  of  a 
new  congress.  The  first  matter  that  demanded  the  attention 
of  the  junta  was  to  replenish  the  imperial  exchequer;  and  on 
the  5th  of  November  a decree  was  passed  authorizing  a forced 
loan  of  $2,800,000.  The  collection  of  this  money  would  be  a 
slow  and  difficult  process,  and  meanwhile  the  treasure  lying 
at  Perote  and  Jalapa,  amounting  to  nearly  $1,300,000,  the 
property  of  private  individuals  awaiting  convoy  to  Spain,  was 
appropriated  by  the  government. 


390 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


While  these  affairs  were  in  progress  at  the  capital,  events 
of  no  less  moment  were  occurring  in  Vera  Cruz,  where  the 
proceedings  of  Santa  Anna  were  exciting  unfavorable  com- 
ment. The  captain-general  of  the  provinces  of  Vera  Cruz, 
Puebla,  and  Oajaca  had  retired  on  account  of  failing  health, 
and  Brigadier  Echavarri  had  been  appointed  his  successor. 
It  appears  that  Santa  Anna  had  conceived  the  design  of  sur- 
prising the  fortress  of  Ullia,  under  cover  of  a feigned  surrender 
of  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  government,  being  informed  of  his  plan, 
ordered  Echavarri  to  support  him.  The  attempt  failed,  and  the 
latter  narrowly  escaped  being  taken  prisoner,  expressing,  in  a 
confidential  despatch  to  the  emperor,  his  suspicion  that  Santa 
Anna,  who  considered  himself  entitled  to  the  captain-gen- 
cralcy,  had  treacherously  planned  his  death  or  capture.  It 
was  decided  to  remove  him  from  his  command,  and  as  caution 
was  necessary  to  avoid  possible  mischief,  the  emperor  resolved 
to  manage  the  affair  in  person. 

Meeting  the  emperor  at  Jalapa,  according  to  instructions, 
Santa  Anna  was  informed  that  his  presence  was  needed  in 
Mexico,  and  that  he  must  accompany  him  on  his  return  to  the 
capital.  In  answer  to  his  plea  of  private  business  and  want 
of  funds,  Iturbide  presented  him  with  $500,  and  allowed  him 
a few  days  in  which  to  arrange  his  affairs,  meanwhile  handing 
over  the  command  to  his  successor.  So  well  had  the  emperor 
dissembled,  that  up  to  this  point  the  general  had  no  suspicion 
that  he  was  to  be  called  to  account.  The  intimation  of  his  re- 
moval had  been  attended  with  the  most  flattering  compli- 
ments; and  on  the  1st  of  December  the  pair  started  for  Mexico, 
where  the  emperor  declared  to  his  companion  that  fortune 
awaited  him.  Before  his  departure,  Santa  Anna  had  been 
warned  of  his  impending  fate;  but  he  was  fully  a match  for 
Iturbide  in  the  art  of  dissimulation.  For  a short  distance  he 
accompanied  him  on  his  journey  with  every  mark  of  respect, 
and  then  returning  to  Jalapa,  and  proceeding  thence  to  Vera 
Cruz,  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  an  infantry  regiment 
of  which  he  was  colonel,  and  declared  for  a republic,  swear- 
ing that  the  plan  of  Iguala  should  be  held  inviolable. 


DETHRONEMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  1TURBIDE.  391 


At  Puebla  Iturbide  received  intelligence  of  the  revolt,  and 
though  he  pretended  to  make  light  of  it,  was  none  the  less 
conscious  of  its  significance.  Entering  the  capital  by  night, 
he  at  once  took  measures  to  suppress  the  movement,  declar- 
ing Santa  Anna  a traitor,  and  depriving  him  of  his  military 
rank,  though  offering  pardon  to  all  of  his  followers  who  re- 
turned to  their  allegiance  within  a specified  time.  Meanwhile 
the  leader  had  published  in  Vera  Cruz  a plan  of  the  revolu- 
tion, and  joined  by  Guadalupe  Victoria,  was  organizing  his 
forces,  which  he  called  the  Army  of  Liberation. 

The  insurrection  spread  rapidly,  and  at  first  was  attended 
with  success;  but  at  Jalapa,  Santa  Anna  met  with  a crushing 
defeat,  escaping  with  only  eight  dragoons  to  Puente  del  Rey, 
where  Victoria  was  stationed.  Believing  that  all  was  lost,  he 
proposed  to  him  to  embark  for  the  United  States  on  board  a 
vessel  which  he  had  kept  in  readiness  for  such  an  emergency. 
“Go  and  put  Vera  Cruz  in  a state  of  defence,”  replied  the  old 
revolutionary  captain;  “you  can  set  sail  when  they  show  you 
my  head.” 

The  outbreak  at  Vera  Cruz  acted  like  leaven  on  the  prevail- 
ing discontent.  Guerrero  and  Nicolas  Bravo  proceeded  to 
Chilapa,  and  thence  stirred  up  rebellion  throughout  the 
southern  provinces.  Armijo  was  sent  against  them,  and  an 
engagement  fought  on  the  heights  of  Almolonga  resulted  dis- 
astrously for  the  insurgents.  Guerrero  was  shot  through  the' 
lungs,  and  his  men  supposing  him  to  be  killed,  fled  in  disor- 
der from  the  field,  despite  Bravo’s  efforts  to  rally  them. 
Elsewhere  the  revolutionists  met  with  repulse,  while  Santa 
Anna  remained  unsupported  at  Vera  Cruz,  where  he  was 
closely  besieged  by  Echavarri  and  other  imperialist  command- 
ers. 

In  Echavarri  the  emperor  placed  the  utmost  confidence. 
Although  a Spaniard,  he  was  held  in  great  esteem,  having 
been  rapidly  promoted  from  the  rank  of  captain  in  a provin- 
cial corps  to  that  of  captain-general  of  three  of  the  wealthiest 
provinces.  But  influences  were  at  work  of  which  Iturbide 


392 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


was  entirely  unaware;  and  while  the  latter  was  daily  expect- 
ing to  hear  that  the  rebellion  had  been  ended  by  the  capture 
of  Vera  Cruz,  the  members  of  the  masonic  order  were  secretly 
intriguing  with  his  generals. 

Meantime  the  republican  party  was  rapidly  gaining  strength, 
while  the  monarchists,  not  wishing  to  be  left  behind  in  the 
race  for  power,  were  beginning  to  change  their  tactics.  By 
the  Spaniards  the  author  of  the  plan  of  Iguala  was  hated,  and 
by  all  parties  it  was  agreed  that  no  form  of  government  could 
be  worse  than  the  existing  autocracy.  Iturbide’s  downfall 
was  already  foreshadowed,  and  he  alone  seemed  blind  to  the 
fact.  Though  he  must  have  been  aware  that  the  masonic 
lodges  were  largely  composed  of  military  officers  who  had 
sworn  to  uphold  the  plan  of  Iguala,  it  seems  never  to  have 
entered  into  his  mind  that  from  this  quarter  would  come  the 
fatal  blow.  Yet  so  it  was.  The  influence  of  the  order  over  its 
military  members  was  uncontrollable,  and  among  those  who 
had  been  recently  admitted  into  it  was  Echavarri.  Hence  his 
inactivity  before  Vera  Cruz,  and  the  proclamation,  on  the  1st 
of  February,  1823,  of  the  famous  plan  of  Casa  Mata,  whereby 
the  army  pledged  itself  to  re-establish  and  support  the  na- 
tional assembly,  though  disclaiming  all  designs  against  the 
person  of  the  emperor. 

By  this  measure  the  aspect  of  the  revolution  was  changed, 
though  its  object  and  its  character  were  the  same.  The  repub- 
lican leaders  were  confident  that  in  the  new  congress  their 
own  party  would  predominate,  and  that  its  action  would  be 
sustained  by  the  army.  Everywhere  the  cause  was  trium- 
phant. At  Puebla  the  plan  of  Casa  Mata  was  proclaimed  by 
the  provincial  deputation,  supported  by  the  town  council.  At 
San  Luis  I’otosi  and  Guadalajara  the  imperialist  commanders 
were  compelled  to  give  way  to  the  populace,  in  order  to  avoid 
an  uprising.  At  Cuernavaca,  Queretaro,  and  Guanajuato,  the 
plan  was  also  accepted.  Bravo,  having  recovered  from  his 
disaster,  had  entered  the  city  of  Oajaca  and  there  established 
a governing  junta;  and  now  all  that  was  left  to  Iturbide  of 
his  empire  was  within  sight  of  his  palace  windows. 


DETHRONEMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  ITU R HIDE. 


393 


When  the  news  of  Echavarri’s  defection  became  known  in 
the  capital,  the  utmost  consternation  prevailed  among  the 
ranks  of  the  Iturbidists,  and  the  emperor  alone  presented  a 
bold  front,  declaring  that  if  it  was  intended  to  coerce  him,  he 
would  prove  that  the  arm  which  had  achieved  his  country’s 
independence  was  not  yet  powerless.  Still  he  took  no  decisive 
measures,  merely  sending  commissioners  to  treat  with  the  in- 
surgent leaders,  who  were  rapidly  advancing  toward  Mexico. 
On  their  arrival  at  Jalapa,  a conference  was  held,  and  they 
returned  only  to  report  their  failure. 

The  army  of  liberation  then  advanced  on  Puebla,  and 
whether  to  avoid  bloodshed,  or  because  he  recognized  that  the 
struggle  would  be  hopeless,  Iturbide  made  no  effort  to  oppose 
it.  In  truth,  it  was  already  too  late.  In  the  capital  the  troops 
were  deserting  by  battalions,  entire  corps  forming  in  line  and 
marching  out  of  the  city  with  bands  playing  and  colors  flying. 

On  the  night  of  the  23d  of  March,  two  regiments  of  infantry 
set  out  from  their  barracks,  released  the  prisoners  confined  in 
the  dungeons  of  the  Inquisition,  appointed  one  of  them  their 
chieftain,  and  raising  the  cry  of  liberty  and  republicanism, 
marched  toward  Toluca,  shouting  as  they  passed  the  emperor’s 
residence,  “Long  live  the  republic!”  On  the  following  day  a 
cavalry  regiment  deserted,  and  its  example  was  followed  by 
the  grenadiers  of  the  imperial  guard. 

In  order  to  prevent  communication  between  the  insurgent 
army  and  the  capital,  and  in  the  hope  of  still  effecting  a recon- 
ciliation, Iturbide  stationed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  few  re- 
maining troops,  at  Iztapaluca,  on  the  Puebla  road.  Here  he 
consented  to  the  election  of  a new  congress;  a dividing  line  was 
agreed  upon  between  the  imperialist  and  revolutionary  forces, 
and  it  W’as  stipulated  that  both  sides  should  await  the  inaugura- 
tion of  the  assemby  and  abide  by  its  decision.  But  by  these 
arrangements  the  emperor  gained  no  advantage.  The  insur- 
gents were  not  in  haste;  their  cause  was  making  rapid  head- 
way, and  to  them  delay  was  actual  gain,  while  to  Iturbide  it  was 
fatal.  And  the  latter  finally  became  aware  that  to  await  the 


394 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


slow  process  of  convening  a new  congress  would  be  attended 
with  certain  defeat,  for  it  would  be  composed  mainly  of  depu- 
ties hostile  to  his  cause.  He  therefore  issued  a decree  order- 
ing the  congress  which  he  had  dissolved  by  force  of  arms  to 
reassemble,  and  on  the  7th  of  March  its  sessions  commenced 
with  only  fifty-eight  members,  some  having  been  released  from 
prison  the  evening  before.  When,  therefore,  the  emperor  ad- 
dressed them,  explaining  his  motives  and  placing  himself  at 
their  disposal,  bis  remarks  were  received  with  coldness  and 
signs  of  disapprobation. 

All  now  depended  on  the  action  of  the  revolutionary  junta 
at  Puebla,  and  by  that  body  it  was  resolved  not  to  acknowl- 
edge the  authority  of  congress  until  assurance  was  given  that 
there  would  be  no  interference  with  its  measures.  On  the 
following  day  the  troops  were  putin  motion  toward  the  capital; 
but  commissioners  being  sent  to  treat  with  their  leaders,  it 
was  agreed  that  the  army  of  liberation  should  recognize  the 
congress  when  the  number  of  its  members  was  complete,  and 
should  obey  it  as  soon  as  absolute  freedom  of  action  was  se- 
cured. 

When  this  decision  was  made  known  to  Iturbide,  he  gave 
up  the  struggle;  but  still  he  would  make  a pretence  of  con- 
sulting merely  the  interests  of  his  country.  On  the  19th  his 
abdication,  written  in  his  own  hand,  was  read  to  the  assembly 
by  the  minister  of  justice.  Since  the  congress  had  been 
acknowledged  by  the  junta  at  Puebla,  and  by  the  troops  who 
had  declared  for  the  plan  of  Casa  Mata,  he  resigned  the 
sceptre  which  he  had  assumed  only  with  the  greatest  unwill- 
ingness. He  would  have  taken  this  step  sooner  had  there 
been  a recognized  national  assembly.  In  order  to  prevent 
further  trouble  be  would  cheerfully  submit  to  banishment, 
and  within  a few  days  would  depart  for  some  foreign  land. 
For  himself,  he  had  merely  to  request  that  the  nation  would 
assume  the  debts  which  he  had  been  compelled  to  incur, 
through  refusing  to  avail  himself  of  the  income  assigned  to 
him,  out  of  consideration  for  the  necessities  of  the  troops  and 
public  officials. 


DETHRONEMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  1TURBIDE.  395 


On  the  following  day  a more  formal  abdication  was  pre- 
sented to  congress.  But  the  members  were  now  in  a dilemma; 
for  they  could  arrive  at  no  decision  until  a sufficient  number 
of  deputies  had  been  mustered  to  constitute  a legal  assembly, 
and  meanwhile  the  revolutionary  forces  were  occupying  posi- 
tions in  the  neighborhood  of  the  capital.  It  was  at  first  pro- 
posed that  the  leaders  should  consent  to  a conference  with 
Iturbide,  in  accordance  with  his  own  request;  but  there  were 
few  who  cared  to  meet  him,  and  there  were  many  who  dreaded 
the  magic  influence  of  his  presence.  It  was  then  demanded 
that  the  emperor  should  betake  himself  to  one  of  four  cities, 
of  which  he  was  to  be  allowed  a choice,  and  there  await  the 
action  of  the  deputies.  At  this  slight  the  indignation  of  the 
imperialists  was  fully  roused,  and  for  a time  it  was  feared 
that  hostilities  would  result.  Finally  it  was  arranged  that 
the  revolutionary  forces  should  enter  Mexico,  their  command- 
ers promising  to  sustain  the  measures  of  congress  in  regard  to 
the  emperor. 

Thus  all  difficulties  were  removed,  and  with  the  accession 
of  the  deputies  who  had  hitherto  refused  to  take  their  seats,  a 
legal  national  assembly  was  constituted.  The  functions  of 
the  existing  executive  were  declared  to  have  ceased,  and  a 
provisional  government  consisting  of  three  members  was 
created,  the  choice  falling  on  Bravo,  Negrete,  and  Victoria. 

A few  days  later  the  question  of  Iturbide’s  abdication  was 
considered.  By  the  commission  appointed  to  report  on  the 
matter,  it  was  advised  that,  since  his  election  had  been  accom- 
plished by  violence,  the  abdication  should  not  be  accepted, 
for  this  would  imply  a right  to  the  crown.  It  was  further 
recommended  that  he  be  conveyed  to  Italy,  and  that  while 
he  remained  in  that  country,  a pension  of  $25,000  a year 
should  be  assigned  to  him  in  consideration  of  his  services  in 
the  cause  of  the  revolution.  After  some  discussion,  many  of 
the  deputies  being  in  favor  of  bringing  the  emperor  to  trial, 
the  report  was  adopted,  and  a decree  was  issued  to  that  effect. 
As  a final  blow  to  monarchy,  the  plan  of  Igualaand  the  treaty 


396 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


of  Cordoba  were  declared  null  so  far  as  concerned  the  form  of 
government  prescribed  therein,  and  the  right  of  the  nation  to 
govern  itself  was  declared  beyond  dispute. 

On  the  9th  of  May  the  deposed  emperor  arrived  at  Vera 
Cruz,  guarded  by  a strong  escort  under  Nicolas  Bravo.  Two 
days  later  he  set  sail  with  his  family  for  Leghorn,  whence  he 
issued  a manifesto  to  the  Mexican  nation,  declaring  that  he 
had  accepted  the  throne  merely  to  gratify  the  wishes  of  the 
people,  and  that  throughout  his  brief  reign  he  had  been  ac- 
tuated solely  by  patriotic  motives.  Ilis  residence  in  Italy 
was  of  the  briefest.  Intelligence  from  Mexico,  or  as  he 
asserts,  the  fear  that  his  native  land  was  threatened  by  Euro- 
pean powers,  induced  him  to  leave  a country  where  his  free- 
dom of  action  was  restricted,  and  he  resolved  to  embark  for 
London.  Driven  back  by  stress  of  weather,  he  made  his  way 
overland  to  Ostend,  and  thence  took  ship  for  England,  where 
he  landed  on  the  1st  of  January,  1824.  During  the  following 
month  he  addressed  a letter  to  the  congress,  assigning  as  the 
reason  of  his  departure  from  Italy,  the  intrigues  of  Spain 
against  Mexico,  and  once  more  offering  his  services.  But  the 
government  was  well  informed  as  to  his  designs,  for  his  move- 
ments had  been  closely  watched,  and  a decree  was  passed  de- 
claring him  an  outlaw,  and  an  enemy  to  the  state,  if,  under 
any  pretext  whatever,  he  should  again  set  foot  on  Mexican  soil. 

In  May,  Iturbide,  unaware  of  this  decree,  set  sail  from 
Southampton,  accompanied  among  others  by  a Pole  named 
Beneski,  who  was  appointed  his  aide-de-camp.  On  the  14th 
of  July  his  vessel  cast  anchor  off  Soto  la  Marina,  and  Beneski, 
who  was  sent  ashore  to  gather  information,  called  on  the  co- 
m andante  Garza,  requesting  permission  for  his  party  to  land. 
So  friendly  was  the  reception  accorded  to  him,  that  the  ex- 
emperor resolved  to  visit  Garza  in  person,  and  landing  on  the 
following  afternoon,  accompanied  only  by  his  aide-de-camp, 
took  up  his  quarters  for  the  night  at  a neighboring  rancho. 
But  the  strangers  had  been  recognized,  and  at  midnight  were 
roused  from  their  slumbers  and  placed  under  arrest  by  a 


DETHRONEMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  ITURBIDE. 


3'J7 

party  of  soldiers  sent  for  the  purpose.  On  the  next  day  the 
coniandante  arrived  with  his  escort,  and  greeted  Iturbide 
most  cordially,  the  pair  journeying  together  toward  Soto  la 
Marina,  when  the  latter  was  told  for  the  first  time  that  he  had 
been  proscribed.  Nevertheless,  he  doubted  not  as  yet  Garza’s 
protestations  of  friendship.  On  the  morning  of  the  17th,  how- 
ever, an  aide-de-camp  appeared  and  warned  him  to  prepare 
for  death,  as  the  hour  of  three  o’clock  on  that  very  day  was 
appointed  for  his  execution.  The  announcement  was  received 
with  perfect  composure.  “Tell  General  Garza,”  he  replied, 
“that  I am  ready  to  die, and  request  only  three  days  in  which 
to  make  my  peace  with  God.” 

In  truth,  Garza’s  conduct  at  this  juncture  was  somewhat 
peculiar,  and  can  only  be  explained  on  the  supposition  that 
instructions  had  been  issued  for  the  immediate  execution  of 
Iturbide,  wheresoever  he  should  make  his  appearance.  But  to 
put  a man  to  death  by  virtue  of  a decree  of  which  he  was  not 
informed  until  he  had  made  himself  liable  to  its  penalties 
was  an  inhuman  act,  and  it  is  probable  that  the  general  made 
some  attempt  to  save  the  captive’s  life.  Resolving  to  refer  the 
matter  to  the  state  congress  of  Tamaulipas,  he  set  forth  for 
Padilla,  where  that  body  was  then  in  session.  Before  the 
members  he  pleaded  in  person  the  cause  of  the  ex-emperor, 
laying  stress  on  the  fact  that  he  had  landed  in  ignorance  of 
the  decree  which  declared  him  an  outlaw.  But  his  efforts 
were  in  vain;  the  prisoner  must  suffer  death,  and  Garza  was 
ordered  to  carry  the  sentence  immediately  into  effect. 

With  unfaltering  step  Iturbide  proceeded  to  the  place  of 
execution,  and  in  a firm  voice  addressed  a few  parting  words 
to  the  troops:  “Mexicans,”  he  said,  “in  this  the  last  moment 
of  my  life,  I beseech  of  you  to  love  your  country,  and  to  ob- 
serve our  holy  religion.  I die  for  having  come  to  aid  you,  and 
I am  reconciled  to  death  because  I die  among  you.  I am  no 
traitor,  and  such  a stain  will  never  attach  to  my  children  or 
to  their  descendants.  Preserve  order  and  render  obedience  to 
your  commanders.  From  the  depths  of  my  heart  I forgive 


398 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


all  my  enemies.”  When  the  officer  approached  to  place  the 
bandage  over  his  eyes,  lie  objected,  remarking  that  it  was  un- 
necessary, but  on  being  told  that  the  form  must  be  observed, 
applied  it  with  his  own  hands.  Then  he  was  ordered  to  kneel, 
and  at  the  first  discharge  his  body  fell  lifeless  to  the  ground. 
On  the  following  day  his  remains  were  buried  in  the  church- 
yard of  Padilla,  where  they  remained  until  1838,  when  they 
were  removed  by  order  of  congress  and  interred  with  solemn 
obsequies  in  the  cathedral  of  Mexico. 

At  the  time  of  his  death,  Agustin  dc  Iturbide  was  but  forty 
years  of  age.  His  career  is  before  the  reader,  and  from  it  his 
character  may  be  determined.  Ambitious  and  designing, 
plausible  and  fair-spoken,  none  knew  better  how  to  cloak 
selfish  aspirations  in  the  garb  of  patriotism.  When  indepen- 
dence had  been  achieved,  he  was  lauded  by  his  party  as  the 
savior  of  the  nation,  and  one  fitting  to  be  chosen  as  its  leader. 
Nevertheless,  his  ability  as  a statesman  was  of  no  high  order, 
and  he  proved  himself  unable  to  give  form  and  cohesion  to 
the  disintegrated  fragments  of  a community  which  might 
easily  have  been  reconstructed  by  one  whose  judgment  had 
not  been  warped  by  ambition. 

Even  for  his  services  in  the  cause  of  independence  Iturbide 
has  received  more  credit  than  he  deserves.  Enrolled  at  first 
in  the  ranks  of  the  royalists,  there  he  would  have  remained  to 
the  end  if  he  had  not  been  influenced  by  personal  considera- 
tions. Though  on  occasions  he  displayed  sound  judgment  and 
consummate  skill,  his  name  is  not  to  be  mentioned  with  those 
of  Hidalgo  and  Morelos,  Guerrero  and  Victoria,  Bravo  and 
Mina.  The  revolution  was  not,  as  I have  already  remarked, 
the  work  of  an  individual;  and  Iturbide  would  have  failed  at 
the  very  outset  if  circumstances  had  not  combined  in  his  favor. 
In  all  jtortions  of  Mexico  revolutionary  chieftains  supported 
his  cause,  and  in  all  the  leading  provincial  capitals  indepen- 
dence was  consummated  without  his  presence.  The  inactivity 
of  Apodaca  made  the  rest  easy,  and  finally  the  liberalism  of 
O’Donoju  opened  to  him  the  gates  of  the  capital.  At  best,  the 


DETHRONEMENT  AND  DEATH  OF  ITURRIDE.  399 


empire  was  but  a brief  and  pitiful  episode  in  the  history  of 
the  nation,  though  one  that  gave  a powerful  impulse  to  the 
party  spirit  which  for  several  decades  involved  the  country 
in  the  horrors  of  fratricidal  war. 


400 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO. 

After  the  fall  o.  Iturbide,  the  congress  and  provisional 
government  sought  to  remedy,  as  far  as  possible,  the  evils  of 
the  imperial  administration.  Political  prisoners  were  liber- 
ated; the  appointments  of  judges  for  the  supreme  court  were 
cancelled;  the  council  of  state  was  suppressed;  and  every 
badge  and  mark  of  the  late  empire  was  abolished.  To  pro- 
vide means  for  current  expenses,  and  for  urgent  obligations, 
orders  were  issued  for  the  sale,  at  less  than  usual  rates,  of  all 
the  tobacco  and  cigars  in  the  government  warehouses,  and  for 
the  disposal  of  the  property  of  the  Jesuits  and  the  Inquisition. 
A loan  was  also  raised  in  England,  a portion  of  it  being  re- 
ceived in  the  form  of  clothing,  arms,  and  ships,  while  with  the 
specie  the  most  pressing  demands  were  met,  such  as  the  repay- 
ment of  forced  loans,  and  of  the  funds  of  private  individuals 
appropriated  by  Iturbide. 

Among  other  matters  to  which  they  gave  their  attention 
was  the  selection  of  a national  flag  and  coat  of  arms,  the  lat- 
ter resembling  the  one  in  use  among  the  Aztecs  at  the  date  of 
the  Spanish  Conquest.  The  design  for  the  flag  consisted  of 
three  vertical  bars,  in  green,  white,  and  red,  the  first  represent- 
ing independence,  the  second  the  purity  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion,  and  the  third  the  union  of  the  Spanish  element  with 
the  Mexican  nation. 

The  reins  of  power  were  now  in  the  nands  of  the  republicans, 
who  were  divided  into  two  parties,  termed  federalists  and  cen- 
tralists. To  the  former  were  attached  the  partisans  of  Itur- 
bide, who  still  hoped  for  revenge  on  those  who  had  caused  his 
overthrow.  The  latter,  which  was  virtually  the  governing 
body,  consisted  principally  of  members  of  the  masonic  order, 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO. 


401 


and  also  of  those  who  were  in  favor  of  a monarchy,  from  whom 
it  received  the  nickname  of  bourbonists. 

In  its  anxiety  to  allay  the  public  agitation,  congress  in- 
creased the  powers  of  the  provincial  deputations,  giving  them 
the  control  of  their  own  revenues,  and  at  the  same  time  declar- 
ing its  willingness  to  accept  the  federal  system.  But  these 
concessions  did  not  satisfy  the  demands  of  the  people,  and  it 
finally  became  necessary  to  convoke  a constituent  congress, 
to  assemble  in  Mexico  on  the  31st  of  October. 

The  result  was  that  the  freemasons  lost  their  preponder- 
ance, while  the  monarchists  were  excluded.  After  installation 
with  befitting  ceremonies,  the  new  assembly  began  its  labors 
on  the  7th  of  November,  1823,  endeavoring,  in  accordance 
with  the  expressed  desire  of  the  nation,  to  place  the  country 
under  the  most  liberal  institutions.  Soon  afterward  the 
draught  of  a constitution  was  prepared,  and  thereupon  the 
discussion  began. 

The  main  point  to  be  considered  was  contained  in  the 
fifth  article,  which  reads:  “The  nation  adopts  the  republican, 
federal,  popular,  representative  form  of  government.”  Sev- 
eral members  spoke  against  the  plan  of  federation,  urging  that 
the  proposed  measure  was  but  a copy  of  the  constitution  of  the 
northern  United  States,  which  was  unsuited  to  Mexico.  The 
federation  of  the  provinces,  it  was  declared,  would  be  followed 
by  their  disruption,  and  such  a policy  would  bring  upon  them 
the  very  evils  which  their  northern  neighbors  had  striven  to 
avert.  Because  the  British  colonies  had  united  to  resist  op- 
pression, and  had  then  drawn  up  an  instrument  which 
answered  well  their  purpose,  it  did  not  follow  that  Mexico, 
after  submitting  to  the  yoke  of  monarchy  for  more  than  three 
centuries,  should  imitate  their  example.  Nevertheless,  article 
'5  was  adopted  and  solemnly  proclaimed,  to  the  delight  of 
some  and  the  disgust  of  others,  for  thereon  depended  the 
future  institutions  of  the  country. 

Although  the  debates  on  other  articles  of  the  constitution 
were  protracted  for  many  months,  they  contained  little  of  in- 
26 


402 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


terest  until  the  point  arose  whether  the  executive  authority 
should  be  vested  in  one  person  or  in  three.  The  final  decision 
was  in  favor  of  a single  ruler;  for  it  was  believed  that,  under 
due  restraint  from  the  legislature,  it  would  not  he  in  the  power 
of  the  president  to  work  serious  mischief.  On  the  question  of 
territorial  division,  grave  difficulties  were  caused  by  the  ab- 
sence of  reliable  data  as  to  population,  resources,  and  revenue. 
But  the  most  troublesome  point  was  to  determine  the  quota 
that  each  state  must  contribute  for  the  support  of  the  general 
government,  amounting  in  all  to  $3,136,875.  In  many  in- 
stances the  apportionment  was  made  almost  entirely  by  guess- 
work, the  amounts  varying  from  $975,000  for  the  state  of 
Mexico  to  $15,625  for  that  of  Coahuila. 


Nicolas  Bravo. 


At  the  presidential  election,  Nicohis  Bravo  was  the  nominee 
of  the  centralists,  and  Guadalupe  Victoria  of  the  federalists. 
The  choice  fell  on  the  latter,  while  Bravo  was  elected  vice- 
president.  his  opoonent  being  Vicente  Guerrero.  Both  were 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO. 


403 


elected  for  four  years,  and  under  a special  decree  of  congress, 
entered  at  once  upon  their  duties,  inaugurating  without  loss  of 
time  the  new  system  of  governmen 

The  United  States  of  Mexico  was  the  name  adopted  by  the 
federal  republic,  and  on  the  4th  of  October,  1824,  the  consti- 
tution was  formally  published;  that  day,  and  the  16th  of  Sep- 
tember when  the  Cry  of  Dolores  first  became  the  watch-word 
of  freedom,  being  pronounced  the  only  national  anniversaries. 

After  declaring  the  absolute  independence  of  the  country, 
and  recognizing  the  states  that  were  to  be  the  component  fac- 
tors in  the  federation,  the  organic  act  of  the  Mexican  republic 
divides  the  powers  of  government  into  three  distinct  branches — 
the  executive,  the  legislative,  and  judicial.  The  Roman 
Catholic  religion  was  declared  the  religion  of  the  nation.  A 
praiseworthy  interest  is  manifested  in  the  welfare  of  the  coun- 
try, and  in  the  progress  of  education,  science,  and  commerce. 
Among  other  measures  may  be  mentioned  those  which  relate 
to  copyrights,  patents,  and  the  freedom  of  the  press;  to  the 
abolition  of  torture,  arbitrary  imprisonment,  and  retrospective 
laws,  whereby  life,  liberty,  and  property  had  been  placed  at 
the  mercy  of  unscrupulous  officials.  Many  of  its  provisions 
produced  good  results,  helping  to  rouse  the  people  into  activity, 
even  during  the  half-century  of  strife  and  confusion  to  which 
Mexico  was  afterward  subjected. 

The  opponents  of  republicanism,  arguing  from  their  own 
standpoint,  have  alleged  that  such  a form  of  government  did 
not  accord  with  the  habits  and  training  of  a people  which  for 
three  centuries  had  been  held  in  leading-strings,  subject  to 
the  decrees  of  a distant  court,  and  controlled  by  officials  who 
had  nothing  in  common  with  the  country.  In  their  estima- 
tion, no  benefit  could  be  expected  from  this  sudden  change, 
the  fact  that  a change  was  needed  being  entirely  ignored. 
The  troubles  that  ensued  confirmed  these  views,  and  permit- 
ted the  holders  to  ascribe  to  federal  rule  the  disturbances 
which  were  really  caused  by  the  enemies  of  such  institutions, 
men  who  brought  them  about  for  their  own  selfish  purposes, 


404 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


and  often  forced  those  who  were  in  power  to  exceed  their 
authority,  in  order  to  save  themselves  and  the  people  from 
serious  disaster.  Such  was  the  origin  of  nearly  all  the  revolu- 
tionary movements  that  distracted  the  country,  almost  from 
the  date  when  its  first  constitution  was  proclaimed. 

Under  this  constitution  the  following  political  divisions  were 
declared  to  be  states  of  the  union:  Chiapas,  Chihuahua,  Coa- 
huila  and  Texas,  Durango,  Guanajuato,  Jalisco,  Mexico, 
Michoacan,  Nuevo  Leon,  Oajaca,  Puebla  de  los  Angeles, 
Queretaro,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Sonora  and  Sinaloa  under  the 
title  of  Estado  de  Occidente,  Tabasco,  Tamaulipas,  Vera  Cruz, 
Yucatan,  and  Zacatecas.  The  two  Californias,  New  Mexico, 
and  Colima  were  admitted  as  territories,  Tlascala  being 
added  to  the  number  by  decree  of  congress  dated  the  24th  of 
November. 

Thus  was  the  republican  era  established  in  Mexico.  On  the 
10th  of  October,  1824,  the  president  delivered  his  inaugural 
address,  wherein  he  shows  a thorough  consciousness  of  his 
responsibilities,  beseeching  the  aid  of  providence,  and  asking 
the  co-operation  of  the  people,  whose  prosperity  he  held  dear. 
Guadalupe  Victoria,  whose  real  name  was  Juan  Felix  Fer- 
nandez,—the  former  appellation  being  assumed  in  honor  of 
the  virgin  patroness  of  Mexico,  and  of  a victory  gained  over 
the  Spaniards, — was  a man  of  remarkable  purity  of  character, 
honest,  unassuming,  kind-hearted,  and  a true  lover  of  freedom. 
By  many  his  talents  have  been  ignored,  and  his  virtues  set 
down  as  faults,  the  forethought  and  deliberation  which 
marked  his  career  being  attributed  to  indolence  and  apathy. 
Because  he  would  not  uphold  the  schemes  of  those  who  wished 
to  make  him  their  tool,  his  errors  have  been  ascribed  to  mal- 
ice and  his  prudence  to  lack  of  decision,  though  in  truth  he 
was  incapable  of  selfish  ambition,  and  for  the  public  welfare 
was  ever  ready  to  lay  aside  his  private  opinions.  Such,  in- 
deed, was  his  neglect  of  his  own  personal  interests  that,  after 
holding  the  highest  offices  of  state,  he  died  in  poverty  and  was 
buried  at  the  public  expense. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO. 


405 


Victoria’s  administration  began  under  the  happiest  auspices. 
The  republic  was  at  peace,  party  violence  had  been  kept 
under,  and  every  one  hoped  for  the  best.  The  president’s 
authority  was  disputed  by  none,  and  when  there  was  need 
of  funds,  hills  were  drawn  on  London,  where  a loan  had  been 
negotiated  of  considerable  amount.  Soon,  however,  there  were 
signs  of  impending  trouble. 

During  the  year  1825  certain  political  clubs  were  organized 
under  the  name  and  forms  of  masonic  lodges  of  the  York  rite, 
their  founder  being  rector  of  a parish  in  Tabasco,  and  senator 
of  that  state.  In  opposition  to  them  were  the  Scottish  rite 
lodges,  organized  between  1813  and  1826,  and  among  their 
members  were  Negrete,  Echavarri,  Guerrero,  and  many  promi- 
nent leaders,  this  party  being  in  favor  of  restoring  the  monarchy. 

At  this  date  the  principal  party  factions  were,  therefore,  the 
Yorkinos,  liberals  or  democrats,  consisting  of  the  revolution- 
ists, the  creoles,  and  mestizos,  with  hut  little  education,  and 
without  administrative  ability,  as  against  the  Escoceses,  — this 
being  the  name  given  to  members  of  the  Scottish  lodges, — in- 
cluding the  clergy,  the  royalists,  and  all  who  believed  in  the 
government  of  the  many  by  the  few.  At  the  elections  held 
toward  the  end  of  1826,  the  York  lodges  were  victorious  in 
the  federal  districts,  though  in  Vera  Cruz  and  a few  of  the  less 
influential  states  the  vote  was  against  them. 

The  year  1827  was  a painful  one  for  Mexico.  Among  other 
troubles  came  news  of  the  suspension  of  Barclay  and  Company 
of  London,  in  whose  hands  was  a balance  of  $2,250,000  of  the 
recently  contracted  loan.  In  November  congress  authorized 
the  government  to  borrow  $4,000,000,  pledging  the  revenues 
from  customs  and  tobacco,  and  an  equal  sum  guaranteed  by 
other  assets;  but  since  the  appropriations  for  the  following  year 
amounted  to  more  than  $15,500,000,  a sum  largely  in  excess 
of  the  revenue,  the  interest  on  the  foreign  debt  was  suspended. 
All  these  things,  of  course,  favored  the  designs  of  the  opposi- 
tion, and  caused  the  ministry  to  become  unpopular. 

Though  the  failure  of  their  plans  had  at  first  demoralized 


406 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  Escoceses,  this  party  made  a strenuous  effort  to  recover 
its  influence,  proclaiming  at  Otumba,  on  the  23d  of  December, 
1827,  the  plan  of  Montano,  so  called  after  an  obscure  lieuten- 
ant-colonel of  the  revolution,  though  its  real  leader  was 
Nicolas  Bravo,  the  grand  master.  The  plan  embraced  four 
articles:  1.  The  suppression  of  secret  societies;  2.  The  dis- 
missal of  the  cabinet;  3.  The  dismissal  of  the  American  min- 
ister; 4.  A strict  fulfilment  of  the  constitution  and  laws. 

Thus  the  vice-president  of  the  republic,  who  had  sworn  to 
support  the  government,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a fac- 
tion which  demanded  the  removal  of  his  colleagues  and  of  the 
representative  of  a friendly  and  powerful  nation.  Establish- 
ing his  headquarters  at  Tulancingo,  some  twenty-five  leagues 
north-east  of  the  capital,  Bravo  collected  a force  of  600  men. 
Here  he  was  attacked  by  Guerrero  at  the  head  of  1,500  troops, 
and  after  a feeble  resistance,  all  the  principal  officers  were 
captured  and  taken  to  Mexico  for  trial.  The  York  lodges,  or 
Yorkino  party,  and  the  town  council  clamored  for  the  execu- 
tion of  the  rebels,  while  in  the  senate  a motion  was  made  for 
an  amnesty.  Congress,  however,  took  a middle  course,  and 
indeed  the  only  one  possible  under  the  circumstances,  order- 
ing the  expatriation  of  all  the  prisoners,  though  they  were 
afterward  permitted  to  return  to  their  homes. 

This  disaster  not  only  left  the  Escoceses  powerless,  but 
eventually  overthrew  the  Yorkino  party.  The  latter  faction, 
which  now  held  the  control  of  power,  might  have  done  good 
service  to  the  republic  by  correcting  abuses,  introducing  im- 
provements, and  securing  peace  and  tranquillity;  but  it  con- 
sisted mainly  of  ambitious  and  unscrupulous  men,  by  whom 
the  national  welfare  was  held  in  no  consideration.  Dissen- 
sions broke  out  among  them,  and  soon  paved  the  way  for  the 
downfall  and  extinction  of  the  party. 

Victoria’s  term  of  office  was  now  drawing  to  a close,  and 
the  most  prominent  among  the  candidates  for  the  second 
presidency  were  Guerrero  and  Gomez  Pedraza.  Both  belonged 
to  the  same  political  party;  but  much  dissension  arose  among 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO. 


407 


their  friends  and  in  congress,  while  intrigue  was  freely  used 
by  politicians,  and  calumny  and  insult  by  the  press.  Which- 
ever side  might  win,  a peaceable  solution  of  the  contest  seemed 
impossible.  Meanwhile,  the  president  kept  aloof  from  these 
complications,  though  his  ministers  favored  Pedraza,  who  was 


Gomez  Pedraza. 


elected  by  a majority  of  eleven  out  of  eighteen  state  legisla- 
tures, while  for  vice-president  the  vote  was  cast  in  favor  of 
Bustamante. 

Anticipating  defeat,  Guerrero’s  partisans  had  organized  a 
revolt  at  Perote  in  Vera  Cruz,  under  the  leadership  of  Santa 
Anna,  alleging  that  Pedraza  had  used  coercion  and  taken 
advantage  of  his  position  as  minister  of  war  to  overrule  public 
opinion;  and  this  in  the  face  of  an  order  from  the  president  to 
avoid  even  the  semblance  of  force,  and  of  an  assurance  from 
the  ministry  that  the  troops  should  not  be  called  out,  unless 
they  were  needed  to  preserve  liberty  of  action.  The  president 
resolved  to  uphold  the  constitution,  and  was  seconded  by  con- 


408  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

gress.  Santa  Anna  was  ordered  to  lay  down  his  arms,  under 
penalty  of  being  declared  without  pale  of  the  law,  and  sustain- 
ing a reverse,  fled  to  Oajaca,  where  he  was  closely  besieged, 
being  saved  only  by  the  outbreak  of  a revolt  in  the  capital, 
which  made  necessary  the  recall  of  the  troops. 


Convent  of  Santo  Domingo. 


About  the  close  of  November  1828,  Guerrero  demanded  a 
change  of  ministry,  in  order  that  congress  might  discuss  the 
question  of  the  presidency  with  perfect  freedom  of  debate. 
His  supporters  occupied  the  ex-acordada  building  and  the 
citadel,  where,  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  December,  they 
were  attacked  by  a strong  force  of  federal  troops.  After  a 
conflict  which  lasted  until  the  morning  of  the  4th,  the  rebels 
were  victorious.  I hen  followed  pillage;  and  the  rabble,  taking 


. 


THE  UNITED  STATES  OF  MEXICO. 


409 


advantage  of  the  situation,  and  raising  the  cry  of  “Mueran  los 
Espanoles!”  rushed  to  the  Parian  or  bazaar,  where  were  the 
stalls  of  the  Spanish  merchants,  broke  open  the  doors,  and 
sacked  it.  In  a few  hours,  property  to  the  value  of  $2,000,000 
was  carried  away,  and  more  than  1,000  persons  were  reduced 
to  want.  Other  buildings  were  plundered,  and  in  vain  did 
Victoria,  going  in  person  to  the  scene  of  the  tumult,  beseech 
ihe  leaders  to  stay  these  outrages.  Meantime  Pedraza  fled 
secretly  to  Guadalajara,  and  soon  afterward  embarked  at 
Tampico  for  London,  having  previously  resigned  his  right  to 
the  presidency,  while  the  pretensions  of  Guerrero  were  recog- 
nized by  congress.  Thus  was  the  national  constitution  rent 
asunder,  and  the  door  opened  for  future  disorders. 


410 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS. 

Before  proceeding  further  with  the  internal  affairs  of  Mex- 
ico, it  will  he  in  place  to  make  brief  mention  of  her  foreign  re- 
lations during  the  years  immediately  following  the  revolution 
The  first  diplomatic  act  of  the  nation  was  to  recognize  the 
republic  of  Colombia  as  a free  and  independent  power.  Early 
in  1823,  Central  America  separated  from  Mexico,  her  inde- 
pendence being  also  acknowledged  by  congress,  and  in  the 
same  year  a treaty  of  amity,  league,  and  confederation  was 
made  with  the  United  States  of  Colombia. 

By  treaty  of  1828,  ratified  three  years  later,  the  Sabine 
River  was  established  as  the  boundary  line  between  Louisiana 
and  the  then  Mexican  state  of  Texas.  In  1831,  a treaty  of 
commerce,  navigation,  and  amity  was  agreed  upon  between 
the  United  States  of  Mexico  and  the  United  States  of  America. 
Before  that  date  several  matters  had  been  in  dispute  between 
the  two  governments,  as  the  claims  of  American  citizens  for 
robberies  committed  by  Mexicans,  the  impressment  of  seamen, 
and  the  seizure  and  confiscation  of  vessels  by  Mexican  au- 
thorities. 

At  the  several  congresses  convened  in  Europe  to  treat  of 
Spanish  American  affairs,  Great  Britain  had  reserved  the 
right  to  act  as  best  suited  her  own  interests  and  those  of  Spain 
and  the  United  States.  Had  it  not  been  for  the  timely  and 
energetic  protest  of  two  great  powers  against  interference  on 
the  part  of  some  of  the  Latin  nations  of  Europe,  constituting 
the  so-called  holy  alliance,  it  is  probable  that  after  her  suc- 
cesses in  Naples,  Piedmont,  and  Spain.  France  would  have 
•attempted  to  restore  in  America,  as  she  had  already  done  in 
the  peninsula,  the  absolute  power  of  Ferdinand  VTI. 


FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS. 


411 


In  consequence  of  the  victories  won  by  the  Colombians  over 
the  Spanish  forces  in  Peru,  and  of  the  prospects  of  a stable 
peace,  English  statesmen  were  of  opinion  that  the  time  had 
come  for  a formal  recognition  of  the  Spanish  colonies  in 
America.  Soon  afterward  the  British  court  entered  into  rela- 
tions of  friendship  and  trade  with  Mexico,  and  its  diplomatic 
agent  was  received  with  every  mark  of  respect,  the  Mexican 
minister  in  London  also  meeting  with  a friendly  reception. 
Treaties  of  amity,  commerce,  and  navigation  were  also  con- 
cluded with  several  of  the  European  powers. 

In  November  1825,  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  the 
only  point  still  left  to  Spain  of  all  her  Mexican  possessions,  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  republic.  For  more  than  two  years  the 
fort  had  maintained  a continual  and  sometimes  vigorous  bom- 
bardment of  the  city,  without  other  result  than  destroying  a 
number  of  buildings,  and  depriving  itself  of  the  supplies  which 
the  merchants  of  Vera  Cruz  had  been  accustomed  to  furnish 
for  the  support  of  the  garrison. 

A little  before  this  date  a number  of  armed  vessels,  pur- 
chased in  England  and  commanded  by  British  and  American 
officers,  arrived  in  the  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz,  and  in  co-opera- 
tion with  them  was  a squadron  of  gun-boats.  A strict  block- 
ade was  maintained,  all  communication  between  the  fort  and 
the  shore  being  cut  off;  food  became  scarce;  the  men  were 
stricken  with  disease,  and  soon  it  became  apparent  that  the 
stronghold  was  doomed.  A Spanish  fleet  arrived  from  Cuba 
with  re-enforcement  and  supplies;  but  its  commander  did  not 
venture  to  attack  the  blockading  squadron,  and  returned  to 
Habana.  A few  days  later  a capitulation  was  signed,  where- 
by the  garrison  was  accorded  the  honors  of  war,  and  was 
conveyed  to  Cuba  at  the  expense  of  the  Mexican  government, 
after  surrendering  all  its  artillery,  small-arms,  and  ammuni- 
tion. The  news  of  this  success  was  received  with  joy  through- 
out the  nation;  the  officers,  soldiers,  and  sailors  were  liberally 
rewarded,  and  the  Spanish  flag,  which  for  more  than  two  cen- 


412 


HIS  Tour  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


turies  had  waived  over  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua,  was 
deposited  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  Virgin  of  Guadalupe. 

The  capture  of  this  stronghold  did  not,  however,  put  an  end 
to  the  strife  between  the  republic  and  the  mother  country. 
In  December  a Mexican  squadron,  consisting  of  one  frigate 


Vera  Cruz  Harbor. 

and  four  brigs,  under  the  command  of  Commodore  David  Por- 
ter, sailed  from  Vera  Cruz  for  the  coast  of  Cuba,  where  richly 
laden  merchant  ships  were  captured.  With  a view  further  to 
injure  Spanish  commerce,  already  sorely  harassed  by  Colom- 
bian privateers,  Porter  issued  letters  of  marque,  and  cruised 
off  the  coasts  of  Spain,  causing  damage  to  several  of  the 
enemy’s  vessels.  In  retaliation,  men-of-war  were  despatched 
to  the  gulf  of  Mexico,  and  on  the  11th  of  February,  1828,  an 
action  was  fought  between  the  frigate  Lealtad  of  50  guns  and 


FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS. 


413 


the  Mexican  brig  Guerrero  of  22  guns,  the  latter  being  cap- 
tured after  a running  fight  in  which  her  captain  was  slain  and 
most  of  the  crew  were  killed  or  wounded. 

In  July  1829,  an  expedition  sailed  from  Habana  under 
Brigadier  Barradas,  its  avowed  purpose  being  the  reconquest 
of  Mexico.  The  entire  force  mustered  about  3,000  men,  and 
the  fleet,  under  Rear-Admiral  Laborde,  consisted  of  five  ves- 
sels of  war  and  fifteen  transports,  among  the  latter  being  the 
American  ship  Bingham , which  was  cast  ashore  on  the  coast 
of  Louisiana,  none  of  those  on  board  taking  part  in  the  cam- 
paign. 

The  first  tidings  of  the  coming  invasion  were  brought  to 
Vera  Cruz  by  a French  frigate,  whose  commander,  however, 
could  not  inform  the  authorities  as  to  its  exact  destination. 
Thereupon  Santa  Anna,  then  governor  and  commander  of  the 
forces,  borrowed  a small  sum  of  money,  and  mustered  out 
the  militia,  purposing  to  attack  the  invaders.  On  the  2fith  of 
July  the  Spanish  commander,  who  was  then  off  Punta  de 
Jerez,  sent  on  shore  proclamations  which  showed  that  he 
expected  the  royalists  to  join  his  standard. 

On  the  following  day  a landing  was  effected,  and  soon  after- 
ward Barradas  put  his  forces  in  motion  toward  Tampico, 
reaching  that  city  on  the  18th  of  August  and  finding  it  de- 
serted. 

Meanwhile  great  was  the  alarm  in  the  capital;  for  it  was 
believed  that  this  was  but  the  advanced  guard  of  a larger 
body.  The  president  collected  an  army  of  reserve  to  occupy 
positions  in  Jalapa,  Cordoba,  and  Orizaba;  another  division 
was  organized  in  the  south,  and  in  Tamaulipas  Garza  inus 
tered  a force  of  regulars  and  militia,  sending  word  to  Teran, 
who  was  then  inspecting  the  boundary  line  between  Texas 
and  the  United  States,  to  return  at  once  and  aid  in  the  de- 
fence. 

On  learning  where  the  Spaniards  were,  Santa  Anna  em- 
barked about  1,000  men,  who,  with  the  cavalry  despatched  by 
land,  formed  a total  of  about  2,000  under  his  own  direction. 


414 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  government  having  appointed  him  commander-in-chief. 
Without  entering  into  the  details  of  their  operations,  it  need 
only  be  mentioned,  that  after  several  bloody  encounters  Santa 


Eastern  District  Harradas’  (Jam pawn. 


Anna  and  Teran  forced  the  remnant  of  Barradas’  command  to 
capitulate,  though  not  without  heavy  casualties  on  both  sides. 
Thus  terminated  this  futile  attempt  to  reconquer  Mexico,  which 
ended  only  in  a considerable  loss  of  life  and  the  expenditure 


FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS. 


415 


of  more  than  $1,150,000.  The  result  was  somewhat  in  con- 
trast with  the  expedition  of  Cortes;  but  at  this  date  such  men 
as  Cortes  and  his  veterans  were  not  very  numerous. 

On  the  1st  of  April,  1829,  Guerrero  was  duly  installed  in 
office,  and  at  once  published  a manifesto,  in  which  was  out- 
lined his  future  policy.  Of  the  president’s  biography  some 
portions  have  already  been  related.  A native  of  Tixtla,  then 
within  the  intendencia  of  Mexico,  his  parents  belonged  to 
the  race  then  included  in  the  term  castas,  one  to  which  nei- 
ther civil  nor  political  rights  were  accorded,  and  forever  per- 
vented  by  law,  custom,  and  prejudice  from  rising  above  its 
lowly  condition.  To  this  fact  should  be  mainly  ascribed 
Guerrero’s  defects,  which  have  been  pitilessly  exaggerated  by 
the  very  men  who  should  have  commended  his  fortitude,  his 
services,  and  his  personal  merits.  Of  his  military  career  it  is 
unnecessary  to  make  further  mention.  Suffice  it  to  say,  that 
although  until  about  the  year  1814  he  was  a subordinate  officer 
in  the  revolutionary  ranks,  he  had  already  made  his  mark  as 
a soldier  while  fighting  under  the  banner  of  Morelos. 

Though  none  who  knew  Guerrero  could  fail  to  recognize  his 
sound  judgment  and  commom  sense,  he  never  appeared  fully 
to  realize  the  conditions  of  his  high  position,  its  duties,  its 
perils,  and  its  privileges.  While  in  the  presidential  chair,  he 
lacked  the  firmness  and  constancy  which  should  have  been 
imparted  by  a sense  of  the  justice  and  expediency  of  his 
measures,  and  he  possessed  neither  the  foresight  needed  to 
prevent  the  outbreak  of  sedition  nor  the  vigor  to  repress  it. 
Yet  he  could  not  be  accused  of  imbecility  or  littleness  of  soul; 
and  in  cpiestions  of  moment,  when  once  his  judgment  was 
formed,  he  was  firm,  persevering,  and  on  occasions  obstinate. 
Among  his  political  principles  were  opposition  to  monarchical 
rule,  and  a profound  respect  for  the  federal  system  and  the 
representation  of  the  people.  None  but  those  who  favored 
these  principles  were  deemed  worthy  of  his  confidence;  and 
this  accounts  for  the  intense  antipathy  of  those  who  differed 


416 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


from  him  in  opinion,  and  also  for  his  hitter  hostility  toward 
his  opponents,  most  of  whom  were  under  the  control  of  the 
clergy. 

Among  the  most  important  measures  of  Guerrero’s  admin- 
istration  was  the  abolition  of  slavery,  although  this  institution 
had  already  been  reduced  to  narrow  limits,  the  few  remaining 
bondsmen  being  employed  as  domestic  servants,  and  treated 
no  longer  as  human  chattels,  but  as  members  of  the  family. 
The  decree  for  their  liberation  was  proclaimed  on  the  16th 
of  September,  1829,  and  the  law  met  with  no  demur  except 
in  Coahuila  and  Texas,  where  there  were  about  1,000  slaves 
whose  manumission  would  have  been  a costly  measure,  as 
they  were  held  in  high  valuation.  It  would  appear,  however, 
that  the  act  was  not  strictly  enforced;  for  in  April  1837  an- 
other decree  was  passed,  granting  freedom  to  all  bondsmen 
without  exception,  and  allowing  compensation  to  their  propri- 
etors. 

During  the  Spanish  invasion  the  president  was  invested 
with  the  powers  of  a dictator,  and  though  never  abused,  these 
privileges  brought  on  him  and  certain  of  his  colleagues  the 
hatred  of  the  people.  Soon  afterward  a coalition  of  states 
was  formed  to  oppose  his  administration,  and  thenceforth  they 
began  to  ignore  the  authority  of  the  federal  executive,  virtu- 
ally exercising  a veto  power  which  suspended  the  execution  of 
its  measures.  At  this  crisis,  when  energetic  measures,  tem- 
pered with  prudence,  were  absolutely  needed,  Guerrero  vacil- 
lated. His  motives  were  good,  but  his  action  was  weak,  and 
he  sought  for  allies  among  his  opponents  in  order  to  secure 
protection  for  the  cabinet,  and,  as  he  hoped,  for  the  country. 
His  efforts  were  in  vain,  however,  for  on  the  4th  of  December, 
1829,  Bustamante,  then  commander  of  the  largest  military 
division  in  Mexico,  proclaimed  a plan  subversive  of  the  gov- 
ernment, under  the  pretence  of  restoring  order  and  enforcing 
observance  of  the  laws,  which,  as  he  declared,  had  been  in- 
fringed by  the  executive.  Thus  for  the  second  time  a vice- 
president  headed  a faction  against  his  own  colleagues,  declaring 
their  acts  unconstitutional. 


FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS. 


417 


At  first  Guerrero  was  overwhelmed  at  the  tidings  of  this 
defection.  lie  appealed  to  his  ministry  for  assistance,  but 
there  were  none  to  aid  or  advise  him.  For  a time  he  recov- 
ered a portion  of  his  old  spirit,  and  resolved  to  place  himself 
at  the  head  of  such  troops  as  had  remained  faithful  to  him 
amid  the  general  desertion.  At  the  head  of  some  2,000  men 
he  set  out  toward  Ayacapiztla;  hut  while  on  the  march,  an 
uprising  occurred  in  the  capital,  and  the  insurgents  gained 
possession  of  the  palace  and  citadel.  This  disaster  completely 
unmanned  him.  Leaving  his  camp  without  apprising  his 
officers  or  men,  he  took  the  road  toward  the  south,  and  after 
crossing  the  Mescala  River  believed  himself  to  be  in  safety. 
For  a time  he  remained  with  his  family  at  his  estate  near 
Tixtla,  but  left  it  on  receiving  news  from  Mexico  that  six  cut- 
throats had  been  liberated  from  jail  on  condition  that  they 
would  attempt  his  assassination. 

Before  the  end  of  1829  all  the  states,  with  the  exception  of 
Vera  Cruz,  had  accepted  Bustamante’s  plan.  The  legislature 
of  that  state  conferred  on  Santa  Anna  the  civil  and  military 
control,  and  on  the  17th  of  December  a manifesto  was  issued, 
in  which  he  declared  his  intention  to  defend  the  established 
government,  Guerrero  having  been  recognized  as  the  chief 
magistrate  of  the  nation  when  Pedraza  had  renounced  his 
claim  to  the  presidency.  His  intention  was  to  march  against 
the  capital  and  overthrow  the  new  government,  but  he  was 
deserted  by  his  troops,  — the  very  men  who  had  fought  under 
him  against  the  Spaniards.  Thereupon  commissioners  were 
despatched  from  Mexico  to  confer  with  him,  the  result  being 
that  Santa  Anna  abandoned  his  purpose,  and  proclaimed  that 
since  Guerrero  had  forsaken  his  post,  he  would  thenceforth 
recognize  the  lawful  authority  of  Bustamante. 

Anastasio  Bustamante  y Oseguera  was  a native  of  Jiquilpan 
in  the  province  of  Michoacan.  When  fifteen  years  of  age  he 
entered  the  seminary  of  Guadalajara,  where  his  ability,  appli- 
cation, and  generous  disposition  won  for  him  the  regard  of  his 
teachers  and  classmates.  In  1808  he  received  a commission 
27 


418 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


in  a battalion  composed  of  young  men  belonging  to  the  lead- 
ing families  in  San  Luis  Potosi.  After  long  service  in  the 
ranks  of  the  royalists,  and  subsequently  under  the  banner  of 
Iturbide,  he  was  appointed,  during  Victoria’s  administration, 
general  of  division.  A man  of  remarkable  courage  and  pres- 
ence of  mind,  he  was  somewhat  lacking  in  judgment,  and 
yielded  too  readily  to  the  opinions  of  his  advisers.  During  his 
public  career,  however,  he  displayed  the  qualities  of  a true 
patriot,  and  was  ever  on  the  side  of  progress  and  reform. 

On  the  1st  of  January,  1830,  Bustamante  assumed  the  ex- 
ecutive power,  and  on  the  4th  issued  a proclamation  in  which 
he  described,  from  the  standpoint  of  his  party,  the  political 
condition  of  the  country,  accusing  the  former  government  of 
abuses  of  power  and  misappropriation  of  the  public  funds. 
He  then  submitted  his  conduct  to  the  decision  of  congress  and 
the  people. 

The  question  now  arose,  What  was  to  be  done  with  Guer- 
rero? His  election  could  not  be  declared  illegal,  for  such  a 
declaration  would  also  disqualify  Bustamante.  In  congress  a 
motion  was  made  to  declare  him  morally  incapable,  and  after 
a warm  discussion  it  was  declared  that  the  man  whose  services 
had  won  for  him  the  title  of  “ benefactor  of  his  country,”  and 
whom  the  national  assembly  had  appointed  but  one  year  ago 
to  the  chief  magistracy,  was  unfitted  to  govern  the  republic. 

This  decree  met  with  considerable  opposition  in  the  southern 
provinces,  where  Juan  Alvarez  raised  the  standard  of  revolt, 
and  the  new  government  was  forced  to  meet  its  opponents  on 
their  own  ground.  Armijo,  who  commanded  the  forces  sent 
against  them,  was  slain  in  a hard-fought  battle  near  Texca; 
but  on  the  2d  of  January,  1831.  the  combined  forces  of  Guer- 
rero and  Alvarez  were  routed  near  Chilpancingo  by  a better 
organized  army  under  Nicolas  Bravo.  The  ex-president  then 
retired  to  Acapulco,  which  had  been  captured  by  Alvarez  in 
March  of  the  previous  year,  paying  no  heed  to  warnings  that 
the  government  was  planning  his  destruction. 

Invited  to  breakfast  on  board  a ship  about  to  sail  for  Gua- 


FOREIGN  AND  DOMESTIC  AFFAIRS. 


419 


tulco,  Guerrero  remained  on  the  vessel  until  the  mouth  of  the 
harbor  was  reached,  having  a boat  in  tow  to  convey  him  back 
to  shore.  But  while  in  the  act  of  bidding  adieu  to  his  host, 
he  was  seized  and  bound  by  the  crew,  together  with  those  who 
accompanied  him.  From  Guatulco  he  was  taken  to  Oajaca, 
where  he  was  placed  on  trial  and  condemned  to  death,  among 
the  charges  brought  against  him  being  that  he  had  personally 
directed  the  revolution  of  the  Acordada,  and  that,  disregard- 
ing all  overtures  for  peace,  he  had  placed  himself  at  the  head 
of  the  rebel  forces  at  Chilpancingo.  On  the  14th  of  Febru- 
ary, Guerrero  was  conducted  to  the  place  of  execution,  and 
when  placed  in  front  of  the  firing  platoons,  was  compelled  to 
listen  on  bended  knee  to  the  sentence  of  the  court. 

It  is  a somewhat  remarkable  coincidence  that  Iturbide  ana 
Guerrero,  men  who  though  differing  essentially  in  their  views 
had  made  common  cause  in  order  to  secure  their  country’s 
freedom,  both  met  their  death  at  the  hands  of  the  same 
political  party. 


Plan  of  Tampico. 


420 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

POLITICS  AND  THE  PASTRY  WAR. 

To  mention  in  detail,  or  even  to  mention  at  all,  the  number- 
less revolutions  and  counter-revolutions  which  for  several 
decades  distracted  the  republic  of  Mexico,  would  he  but  a 
tiresome  and  fruitless  task.  Having  now  presented  to  the 
reader  the  leading  incidents  which  marked  the  early  career  of 
the  nation,  I shall  touch  more  briefly  on  the  less  interesting 
portions  of  the  remaining  period. 

In  his  address  to  the  legislature,  at  the  opening  of  the  year 
1832,  Bustamante  complimented  the  members  on  the  progress 
of  the  republic,  remarking  that  the  animosity  of  political  par- 
ties had  wellnigh  disappeared.  But  while  receiving  from  his 
followers  the  most  flattering  manifestations  of  their  loyalty, 
news  was  received  of  an  uprising  at  Vera  Cruz,  where  the  gar- 
rison had  issued  a pronunciamiento,  or  revolutionary  proclama- 
tion, demanding  the  dismissal  of  the  ministers.  Santa  Anna 
was  urged  to  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  movement,  and 
accepted  the  position,  at  the  same  time  addressing  a letter  to 
Bustamante,  in  which  he  tendered  his  services  as  mediator, 
hoping  thus  to  avoid  an  outbreak  of  hostilities. 

The  ministry  resolved  to  use  all  its  resources  to  crush  this 
outbreak;  but  at  first  peaceable  measures  were  employed, 
commissioners  being  sent  to  induce  Santa  Anna  to  abandon 
all  connection  with  the  revolt.  Nothing  was  accomplished, 
however,  and  there  was  no  recourse  but  an  appeal  to  arms. 
At  first  the  insurgents  were  partially  successful,  but  on  the 
3d  of  March  suffered  a disastrous  defeat,  and  were  soon  after- 
ward besieged  in  Vera  Cruz  by  a strong  force  under  General 
Calderon.  After  losing  1,000  of  his  men,  the  latter  was  com- 
pelled to  raise  the  siege,  and  retire  to  Jalapa,  leaving  800 
men  under  Rincon  to  watch  the  movements  of  Santa  Anna. 


POLITICS  AM)  THE  PASTRY  WAR. 


421 


Meanwhile  the  standard  of  revolt  had  been  raised  in  Tamau- 
lipas,  where  Teran  marched  against  the  Tebels,  but  sustained 
a crushing  defeat  at  Tampico,  which  caused  him  such  grief  of 
mind  that  his  reason  became  unseated,  and  he  committed 
suicide.  Soon  afterward  the  movement  spread  to  San  Luis 
I’otosi,  Zacatecas,  and  Jalisco;  and  at  length,  in  the  hope  of 
checking  its  further  progress,  the  ministry  resigned.  But  it 
was  now  too  late,  and  a measure  which  a few  months  before 
would  have  put  an  end  to  the  revolt  was  without  effect. 

On  the  7th  of  August,  the  deputies,  voting  by  states,  elected 
General  Melchor  Muzquiz  president  ad  interim,  Bustamante 
retaining  his  position  as  vice-president.  About  a month  be- 
fore this  date,  however,  a pronunciamiento  had  been  issued  at 
Vera  Cruz  in  favor  of  proclaiming  Pedraza  as  the  lawful  ruler 
of  the  republic. 

At  the  head  of  4,000  men,  Bustamante  set  forth  for  San 
Miguel  el  Grande,  since  called  Allende,  where  the  enemy 
occupied  several  important  positions,  and  afterward  took  pos- 
session of  the  town  of  Dolores.  The  insurgents,  under  Moc- 
tezuma,  marched  against  him  with  superior  numbers,  and  on 
the  18th  of  September  a decisive  action  was  fought.  Mocte- 
zuma  arranged  his  troops  so  as  to  attack  the  foe  on  both  flanks 
at  the  same  moment;  but  finally  massed  his  entire  force 
against  Bustamante’s  left,  exposing  his  columns  to  the  fire  of 
the  opj)osing  batteries,  and  of  some  battalions  stationed  under 
cover  of  a neighboring  hill.  The  result  Avas,  that  the  assail- 
ants Avere  driven  back  on  their  reserves,  and  again  advancing 
to  the  attack,  Avere  outflanked;  Avhereupon  a total  rout  ensued, 
the  fugitives  being  cut  doAvn  Avithout  mercy  by  the  pursuing 
cavalry. 

Affairs  in  Vera  Cruz  Avere  at  this  juncture  assuming  a most 
unfavorable  aspect  for  the  government.  At  the  beginning  of 
October  its  troops  Avere  defeated  with  heavy  loss  by  Santa 
Anna,  Avho  marched  on  Puebla,  capturing  that  city  almost 
Avithout  resistance.  The  revolutionists  then  advanced  on  the 
capital,  Avhich  before  the  end  of  the  month  Avas  completely  in- 


422 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


rested.  The  advance  of  Bustamante’s  army  on  Puebla  made 
it  necessary  to  raise  the  siege,  and  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
latter  city  several  engagements  took  place,  resulting  for  the 
most  part  in  disaster  1o  the  forces  of  the  government. 


Plan  of  the  City  of  Puebla. 

1.  Cathedral.  10, 11.  Theatres. 

2.  Palace.  12, 13.  Bull-rings. 

3.  Episcopal  Palace.  14.  Barrack. 

4.  5,  6,  7.  Hospitals  and  Asylums.  15, 16.  Parks. 

8.  Academy  of  Fine  Arts.  17.  Main  Plaza. 

9.  Presidio. 

Elsewhere  the  government  met  with  reverses;  and  it  may 
be  said  that  their  control  of  affairs  ivas  already  at  an  end. 
Finally,  negotiations  were  opened  and  an  armistice  agreed 
upon,  but  the  terms  proposed  were  not  accepted  by  congress; 
whereupon  Bustamante  resolved  to  act  on  his  own  responsi- 
bility. A treaty  was  framed  and  ratified  to  the  satisfaction  of 
the  contracting  parties,  one  of  its  articles  recognizing  Gomez 
Podraza  as  president  for  the  remaining  portion  of  bis  term. 


POLITICS  AND  THE  PASTRY  WAR. 


423 


The  garrison  of  Mexico  also  declared  in  his  favor,  and  Muz- 
quiz  and  his  ministers  retired  into  private  life  without  even 
t lie  formality  of  a resignation. 

During  the  war  of  Independence,  Pedraza  had  served  in  the 
ranks  of  the  royalists,  and  the  capture  of  Morelos  was  in  a 
measure  brought  about  by  his  advice.  Though  a strict  re- 
publican, he  rendered  good  service  to  Iturbide,  and  during  the 
administration  of  Victoria  was  appointed  minister  of  war. 


Valentin  Gomez  Farias. 


While  some  of  the  measures  of  the  new  government  were 
well  considered,  others  showed  a spirit  of  vindictiveness,  es- 
pecially those  directed  against  the  former  ministers  of  Busta- 
mante’s cabinet  and  against  the  Spaniards,  most  of  whom  had 
latterly  been  permitted  to  live  in  peace.  The  privileges  of  the 
clergy  and  army  were  also  assailed,  since  it  was  believed  that 
the  destruction  of  their  influence  would  tend  to  secure  the  per- 
manency of  free  institutions.  The  policy  of  the  administra- 
tion caused  much  alarm  and  turmoil  in  the  capital,  in  the 
midst  of  which  Pedraza,  his  term  of  office  having  expired, 


424 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOFLE. 


, surrendered  the  executive  authority  to  Valentin  Gomez  Farias, 
the  vice-president  elect. 

Farias,  the  champion  of  reform  in  Mexico,  was  a native  of 
Guadalajara,  where  he  graduated  as  a physician,  and  after- 
ward obtained  a considerable  practice,  from  which  he  accumu- 
lated a competency.  A democrat  at  heart,  and  ever  on  the 
side  of  progress,  he  was  unfortunately  of  too  impatient  a dis- 
position to  allow  time  for  progress  to  become  steadily  devel- 
oped. lie  was  entirely  indifferent  to  wealth  and  honors, 
always  eager  to  serve  his  country,  and  for  his  reward  sought 
only  the  good-will  of  his 'fellow-citizens.  His  term  of  office 
was  of  brief  duration,  though  fraught  with  peril  and  pregnant 
with  important  events. 

The  privileged  classes  received  many  hard  blows  at  the 
hands  of  Farias,  who  maintained  that  the  civil  authority 
should  ever  he  above  that  of  the  military,  and  endeavored  to 
prevent  interference  on  the  part  of  the  clergy  in  secular  affairs. 
The  reform  measures  about  to  be  introduced,  affecting  as  they 
did  the  two  most  powerful  classes  in  the  commonwealth,  pro- 
duced the  utmost  agitation.  At  this  crisis,  Santa  Anna,  who 
had  been  quietly  watching  the  progress  of  events,  was  invited 
to  become  the  leader  of  the  reactionary  movement  directed 
against  the  policy  of  Farias.  Proceeding  to  the  capital,  he 
removed  the  latter  from  office,  and  assumed  for  himself  the 
presidency,  having  previously  been  proclaimed  dictator  by 
the  army. 

Farias  was  blamed  by  the  liberal  party  for  his  want  of  spirit 
on  this  occasion.  He  had  been  intrusted  with  the  task  of 
abolishing  certain  traditional  institutions,  and  it  was  declared 
that  he  should  have  fulfilled  his  duty  in  the  face  of  all  oppo- 
sition. Congress  and  the  militia  would  have  supported  him; 
and  as  he  had  evidence  in  his  possession  that  Santa  Anna  was 
plotting  against  the  liberties  of  the  country,  he  should  have 
placed  him  under  arrest.  It  must  be  admitted  that  by  his 
present  course  he  had  allowed  the  powers  of  the  army  and  the 
clergy  to  be  restored;  and  yet  it  is  probable  that  his  inaction 


POLITICS  AND  TIIE  PASTRY  WAR. 


425 


was  caused  merely  by  the  dislike  of  being  suspected  of  per- 
sonal ambition,  and  of  being  accused  of  unconstitutional 
measures. 

Antonio  Lopez  de  Santa  Anna  was  a native  of  Jalapa,  in  the 
state  of  Vera  Cruz,  where  for  many  years  his  father  had  held 
office  as  subdelegate.  When  fifteen  years  of  age  he  adopted 
the  military  profession,  entering  the  service  as  a cadet,  and  for 


Santa  Anna. 

his  services  during  the  Spanish  invasion  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  general  of  division.  Trained  during  the  eventful  days 
of  the  revolution,  and  of  the  transition  period  which  preceded 
the  republican  era,  he  became  a master  of  intrigue,  in  which 
he  was  naturally  an  adept.  As  a soldier,  he  was  at  once  bold 
and  cautious,  providing  for  defeat  while  striving  for  victory. 
An  excellent  judge  of  character,  he  knew  exactly  how  to  in- 


426 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


fluence  those  around  him  as  best  suited  his  purpose,  being  at 
times  courteous  and  suave  in  manner,  and  again  haughty  and 
insolent.  lie  loved  to  see  his  country  prosper,  so  long  as  her 
prosperity  was  caused  by  himself;  but  he  was  in  no  sense 
either  a patriot  or  a reformer;  nor  was  he  even  capable  of  deep 
convictions  in  political  affairs.  Principles  and  men  he  re- 
garded only  as  ministers  to  his  greed  and  ambition,  which 
ranged  from  the  loftiest  heights  to  depths  the  most  base  and 
sordid.  These  very  extremes,  the  versatility  of  his  character, 
and  even  the  viler  traits  in  his  disposition,  tinged  as  they  were 
with  some  gleams  of  a better  nature,  and  all  mingled  with 
boundless  self-confidence  and  daring,  sufficed  to  stamp  him  as 
a genius.  As  such  at  least  he  was  regarded  by  the  widely  dif- 
ferent parties,  which,  though  hating  and  distrusting  him,  were 
compelled  to  appeal  to  him  for  aid;  for  while  by  no  means  a 
natural  ruler  of  men,  he  was  a cunning  manipulator  of  events. 

At  first  Santa  Anna  displayed  a disposition  to  please  all 
parties,  but  finally  leaned  to  the  side  of  the  reactionists,  and 
by  a coup  d’etat  dissolved  the  national  congress  and  the  state 
legislatures,  deposing  the  governors  and  town  councils,  and  re- 
placing them  with  adherents  of  his  own.  Although  another 
assembly  was  convoked  toward  the  close  of  1834,  its  measures 
failed  to  reconstruct  the  institutions  of  the  country  on  a solid 
basis.  Soon  afterward  the  dictator  tendered  his  resignation 
of  the  presidency,  and  though  it  was  not  accepted,  he  retired 
to  his  estate  in  the  province  of  Vera  Cruz,  General  Barragan 
being  placed  in  charge  of  the  executive.  It  was  believed, 
however,  that  all  the  more  important  acts  of  his  administration 
first  received  the  sanction  of  the  dictator. 

On  the  30th  of  December,  1836,  congress,  acting  as  a con- 
stituent assembly,  framed  a new  constitution,  which,  being 
composed  of  seven  laws,  became  popularly  known  under  the 
title  of  the  Siete  Leyes.  Thereby  the  states  were  to  be  re- 
duced to  departments,  ruled  by  magistrates  subject  to  the 
general  government  at  Mexico,  and  holding  office  for  eight 
years.  The  number  of  deputies  was  to  be  reduced,  and  both 


POLITICS  AND  THE  PASTRY  WAR. 


427 


members  and  electors  were  made  subject  to  a property  quali- 
fication. 

The  first  president  under  this  new  constitution  was  Anas- 
tasio  Bustamante,  though  the  choice  would  doubtless  have 
fallen  on  Santa  Anna  but  for  his  disastrous  campaign  in  Texas, 
of  which  mention  will  be  made  later.  From  the  outset  the 
chief  magistrate  was  confronted  with  obstacles,  which  clearly 
indicated  that  to  sustain  himself  in  office  would  be  no  easy 
task.  His  inaugural  address,  promising  to  pursue  an  enlight- 
ened policy,  to  promote  the  well-being  of  the  people  as  the 
source  of  all  political  power,  and  to  provide  for  the  adminis- 
tration of  justice  without  fear  or  favor,  was  received  by  the 
nation  with  indifference.  Acts  and  not  theories  were  wanted, 
and  intense  disgust  was  caused  by  his  selection  of  the  mem- 
bers of  his  cabinet,  most  of  whom  belonged  to  the  ranks  of  the 
aristocracy. 

The  political  parties  hitherto  existing  under  the  names  of 
yorkinos,  escoceses,  liberals,  progressionists,  and  reactionists 
were  now  organized  into  two  divisions,  known  as  federalists  and 
centralists,  the  latter  being  strongest  in  the  capitals  of  the  sev- 
eral departments  where  the  army  and  clergy  were  most  influ- 
ential. Restricted  as  the  president  was  in  proposing  measures 
to  congress,  or  returning  for  reconsideration  such  as  had  been 
enacted,  he  seemed  to  be  guided  by  no  well-defined  policy, 
and  this  at  a time  when  there  was  urgent  need  of  prompt  and 
vigorous  action.  The  national  treasury  was  empty,  and 
there  were  no  means  of  replenishing  it,  or  even  of  procuring 
funds  to  meet  the  most  pressing  demands.  Direct  taxation 
was  attempted,  but  met  with  determined  opposition,  for  al- 
ready private  property  was  sorely  encumbered,  the  only  estates 
that  were  not  heavily  mortgaged  being  those  of  the  church. 

Soon  after  the  inauguration  of  the  new  government,  news 
was  received  that  the  court  of  Spain  had  formally  recognized 
the  independence  of  Mexico.  A treaty  was  ratified  between 
the  two  nations,  whereby  the  latter  agreed  to  forbid  the  fitting 
out  of  expeditions  directed  against  the  Spanish  possessions  in 


428 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  New  World,  and  at  the  close  of  1839  the  first  Spanisli 
plenipotentiary  accredited  to  the  Mexican  government  arrived 
at  Vera  Cruz. 

With  other  countries,  however,  the  relations  of  Mexico  at 
this  period  were  less  satisfactory.  In  consequence  of  the 
numerous  pronunciamientos  with  their  attendant  outbreaks, 
foreigners  had  suffered  in  common  with  the  natives,  both  in 
person  and  property;  but  with  this  difference,  that  while  the 
latter  sought  in  vain  for  relief  at  the  hands  of  their  govern- 
ment, the  former  could  invoke  the  aid  of  ministers  and  consuls 
to  demand  redress.  If  the  diplomatic  agent  represented  a 
powerful  nation,  he  was  usually  met  with  a profusion  of  prom- 
ises, and  sometimes  obtained  a formal  assignment  of  compen- 
sation, though  often  thwarted  by  change  of  rulers  and  an 
empty  exchequer. 

Prominent  among  the  claimants  was  a number  of  French- 
men, who  sought  compensation  for  losses  sustained  during  the 
sacking  of  the  Parian  in  1828,  among  them  being  a baker, 
whose  pastry  had  been  stolen  by  the  mob,  whence  these  de- 
mands were  ridiculed  by  the  Mexicans  as  the  pastry  claims. 
Seeing  that  no  attempt  was  made  even  to  inquire  into  these 
matters,  the  French  ambassador  withdrew  in  January  1838, 
leaving  the  legation  in  the  hands  of  a charge  d’affaires,  and 
while  sailing  out  of  the  harbor  of  Vera  Cruz,  received  de- 
spatches confirming  his  action,  and  recommending  that  the 
French  residents  be  instructed  to  make  an  inventory  of  their 
effects.  The  significance  of  these  proceedings  could  not  be 
misunderstood,  and  was  placed  beyond  all  doubt  by  the  ar- 
rival, in  March,  of  a French  squadron  under  Admiral  Bazoche. 
On  board  one  of  the  vessels  the  ambassador  dictated  an  ulti- 
matum, demanding  the  payment,  on  or  before  the  15th  of 
April,  of  $000,000  in  settlement  of  the  claims,  together  with 
the  removal  of  certain  officials,  the  protection  of  French  resi- 
dents, and  their  exemption  from  forced  contributions.  The 
president  replied  that  national  honor  forbade  any  favorable 
consideration  of  the  terms  proposed  until  the  squadron  was 


POLITICS  AND  THE  PASTRY  WAR. 


429 


withdrawn.  Thereupon  Bazoche  declared  all  diplomatic  rela- 
tions suspended,  and  placed  the  gulf  ports  under  blockade, 
stating,  however,  that  the  latter  measure  was  directed,  not 
against  the  people,  hut  against  their  rulers. 

As  no  effect  was  produced  hy  the  blockade,  the  French  gov- 
ernment resolved  to  bring  matters  to  a crisis,  and  Rear-Admiral 
Baudin  was  despatched  to  Vera  Cruz  with  an  additional  squad- 
ron, and  with  instructions  to  settle  the  dispute,  peaceably  or 
hy  force.  In  November  a conference  was  held  at  Jalapa,  hut 
without  result,  and  on  the  21st  Baudin  left  that  city,  declaring 
that  hostilities  would  commence,  unless  his  terms  were  ac- 
cepted before  noon  on  the  27th.  The  congress  declared  unani- 
mously in  favor  of  resistance,  believing  that  their  Gibraltar — 
for  so  they  termed  the  fortress  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua — would 
defy  all  the  operations  of  the  fleet.  The  president  also  issued 
one  of  his  most  florid  proclamations,  proposing  to  lay  down  his 
life  rather  than  submit  to  the  humiliation  of  his  country.  It 
would  have  been  more  to  the  purpose  if  he  had  proposed  some 
effectual  measures  for  defence. 

Meanwhile  the  French  had  not  been  idle.  The  anchorage- 
ground  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort  had  been  carefully 
examined,  and  observations  taken,  with  a view  to  open  a can- 
nonade at  different  points.  The  fortress  covered  the  whole 
extent  of  a coral  islet,  situated  about  half  a mile  north-east  of 
Vera  Cruz,  and  forming  the  principal  shelter  of  the  harbor  in 
that  direction.  The  walls  rose  from  the  sea  in  the  shape  of  an 
irregular  parallelogram,  with  bastions  at  each  angle.  At  the 
south-west  and  south-east  corners  were  a lighthouse  of  brick 
and  a square  white  tower,  named  the  Caballero,  the  latter 
being  90  feet  in  length,  and  surmounted  by  a belvedere  whence 
ships  were  signalled.  The  entire  structure  had  an  imposing 
appearance,  but  except  on  the  side  facing  the  harbor,  was 
built  of  soft  madrepore,  and  was  almost  without  casemates  for 
the  protection  of  the  gunners.  The  garrison  mustered  about 
1,200  troops,  under  the  command  of  General  Gaona;  while  the 
French  fleet,  including  transports,  consisted  of  26  vessels,  on 
board  of  which  were  4,000  men. 


430 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


At  half-past  two  on  the  afternoonof  the  27tli the  bombardment 
commenced  with  a perfect  hail  of  halls  and  bombs,  the  former 
penetrating  twelve  inches  or  more  into  the  soft  coral  walls,  and 
as  they  exploded,  rending  them  from  top  to  base.  The  garri- 


son responded  with  spirit,  and  over  the  gleaming  waters  rolled 
the  thunder  of  two  hundred  cannon,  the  dense  smoke  shrouding 
for  a time  both  batteries  and  ships.  But  the  Mexicans  were 
entirely  overmatched  in  artillery,  while  the  powder  was  of 
such  inferior  quality  that  most  of  the  missiles  fell  short  of  the 
enemy’s  vessels.  Gun  after  gun  was  silenced,  while  shot  and 
shell  wrought  havoc  within  the  batteries,  now  among  the 
infantry,  ranged  within  the  curtains  in  case  of  an  assault,  and 
now  among  the  handful  of  artillerists.  At  first  the  gaps  in 
the  ranks  of  the  latter  were  filled;  but  soon  no  substitutes 
could  be  obtained,  and  at  frequent  intervals  the  firing  was 
stopped  for  want  of  men. 

An  hour  after  the  action  b«gan,  a bomb  struck  the  magazine 
of  the  San  Miguel  battery,  which  exploded  with  a terrific  de- 


POLITICS  AND  THE  PASTRY  WAR. 


431 


tonation,  belching  forth  flames,  and  scattering  war  material 
and  human  remains  torn  into  a thousand  fragments.  Soon 
afterward  the  belvedere  of  the  Caballero  was  blown  into  the 
air,  with  its  load  of  soldiers,  though  the  flag  which  had  waived 
above  it  remained  intact,  fluttering  defiance  to  the  foe,  and  in- 
citing the  garrison  to  renewed  efforts.  But  what  availed  cour- 
age when  hands  were  lacking  to  wield  the  enginery  of  war? 
Gradually  the  firing  ceased,  and  before  six  o’clock  nearly  all 
the  exterior  fortifications  had  been  abandoned,  while  the  in- 
terior lines  responded  feebly,  and  with  an  occasional  effort, 
like  the  gasp  of  the  dying.  Most  of  the  ammunition  had  been 
expended  or  destroyed;  more  than  200  men  had  been  killed 
or  disabled,  and  the  fortress  could  no  longer  be  defended.  It 
was  now  sunset,  and  soon  the  gathering  gloom  interposed  be- 
tween the  combatants.  The  bombardment  ceased,  and  only 
at  intervals  for  another  hour  a bomb  came  crashing  in  upon 
the  scene  of  desolation. 

Before  daybreak  on  the  28th,  Santa  Anna  inspected  the  fort 
by  order  of  General  Rincon,  the  commander-in-chief.  A single 
glance  convinced  him  that  to  prolong  the  defence  would  entail 
merely  a further  sacrifice  of  life,  and  at  a council  over  which 
he  presided,  it  was  resolved  to  capitulate.  Thus  fell  the 
Gibraltar  of  Mexico,  after  a brief  but  resolute  defence,  the 
French  taking  possession  within  twenty-four  hours  after 
the  first  shot  was  fired,  though  promising  to  restore  the 
fortress  as  soon  as  all  differences  were  adjusted. 

In  Mexico,  the  news  of  tins  defeat  was  received  with  the 
cry  of  treason,  and  the  government  found  it  necessary  to 
ignore  the  capitulation  and  issue  a declaration  of  war.  It 
was  ordered  that  the  regular  army  should  be  increased  to 
33,000  men,  and  that  volunteers  should  be  enrolled,  while 
re-enforcements  were  despatched  to  Vera  Cruz,  where  Santa 
Anna  was  appointed  to  succeed  Rincon  as  commander-in- 
chief. When  Baudin  was  informed  of  these  measures  he 
simply  expressed  his  regret,  declaring  that  he  could  raze  the 
city  to  the  ground  within  a few  hours,  but  had  no  desire  to 


432 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


retaliate  on  the  inhabitants  for  the  misdeeds  of  their  govern- 
ment At  the  same  time  lie  resolved  to  strike  a decisive 
blow  at  the  enemy  before  their  preparations  were  completed. 

At  daybreak  on  the  5th  of  December  three  French  divisions 
entered  Vera  Cruz,  two  of  them  being  ordered  to  carry  the 
forts  of  Santiago  and  Concepcion,  which  guarded  the  city  on 


the  east  and  west,  while  the  third,  under  Prince  de  Joinville, 
was  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Santa  Anna  and  Arista,  the  sec- 
ond in  command.  Under  cover  of  a dense  fog,  the  two  forts 
were  surprised  and  captured  almost  without  resistance,  while 
Joinville,  landing  on  the  quay  in  front  of  the  principal  gate, 
broke  it  open  with  a petard,  and  secured  the  cannon  which 
defended  the  entrance.  Aroused  from  his  slumbers  by  the  re- 
port, Santa  Anna  rushed  half  clad  from  his  quarters  and  made 
good  bis  escape;  but  not  so  Arista,  who  was  found  asleep  in 
his  room.  The  column  then  attacked  the  barracks  of  La 
Merced,  where  the  Mexicans  offered  a stout  resistance,  and 
Baudin  coming  up  at  this  moment  ordered  a retreat,  declar- 
ing that  he  had  no  intention  of  holding  possession  of  the  town. 


POLITICS  AND  TIIE  PASTRY  WAR. 


433 


Meanwhile  Santa  Anna  had  kept  himself  aloof  at  a safe  dis- 
tance, collecting  such  forces  as  he  could  muster,  and  awaiting 
the  arrival  of  Arista’s  command.  Learning,  however,  of  the 
retrograde  movement  of  the  French,  he  resolved  to  take  on 
himself  the  credit  of  their  repulse,  and  at  once  set  out  in  pur- 
suit. Reaching  the  shore  when  all  had  embarked  with  the 
exception  of  the  rear-guard,  he  led  his  men  valiantly  to  the 
charge,  but  was  received  with  a round  of  grape,  which  killed 
or  wounded  a number  of  his  troops,  their  commander  being 
hit  in  the  left  leg,  and  his  horse  shot  under  him.  A few  vol- 
leys were  exchanged  before  the  enemy’s  boats  were  shrouded 
in  the  mist,  and  as  soon  as  it  cleared  away  Baudin  retaliated 
by  shelling  the  barracks;  whereupon  the  inhabitants  fled,  and 
the  soldiery  withdrew  out  of  range,  carrying  with  them  their 
wounded  general. 

The  commander-in-chief  had  allowed  himself  to  be  sur- 
prised; he  had  remained  carefully  in  the  background  during 
the  fight,  and  had  finally  evacuated  the  city.  Nevertheless, 
he  hoped  that  with  a little  bombast  the  masses  could  be  hood- 
winked into  the  belief  that  he  had  won  a glorious  victory,  and 
would  regard  him  as  a martyred  hero  bleeding  for  his  country. 
In  order  to  deepen  the  impression,  he  issued  a manifesto,  as 
from  his  death-bed,  relating  how  he  had  driven  the  enemy 
into  the  sea,  with  losses  far  exceeding  his  own.  “Cast  aside 
discord,”  he  wrote,  “and  unite  against  the  French.  As  for 
me,  forgive  my  political  errors,  and  deny  me  not  the  only  title 
which  I desire  to  transmit  to  my  children, — that  of  a true 
Mexican.”  The  farce  succeeded,  and  for  a time  the  absorbing 
topic  of  conversation  throughout  the  country  was  the  patriot- 
ism and  self-devotion  of  Santa  Anna. 

After  the  first  flush  of  resentment,  the  Mexicans  began  to 
realize  that  nothing  could  be  gained  by  prolonging  the  struggle, 
while  the  French  were  also  desirous  of  bringing  the  matter  to 
an  issue,  especially  as  a British  fleet,  much  stronger  than  their 
own,  was  now  anchored  in  front  of  the  city.  A conference  was 
held,  and  on  the  9th  of  March,  1839,  a treaty  and  convention 
28 


434 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


were  signed,  whereby  the  Mexican  government  promised  to 
pay  the  sum  of  $600,000  in  settlement  of  all  claims,  and  to 
accord  to  French  citizens  the  same  privileges  as  were  enjoyed 
by  those  of  other  nationalities.  A month  later  the  fortress  of 
San  Juan  de  Ulua  was  surrendered;  the  hostile  fleet  set  sail 
from  Vera  Cruz,  having  on  board  a few  old  pieces  of  cannon 
as  trophies;  and  thus  ended  the  so-called  Pastry  War. 


MISRULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  SANTA  ANNA.  435 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

MISRULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  SANTA  ANNA. 

While  the  dispute  with  France  was  in  progress,  and  for 
some  time  afterward,  pronunciamientos  were  issued  by  the 
federalists  in  various  portions  of  the  country,  among  the  more 
serious  movements  being  the  one  in  Yucatan,  which  province 
for  a time  maintained  its  independence. 

Before  daybreak  on  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  July, 
1840,  a party  of  insurgents  released  the  federalist  general, 
Urrea,  who  had  been  imprisoned  in  the  inquisition  building 
of  the  capital.  At  the  head  of  a handful  of  men,  this  chief- 
tain silently  entered  the  palace  and  surprised  the  garrison, 
most  of  whom  were  asleep.  At  the  noise  made  when  captur- 
ing the  guard  near  the  president’s  apartment,  Bustamante 
awoke,  and  as  General  Urrea  entered  his  room  he  grasped  his 
sword.  “ Fear  not,  general,  I am  Urrea,”  said  the  leader,  and 
informed  him  of  the  situation.  The  president  then  was 
assured  that  his  person  would  be  respected;  but  he  must  re- 
main a prisoner  in  his  rooms.  Several  of  the  prominent  cen- 
tralists were  also  secured;  but  the  minister  of  war  escaped  to 
the  citadel,  and  there  made  preparations  for  suppressing  the 
revolt,  summoning  to  his  aid  all  the  reliable  troops  in  the 
capital. 

Gomez  Farias  had  been  invited  by  the  insurgents  to  accept 
the  presidency,  and  followed  by  a vast  multitude,  amid  cries 
of  ‘Viva  la  federacion!’  proceeded  to  the  palace,  which  had 
been  selected  as  the  headquarters  of  the  insurgents.  Messen- 
gers were  sent  in  various  directions  to  obtain  re-enforcements, 
but  ere  they  could  arrive  the  government  troops  under  Gen- 
eral Valencia  had  been  largely  increased,  among  those  who 


436 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


came  to  their  support  being  the  alumni  of  the  military  col- 
lege. The  centralists  took  up  their  position  near  the  main 
plaza,  where  the  enemy  had  occupied  all  the  prominent  build- 
ings, posting  men  on  the  roofs,  in  the  towers  of  the  cathedral, 
and  at  the  main  avenues  of  approach.  Throughout  the  entire 
afternoon  skirmishing  was  maintained,  at  times  with  heavy 
firing,  directed  against  the  palace.  As  the  captive  president 
was  seated  at  dinner  a cannon-ball  crashed  through  the  room, 
covering  the  table  with  dust  and  debris.  Without  betraying 
the  least  emotion,  he  continued  his  repast,  quietly  remarking: 
“ I wager  our  friends  do  not  suppose  that  we  are  calmly  enjoy- 
ing our  meal.” 

On  the  following  day  hostilities  were  resumed.  The  insur- 
gents had  obtained  possession  of  the  treasury,  and  made  use 
of  its  funds  to  gain  over  adherents;  but  the  government  forces 
were  in  greater  strength  than  had  been  anticipated,  and  the 
former  perceived  that  they  were  overmatched.  It  wras  there- 
fore determined  to  release  the  president  and  try  the  effect  of 
negotiation;  but  the  proposals  made  by  Urrea  were  not  ac- 
cepted, and  the  fight  was  renewed,  causing  much  suffering 
among  the  inhabitants,  most  of  whom  fled  from  their  homes. 
For  twelve  days  the  revolt  continued,  and  many  of  the  build- 
ings in  the  plaza  and  elsewhere  in  the  city  fell  in  ruins;  the 
palace  was  disfigured,  and  its  rich  furniture,  and  even  the 
archives,  had  been  piled  together  to  serve  as  barricades. 
Meanwhile,  further  re-enforcements  had  been  received  by  the 
government,  and  larger  bodies  were  approaching  under  Santa 
Anna  and  other  generals,  while  the  number  and  resources  of 
the  federalists  were  rapidly  decreasing. 

The  struggle  was  hopeless,  and  to  continue  it  might  be  fatal. 
Negotiations  were  therefore  resumed,  and  most  favorable  terms 
were  accorded,  the  federalists  being  pardoned  and  allowed  to 
remain  in  undisturbed  possession  of  their  property  and  honors. 
On  the  following  day  the  church  bells  rang  forth  a joyous  peal 
in  honor  of  the  occasion,  and  then  tolled  a requiem  for  the 
dead,  among  whom  were  hundreds  of  inoffensive  citizens. 


MISRULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  SANTA  ANNA.  437 

The  truce  thus  concluded  between  the  two  parties  was,  how- 
ever, of  brief  duration;  for  the  revolutionary  leaven  had  so 
far  permeated  all  classes  of  society  that  no  long  interval  of 
peace  was  possible.  On  the  8th  of  August,  1841,  Paredes,  the 
comandante  general  of  Jalisco,  issued  a manifesto,  appealing 
to  the  nation  against  a government  which  had  humiliated  the 
country,  impaired  its  credit,  and  burdened  it  with  debt;  while 
industries  •were  paralyzed,  the  army  neglected,  and  the  people 
overburdened  with  taxation.  He  demanded  that  a special 
congress  should  be  convened  to  reform  the  constitution,  the 
executive  being  vested  meanwhile  in  some  “ citizen  worthy  of 
confidence,”  and  with  extraordinary  power.  For  the  com- 
plaint there  may  have  been  sufficient  excuse;  but  the  remedy 
implied  simply  a dictatorship  for  Santa  Anna,  with  whom 
Paredes  was  secretly  in  league. 

The  movement  spread  rapidly,  among  other  cities  Guada- 
lajara, Guanajuato,  Queretaro,  Vera  Cruz,  and  even  the  capital 
declaring  in  its  favor.  A force  of  1,000  men  despatched 
against  Paredes  deserted  to  the  enemy  in  a body;  and  on  the 
25th  of  September,  Santa  Anna,  reviewing  his  troops  at  Tacu- 
baya,  as  commander-in-chief,  found  himself  at  the  head  of  a 
considerable  army.  Three  days  later  was  issued  the  revised 
political  plan  known  as  the  Bases  of  Tacubaya,  whereby  a 
council  composed  of  two  deputies  from  each  department  was 
to  choose  a provisional  president,  and  summon  a congress  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  framing  a new  constitution.  The  president 
was  to  have  full  power  to  reorganize  the  public  administration, 
and  the  governing  powers  established  by  the  constitution  of 
1836  were  abolished,  with  the  exception  of  the  judiciary. 
Under  the  circumstances,  the  temporary  concentration  of 
power  in  the  strong  hand  of  a “ citizen  worthy  of  confidence  ” 
was  perhaps  the  best  remedy  for  existing  evils;  but  the  ques- 
tion was  as  to  its  abuse,  and  assuredly  Santa  Anna  was  not 
the  man  for  the  occasion. 

The  government  was  granted  only  two  days  to  arrive  at  a 
decision,  and  several  plans  were  considered,  among  others  the 


438 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


resignation  of  Bustamante.  Finally  it  was  resolved  to  declare 
in  favor  of  the  federal  system  as  the  only  means  of  preventing 
the  dictatorship  and  defeating  the  schemes  of  Santa  Anna. 
On  the  30th  of  September,  therefore,  the  president  at  the  head 
of  his  troops  proclaimed  the  federation  in  the  great  plaza  of 
Mexico,  amid  booming  of  cannon,  ringing  of  bells,  and  the 
acclaim  of  the  populace. 

Indignant  at  this  counter-stroke,  Santa  Anna  began  hostili- 
ties, and  again  the  capital  was  exposed  to  the  horrors  of  civil 
strife.  On  this  occasion,  however,  the  struggle  was  of  brief 
duration,  for  it  was  believed  that  a revolution  headed  by  Santa 
Anna  could  not  fail  of  success.  In  order  to  save  the  inhabi- 
tants from  further  suffering,  Bustamante  resolved  to  evacuate 
the  city,  and  marched  forth  at  the  head  of  his  troops  in  the 
direction  of  Guadalupe.  The  enemy  followed  in  pursuit,  and 
both  sides  drew  up  in  battle  array;  but  though  stronger  than 
his  adversary,  the  insurgent  commander  was  by  no  means 
prepared  to  risk  an  engagement.  The  ex-president,  on  the 
other  hand,  doubted  the  loyalty  of  his  men,  and  as  neither 
party  was  anxious  to  fight,  an  arrangement  was  at  length  con- 
cluded by  which  the  government  forces  passed  over  to  the 
revolutionists,  and  all  past  differences  were  forgotten. 

Soon  afterward  Bustamante  set  sail  for  Europe,  having  won 
the  respect  of  all  parties  by  his  unselfish  and  honorable  con- 
duct. A soldier  rather  than  a stateman,  slow  of  action  and 
somewhat  given  to  vacillation,  he  was  entirely  unfitted  to  con- 
trol the  destinies  of  the  centralist  faction,  with  which  the 
people  at  large  were  not  in  s\fnpathy.  With  scanty  resources, 
and  without  any  well-defined  policy,  he  had  ventured  on  a 
series  of  political  experiments,  trusting  rather  to  fortune  than 
to  the  dictates  of  experience.  On  every  side  he  was  met  with 
opposition,  sometimes  passive  and  at  other  times  breaking 
forth  in  pronunciamientos;  while  among  the  other  misfortunes 
of  his  troubled  administration,  the  war  with  France  and  the 
revolt  in  Tucatan  enabled  his  opponents  to  complete  his  over- 
throw. 


MISRULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  SANTA  ANNA  439 


On  the  7th  of  October  Santa  Anna  made  a triumphal  entry 
into  the  capital,  and  was  declared  provisional  president,  two 
days  later  assuming  control  of  affairs.  In  accordance  with 
the  provisions  of  the  plan  of  Tacubaya,  the  new  congress  was 
installed  on  the  10th  of  June,  1842.  The  election  of  deputies 
by  indirect  vote,  through  electoral  colleges,  was  estimated  for 
the  24  departments  on  the  basis  of  one  member  for  every 
70,000  inhabitants,  the  entire  population  being  then  about 
7,000,000.  The  result  was  a decided  victory  for  the  federal- 
ists, greatly  to  the  disappointment  of  the  president,  who  had 
striven  in  vain  to  control  the  choice  of  members,  and  now 
attempted,  but  without  success,  to  influence  their  discussions. 
On  the  contrary,  the  deputies  exerted  themselves  all  the  more 
to  frame  a constitution  which  would  meet  the  wishes  of  the 
country,  and  put  an  end  to  a despotism  that  threatened  even 
the  nation’s  representatives. 

Foreseeing  that  a crisis  was  approaching,  Santa  Anna  had 
recourse  to  his  now  well-understood  manoeuvre  of  retiring  to 
his  country  estate,  there  to  watch  and  direct  operations,  leav- 
ing the  brunt  of  the  contest,  and  perhaps  the  humiliation  of 
defeat,  to  be  borne  by  a subordinate,  while  in  case  of  success 
he  could  again  step  forward  and  claim  the  victory. 

On  the  11th  of  December,  a pronunciamiento  was  issued, 
declaring  the  national  assembly  unworthy  of  confidence,  and 
demanding  that  a council  be  appointed  to  revise  the  constitu- 
tion drawn  up  by  its  members.  The  movement  was  seconded 
in  the  capital  and  in  most  of  the  central  provinces;  in  the 
former  by  the  garrison,  and  in  the  latter  by  the  manipulations 
of  the  cabinet  and  clergy.  The  deputies  could  obtain  no  as- 
surance of  protection,  and  finding  the  hall  of  congress  closed 
against  them,  dissolved  of  their  own  accord.  Thereupon 
Nicolas  Bravo,  who  as  president  of  the  council  had  been 
nominally  placed  in  charge  of  the  administration,  issued  a 
manifesto,  declaring  that  the  government  would  appoint  a 
number  of  patriotic  and  intelligent  citizens  to  frame  the  or- 
ganic structure  of  the  commonwealth. 


440 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


As  the  result,  eighty  prominent  centralists,  termed  “ the 
council  of  the  notables,”  were  elected,  and  proceeding  vigor- 
ously to  work,  drew  up  a plan  for  the  political  organization  of 
the  republic,  their  measures  being  formally  sanctioned  by  the 
government  in  June  1843.  Provision  was  made  for  a popular 
representative  system,  and  yet  the  qualifications  for  the  fran- 
chise, which  was  restricted  to  those  whose  incomes  were  not 
less  than  $200,  excluded  a considerable  portion  of  the  popula- 
tion The  elections  were  to  be  subjected  to  a filtering  process, 
during  which  the  government  could  find  ample  opportunity  to 
influence  them,  and  the  departments  were  left  almost  entirely 
at  the  mercy  of  the  cabinet,  which  appointed  their  governors, 
and  indirectly  their  subordinate  officials. 

These  measures  were  inaugurated  under  the  personal  super- 
vision of  Santa  Anna,  who  had  now  emerged  from  his  retreat, 
and  procured  for  himself  a brilliant  reception  at  the  capital. 
Soon,  however,  the  political  horizon  assumed  a less  encouraging 
aspect,  and  again  the  president  deemed  it  prudent  to  retire  to 
the  seclusion  of  his  country  residence,  where,  under  the  excuse 
of  shattered  health,  he  remained  until  the  following  summer. 
On  the  3d  of  June  he  made  his  formal  entry  into  Mexico,  amid 
the  pomp  suggested  by  fawning  adherents  and  subordinates. 

The  forebodings  suggested  by  his  arrival  were  speedily  real- 
ized, for  now  the  United  States  were  considering  the  question 
of  annexing  to  their  territory  the  state  of  Texas;  their  troops 
were  already  gathering  on  its  border,  and  a squadron  of  their 
fleet  had  appeared  off  Vera  Cruz.  When  an  explanation  of 
these  threatening  movements  was  requested,  the  president  re- 
plied by  demanding  a forced  contribution  of  $4,000,000  for 
war  purposes.  The  failure  of  his  efforts  to  increase  the  amount, 
and  to  obtain  special  powers  for  raising  it,  kindled  his  indig- 
nation, for  Santa  Anna  was  accustomed  to  the  obedience,  or  at 
least  to  the  deference,  of  cabinet  and  congress.  Soon  he  began 
to  pine  once  more  for  the  seclusion  of  his  estate,  and  erelong 
the  death  of  his  wife  furnished  the  necessary  excuse. 

So  at  least  declared  the  president,  although  it  does  not  ap- 


MISRULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  SANTA  ANNA.  441 

pear  that  his  affliction  was  very  grievous  to  be  borne;  for  about 
five  weeks  later  he  espoused  a damsel  of  some  fifteen  summers, 
who  was  wedded  to  him  by  proxy  in  the  person  of  her  godfather. 
The  people  were  not  in  the  least  surprised  at  this  outrage  on 
common  decency.  The  character  of  Santa  Anna  was  already 
too  well  known,  as  was  also  his  indulgence  in  all  manner  of 
dissipation  and  extravagance,  from  Lotharian  intrigues  and 
free  association  with  the  base-born  and  depraved,  to  costly  en- 
tertainments, the  expense  of  which  was  defrayed  from  the 
funds  extorted  through  forced  contributions  and  loans,  from 
the  gifts  of  office-seekers,  and  from  the  bribes  of  fraudulent 
contractors.  His  subordinate  officials  of  course  followed  his 
example,  and  the  result  was  wide-spread  corruption  in  all 
branches  of  the  administration.  Commanders  of  the  troops 
and  districts  committed  the  most  outrageous  abuses  of  trust 
and  power,  dividing  their  gains  with  those  higher  in  office,  or 
relying  on  their  own  cunning  to  escape  detection.  From  the 
president  downward  all  who  were  in  authority  appointed  crea- 
tures of  their  own  to  positions  of  responsibility,  entirely  irre- 
spective of  merit,  dismissing  more  capable  officials,  and 
granting  sinecures  to  their  own  favorites,  while  those  who  had 
served  their  country  faithfully  asked  in  vain  for  their  pensions 
and  allowances  Under  such  circumstances,  and  with  the 
country  staggering  under  an  intolerable  load  of  taxation,  pro- 
gress was  impossible.  Capital  was  withdrawn,  and  trade  and 
industries  languished,  while  Indian  raids  spread  desolation  on 
the  northern  borders,  and  in  the  southern  provinces  the  high- 
ways were  infested  with  hordes  of  banditti. 

The  funds  collected  by  the  government  melted  away  as  if 
by  magic  while  passing  through  the  hands  of  officials,  and  in 
September  the  national  assembly  was  astonished  by  a further 
request  for  a loan  of  $10,000,000,  on  the  ground  of  the  invasion 
of  California  by  hands  of  adventurers,  and  the  intimation  that 
France  and  England  would  favor  the  Texans  in  the  event  of 
a protracted  struggle.  The  demand  was  refused  by  congress, 
and  several  of  the  local  assemblies  protested  against  the  con- 

1 


I 


442 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


tribution,  especially  those  of  Jalisco  and  Queretaro.  By  the 
inhabitants  of  the  former  state  a protest  was  made  against  the 
measures  proposed  by  the  cabinet,  and  aware  that  a mere  re- 
monstrance would  not  be  heeded,  the  people  resolved  to  enforce 
it  by  an  armed  demonstration,  the  comandante  general  placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  garrison,  and  requesting  Paredes  to 
assume  the  leadership. 

The  services  of  Paredes  in  restoring  Santa  Anna  to  power 
had  not  been  recognized  as  in  his  opinion  they  deserved. 
Hence  he  readily  availed  himself  of  the  comandante’s  offer, 
and  on  the  2d  of  November  published  a manifesto  charging 
the  government  with  violation  of  trust,  and  declaring  Santa 
Anna  suspended  from  office,  pending  an  examination  by  con- 
gress. Thereupon  the  ministry  issued  a proclamation  in  which 
Paredes  was  branded  as  a traitor  and  the  authorities  at  Ja- 
lisco as  enemies  of  their  country. 

The  president  resolved  to  crush  the  insurrection  in  its  in- 
fancy, and  on  the  18th  entered  the  capital  at  the  head  of  his 
army,  amid  the  usual  demonstrations.  Thence  without  delay 
he  set  forth  for  Queretaro,  where,  though  no  overt  resistance 
was  offered,  the  authorities  and  the  local  assembly  almost  ig- 
nored his  presence.  At  the  head  of  14,000  men  Santa  Anna 
then  marched  against  Paredes,  and  the  latter  was  probably 
saved  from  defeat  by  the  news  of  an  uprising  in  Mexico,  where 
at  the  close  of  the  year  the  dictator  was  confronted  by  a gar- 
rison of  8,000,  while  Paredes  and  other  leaders,  at  the  head  of 
large  bodies  of  troops,  were  approaching  from  various  direc- 
tions. Meanwhile  General  Herrera,  the  president  of  the 
council,  had  assumed  the  control  of  affairs,  Santa  Anna  being 
proclaimed  a rebel,  and  divested  of  all  authority. 

Without  proceeding  further  with  the  story  of  this  revolution, 
it  need  only  be  said  that  the  dictator  yielded  almost  without 
striking  a blow,  and  attempting  to  escape,  was  captured  and 
imprisoned  in  the  fortress  of  Perote.  Here,  or  at  the  hands  of 
the  executioner  he  would  probably  have  ended  his  days  but 
for  the  influence  of  his  party;  and  in  the  amnesty  proclaimed 


MISRULE  AND  OVERTHROW  OF  SANTA  ANNA.  443 


on  the  24th  of  May,  1845,  his  name  was  included  only  on  con- 
dition that  he  should  depart  from  the  country. 

Before  taking  his  leave  Santa  Anna  issued  one  of  those  weli- 
studied  addresses,  in  which  he  had  more  than  once  appealed 
to  the  sympathies  of  his  countrymen.  He  begged  them  to  for- 


Jose  Joaquin  Herrera. 


give  the  unintentional  errors  of  a man  who  still  suffered  from 
the  wounds  received  while  driving  the  invaders  of  his  country 
into  the  sea.  Until  his  last  breath  he  would  never  cease  to 
offer  up  to  the  Eternal  his  humble  supplications  for  their  pros- 
perity, and  he  still  hoped  to  see  them  among  the  happiest,  as 
they  were  now  among  the  foremost,  of  the  nations  of  the  earth. 


414 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

WAIl  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

In  the  year  1820,  one  Moses  Austin,  then  residing  in  the 
state  of  Missouri,  obtained  a grant  of  land  from  the  authori- 
ties in  Texas,  and  after  his  decease,  his  son,  receiving  a con- 
firmation of  the  grant,  established  settlements  in  the  county 
which  now  bears  his  name.  Although  in  1830  a law  was 
passed  forbidding  the  occupation  by  foreigners  of  tracts  within 
the  territory  of  the  republic  and  adjacent  to  those  belonging 
to  their  own  nationality,  colonization  increased  rapidly,  and  in 
1833  there  were  not  less  than  20,000  men  from  the  United 
States  within  the  boundaries  of  this  department.  It  was  then 
determined  by  the  Texans  to  separate  from  Coahuila,  and  at 
a council  held  at  San  Felipe  a constitution  was  adopted,  and 
a commission  appointed  to  lay  before  congress  a memorial, 
setting  forth  the  grievances  of  the  people,  and  asking  for 
redress. 

Among  other  grounds  of  complaint,  it  was  alleged  that 
troops  were  stationed  in  the  department  whose  presence  was 
unnecessary,  and  whose  conduct  often  provoked  the  citizens 
to  acts  of  hostility.  In  these  emeutes  the  Americans  usually 
had  the  advantage,  and  when  in  1835  the  constitution  of  the 
centralists  threatened  to  withdraw  certain  political  privileges 
which  had  induced  them  to  form  their  settlements,  they  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  other  Mexican  states,  and  declared  for 
independence  until  the  federal  system  should  be  restored.  In 
the  following  year,  Santa  Anna,  who  was  sent  against  them 
with  a considerable  force,  was  himself  captured  and  com- 
pelled to  give  his  consent  to  their  secession.  Though  his 
action  was  not  indorsed  by  the  government,  no  attempt  was 
made  at  the  moment  to  reduce  them  to  obedience,  partly  on 
account  of  the  unsettled  condition  of  affairs. 


WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES. 


445 


With  the  influx  of  settlers  and  the  development  of  its  re- 
sources, Texas  became  each  year  more  prosperous,  and  soon 
her  independence  was  acknowledged  by  several  foreign  powers, 
among  others  by  the  United  States.  The  pressing  demands 
of  the  latter  for  the  settlement  of  the  claims  of  American  citi- 


zens who  had  suffered  loss  during  the  various  revolutionary 
movements,  and  their  doubtful  attitude  in  landing  a force  in 
California,  had  created  a bitterness  of  feeling  between  the  two 
countries,  which  culminated  in  1845,  when  Texas  was  admit- 
ted into  the  Union. 

Meanwhile,  Herrera’s  peaceful  administration  had  been  set 
aside  by  the  war  party  of  Paredes,  and  the  government  re- 


446 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


sumed  its  military  operations  in  Texas;  for  to  this  policy  the 
promoters  of  the  revolution  had  pledged  themselves.  Finally, 
the  annexation  of  the  territory  caused  a rupture  with  the 
United  States. 

In  the  first  regular  engagement,  fought  at  Palo  Alto  on  the 
8th  of  May,  1846,  the  Mexicans  were  defeated  after  a stubborn 
contest,  and  on  the  following  day  a second  victory  was  won 
by  the  Americans,  who  were  commanded  by  General  Taylor. 
In  both  encounters  the  latter  suffered  severely;  the  morale 
and  discipline  of  the  Mexican  army  was  seriously  impaired, 
troops  who  had  fought  bravely  on  twenty  battle-fields  retreat- 
ing without  firing  a shot,  and  others,  believing  that  their  cause 
was  betrayed,  breaking  their  muskets  in  rage  and  disgust. 
Henceforth,  the  invaders  were  opposed  mainly  to  raw  recruits, 
who,  though  not  wanting  in  courage,  were  indifferently  armed 
and  officered. 

Under  able  leadership,  the  Americans  gained  victory  after 
victory.  During  the  autumn,  Monterey,  the  key  to  the  north- 
ern departments,  was  captured,  while  the  forces  of  General 
Wool  overran  Coahuila,  and  Kearny  marched  through  New 
Mexico  into  California.  Another  division  under  Scott  entered 
Mexico  by  way  of  Vera  Cruz,  this  city  being  captured,  after  a 
destructive  bombardment,  in  March  1847.  At  Cerro  Gordo  a 
determined  effort  to  check  the  advance  of  the  invaders  was 
prevented  by  a series  of  flank  movements.  Thus  the  road 
was  opened  to  Puebla,  and  in  August  the  United  States  army 
appeared  within  sight  of  the  capital. 

Between  the  7th  and  10th  of  August,  1847,  the  American 
army,  mustering  about  11,200  strong,  advanced  in  echelon  of 
divisions  on  Mexico.  It  was,  of  course,  expected  that  resist- 
ance would  be  encountered  when  crossing  the  range  which 
separates  the  lowlands  from  the  table-lands,  and  whence,  more 
than  three  centuries  before,  Cortes  first  beheld  the  city  of  the 
Montezumas.  The  route  lay  north  of  the  silver-frosted  sum- 
mits of  Popocatepetl  and  Iztaccihuatl,  at  whose  feet  was 
verdure  reflecting  the  smile  of  perpetual  summer,  while  clus- 


WAR  WITH  THE  UNITED  STATES- 


447 


tering  around  the  lakes  and  among  undulating  savannas  and 
meadows  carpeted  with  blossoms,  villas  nestled  amid  gardens 
and  groves,  and  beyond  were  the  checkered  domes  and  fretted 
turrets  of  the  queen  city  of  Anahuac. 

On  the  line  of  march  the  tortuous  path  skirted  slopes  of 
volcanoes,  extinct  or  slumbering,  but  now  girt  with  a death- 
bearing cestus,  the  gleam  of  bayonets,  the  flash  of  sabres,  and 
the  enginery  of  war. 

When  the  American  troops  approached  the  city,  they  were 
confronted  by  well-mounted  fortifications,  and  by  an  army 
eager  for  the  fray.  Disobedience  of  orders  on  the  part  of  Gen- 
eral Valencia  contributed  in  a measure  to  the  victory  won  by 
the  former  at  Cherubusco  on  the  20th  of  August.  During  the 
negotiations  which  followed,  the  Mexicans  found  time  to  rally, 
and  rejecting  the  demands  of  the  enemy,  presented  a bold 
front,  only  again  to  suffer  defeat  at  Molino  del  Rey.  Five 
days  later  fell  Chapultepec;  and  on  the  14th  of  September  the 
United  States  forces  were  in  possession  of  the  capital. 

At  the  head  of  a brilliant  suite  and  an  imposing  force  Gen- 
eral Scott  made  his  entry  into  the  city,  amidst  a dense  throng 
of  spectators,  who  lined  the  streets  and  filled  the  balconies, 
from  which  white  flags  were  hoisted  in  token  of  surrender. 
Yet  many  portions  were  deserted,  and  the  invaders  were  re- 
ceived with  chilling  silence  and  sullen  gaze,  relieved  only  by 
glances  of  curiosity  at  the  imposing  figure  and  benevolent 
features  of  the  commander.  Signs  of  hostility  were  observed 
among  the  populace  as  the  men  dispersed  in  search  of  quar- 
ters, and  soon  the  insolence  of  the  soldiery  provoked  a deter- 
mined uprising.  The  first  shot  was  aimed  at  a group  of  officers, 
among  whom  was  General  Worth.  Then  followed  a scattering 
fusillade,  accompanied  with  showers  of  missiles  from  the  roofs. 
Recognizing  the  danger  of  allowing  the  movement  to  gain 
strength  in  a large  and  populous  city,  where  every  building 
was  a stronghold,  Scott  ordered  up  his  artillery  and  swept  the 
streets  with  grape  and  canister,  while  the  crowd  was  dis- 
persed at  point  of  bayonet. 


448 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


And  now  for  a brief  space  came  the  horrors  of  a siege, 
intensified  by  the  outrages  of  criminals  released  from  the  pub- 
lic jails.  Thousands  of  the  inhabitants  fled  from  the  city, 
and  others  crowded  into  the  churches  to  implore  protection  of 
the  Virgin;  for  all  day  long  was  heard  the  roar  of  cannon  and 
the  crash  of  musketry.  Night  brought  no  respite;  for  although 
the  conflict  abated,  darkness  magnified  the  prevailing  terror, 
which  was  further  increased  by  the  tramp  and  uproar  of 
drunken  and  infuriated  soldiery,  while  banditti  crept  within 
shadow  of  the  walls,  lurking  for  prey.  Early  on  the  follow- 
ing day  the  town  council  issued  a proclamation  forbidding 
further  resistance;  and  the  demonstrations  of  Scott,  with  his 
threat  of  razing  to  the  ground  every  building  from  which 
missiles  were  directed,  at  length  put  an  end  to  opposition. 

During  the  campaign  in  the  valley  of  Mexico,  more  than 
2,700  of  the  invading  army  were  killed  and  wounded;  which 
heavy  casualties  among  a force  of  about  11,000  men  sufficiently 
indicated  the  determined  resistance  offered  by  the  Mexicans. 
The  losses  of  the  latter  were  estimated  by  Scott  at  over  7,000, 
in  addition  to  3,700  prisoners,  132  pieces  of  cannon,  and  large 
quantities  of  small-arms  and  ammunition. 

At  this  juncture  Santa  Anna,  who  at  the  beginning  of  the 
war  had  been  recalled  from  exile  and  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
forces,  attempted  to  cut  off  the  communications  of  the  Ameri- 
can army  with  the  port  of  Vera  Cruz.  The  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  Mexicans  has  been  styled  the  Napolean  of  the 
republic,  and  perhaps  deserved  better  even  than  the  nephew 
of  the  great  conqueror  the  title  of  Napolean  the  Little.  Though 
he  had  closely  studied  the  tactics  of  Bonaparte,  it  cannot  be 
said  that  he  had  profited  thereby,  and  to  his  timidity  and  want 
of  judgment  may  be  largely  attributed  the  disasters  that  befell 
his  country. 

At  the  battle  of  Padierna,  for  instance,  a single  column  of 
the  enemy,  much  inferior  in  strength  to  the  forces  which  he 
held  in  hand,  was  sufficient  to  check  his  advance,  though  in 
its  rear  was  the  victorious  cavalry  of  Valencia,  and  other  avail- 


WAR  WITH  TIIE  UNITED  STATES. 


449 


able  support.  Instead  of  attacking  the  foe,  thus  placed  be- 
tween two  fires,  he  allowed  the  opportunity  to  pass,  sneering  at 
the  reports  transmitted  by  his  lieutenant,  whose  efforts  had 
been  successful  in  another  part  of  the  field.  Meanwhile  re-en- 
forcements were  hurried  forward  by  Scott,  and  thus  victory 
was  wrested  from  his  grasp.  On  this  occasion,  at  least,  his 
generalship  was  somewhat  in  contrast  with  that  of  Napoleon 
I.,  who  declared  that  while  he  might  lose  battles  he  never  lost 
minutes. 

After  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  capture  the  city  of  Pue- 
bla, Santa  Anna  gave  up  the  struggle  as  hopeless,  and  all 
organized  resistance  ceased.  On  the  2d  of  February,  1848,  a 
treaty  of  peace  was  signed  at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  whereby 
New  Mexico  and  Upper  California  were  ceded  to  the  United 
States  in  return  for  the  cancellation  of  individual  claims  and 
the  payment  of  $15,000,000. 

Thus  ended  a war  that  should  never  have  been  undertaken, — 
a wTar  commenced  by  one  of  the  parties  with  little  justification, 
and  by  the  other  with  lack  of  foresight  and  indifference  to  re- 
sults. Without  the  necessary  funds,  in  the  midst  of  a political 
disturbance,  and  after  thirty-six  years  of  civil  strife,  the  Mexi- 
can republic  in  vain  measured  its  strength  with  a powerful  and 
vigorous  nation,  possessing  abundant  military  resources.  Yet 
unfortunate  as  were  the  results,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that 
the  honor  of  the  country  was  maintained,  for  in  the  treaty 
were  no  humiliating  conditions,  such  as  are  apt  to  be  imposed 
on  a conquered  people.  That  the  government  of  the  United 
States  was  in  the  wrong  is  the  verdict  of  all  civilized  nations, 
and  is  admitted  even  by  all  fair-minded  American  citizens. 
Though  Mexico  lost  a large  portion  of  her  domain  and  many 
of  her  people,  she  retained  her  independence,  and  with  it  a 
vast  extent  of  territory 

No  one  has  attempted  to  explain  by  what  right  Texas  was 
annexed  to  the  Union,  after  the  Sabine  River  had  been  formally 
declared  by  the  latter  as  the  boundary  between  Mexico  and 
the  United  States. 

29 


450 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


At  the  beginning  of  the  dispute  the  United  States  had  a 
noble  opportunity  of  displaying  her  magnanimity  to  a weaker 
neighbor,  and  aiding  her  in  the  task  of  building  up  republican 
institutions.  Instead  of  doing  so,  the  president,  while  pretend- 
ing to  sigh  for  peace,  gave  orders  for  waging  a devastating  war, 
the  press  meanwhile  openly  advocating  the  destruction  of  Mexi- 
can cities.  These  barbarous  sentiments  were  aggravated  by  the 
false  pretext  on  which  they  were  urged,  namely,  that  Mexico 
provoked  hostilities.  The  fact  is,  that  troops  were  ordered  by 
President  Polk  to  invade  her  territory,  and  in  doing  so  he 
assumed  powers  that  were  not  vested  in  him  by  law,  his  con- 
duct being  afterward  censured  by  the  house  of  representatives. 
When  peace  was  concluded,  the  president  boasted  in  his  mes- 
sage of  the  magnanimous  forbearance  exhibited  toward  Mex- 
ico! In  truth,  it  was  not  magnanimity,  but  policy,  which 
prompted  him  and  his  colleagues  to  pay  a sum  of  money  in 
order  to  secure  some  show  of  title  to  what  would  else  have 
been  regarded  as  stolen  territory. 


THE  DICTA  TORS  HIP. 


451 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

THE  DICTATORSHIP  AND  THE  STRUGGLE  FOR  LIBERTY. 

The  successful  negotiation  of  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe  was 
due  mainly  to  the  efforts  of  Pena  y Pena,  who  on  the  8th  of 
January,  1848,  was  temporarily  appointed  to  the  executive, 


Herrera  being  elected  to  the  presidency  for  a second  term  dur- 
ing the  same  year.  The  task  of  the  latter  was  indeed  a diffi- 
cult one,  for  he  was  now  expected  to  give  new  life  to  the 
country,  reorganize  departments,  aid  institutions,  and  restore 


452 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


prosperity.  All  this  he  must  accomplish  with  scanty  means, 
and  in  the  face  of  a violent  opposition  from  parties  intent  only 
on  their  own  advancement.  For  the  fiscal  year  1849-50  the 
estimated  receipts  of  the  government  from  all  sources  amounted 
to  $8,000,000,  and  the  expenses  to  $16,500,000,  while  for  the 
following  year  the  income  and  expenditure  were  respectively 
$9,000,000  and  $11,300,000.  To  meet  the  deficiency,  pay- 
ments were  deferred,  prospective  revenue  was  mortgaged^  and 
at  the  risk  of  provoking  fresh  pronunciamientos  further  taxes 
and  contributions  were  levied.  Meanwhile  expensive  cam- 
paigns must  be  maintained  against  Paredes,  who  had  planned 
a revolt  in  Jalisco  against  rebel  bands  of  Indians,  as  in  Yuca- 
tan, where  for  several  years  the  natives  remained  in  arms,  and 
finally  against  those  who  had  declared  for  a separate  northern 
republic. 

During  Herrera’s  administration  there  were  frequent  changes 
in  the  ministry,  for  under  the  existing  condition  of  affairs 
men  of  character  and  ability  were  unwilling  to  accept  and  re- 
main in  office.  The  weakness  of  the  government  swelled  the 
number  of  its  opponents,  and  the  concession  to  the  United 
States  of  transit  rights  across  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec 
caused  the  ministry  to  become  unpopular.  At  the  beginning 
of  1851,  the  elections  were  carried  by  the  liberal  party,  and 
the  choice  for  president  fell  on  General  Arista. 

Herrera  retired  from  office  with  a stainless  character,  ac- 
knowledged by  all  as  a well-meaning  man,  and  one  intent  on 
beneficent  projects,  though  lacking  in  the  discernment  and 
tact  needed  to  select  and  retain  his  colleagues.  Considering 
the  manifold  difficulties  which  confronted  him,  while  attempt- 
ing, with  insufficient  means  and  against  harassing  opposition, 
to  bring  order  out  of  chaos  in  a country  long  distracted  by 
civil  war  and  foreign  invasion,  his  administration  was  not  un- 
worthy of  credit,  though  many  of  its  most  difficult  tasks  still 
remained  to  be  accomplished.  In  February  1854,  his  decease 
occurred  at  his  country  retreat  in  Tacubaya,  and  he  was  long 
afterward  remembered  as  one  of  the  most  upright  and  un- 
selfish of  rulers. 


THE  DICTA  TORSHIP. 


453 


The  new  president  was  a man  from  whose  experience  and 
ability  much  was  expected.  It  mattered  not  that  his  political 
principles  were  of  a somewhat  doubtful  character,  and  that  his 
want  of  generalship  during  the  war  with  the  United  States 
had  brought  disaster  on  his  command.  Although  trained  in 
the  ranks  of  the  royalists,  he  possessed  discernment  enough 
to  join  the  revolutionary  cause  as  soon  as  its  triumph  was  as- 
sured, for  to  him  constancy  was  at  best  a burdensome  virtue. 
In  later  years  he  passed  in  quick  succession  from  one  party 
to  another,  being  ever  on  the  side  of  the  victorious  faction, 
while  as  minister  of  war  under  Herrera  lie  lost  no  opportunity 
of  promoting  his  own  interests,  with  a view  of  succeeding  him 
as  president. 

Although  Arista  was  now  a strong  conservative,  while  con- 
gress was  composed  mainly  of  liberals,  for  a time  the  country 
remained  comparatively  free  from  political  disturbance.  The 
financial  difficulties  still  remained  as  ever  the  most  difficult 
problem  of  the  day,  partly  on  account  of  the  constant  changes 
in  the  ministry,  but  more  through  want  of  harmony  and  in- 
telligent co-operation  between  the  executive  and  legislature, 
and  the  state  assemblies  and  ayuntamientos  of  the  states. 
The  budget  exhibited  a deficiency  of  no  less  than  $17,725,000, 
the  receipts  being  estimated  at  $8,275,000,  and  the  expendi- 
ture at  $26,000,000,  though  the  latter  figures  were  somewhat 
exaggerated,  in  order  to  place  in  their  strongest  light  the 
necessities  of  the  government.  Some  little  saving  was  effected 
by  reducing  the  salaries  of  employes;  but  in  other  directions 
large  amounts  were  heedlessly  squandered,  and  in  August 
1851  a council  of  governors  from  the  various  departments  was 
summoned  to  consider  the  condition  of  affairs,  and  to  suggest 
remedies.  Far  from  sympathizing  with  the  administration, 
they  condemned  it  for  lack  of  system  and  management,  and 
prepared  new  estimates  of  expenditure  in  which  the  deficiency 
was  entirely  removed. 

The  enforced  retrenchments  of  the  government  gave  rise  to 
a number  of  serious  difficulties,  which  tended  to  weaken  its 


454 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


hold  on  the  public.  One  result  was  the  alarming  increase  of 
crime,  and  especially  of  highway  robberies,  on  account  of  a 
reduction  in  the  patrol  service,  and  the  indifference  or  conniv- 
ance of  underpaid  officials;  another,  the  renewal  of  pronuncia- 
mientos,  which  were  allowed  to  gain  such  strength  that,  when 
active  measures  were  taken  against  their  promoters,  they  were 
beyond  control.  One  of  these  movements,  started  at  Guada- 
lajara in  July  1852,  met  with  such  favor  that  in  January  of 
the  following  year  Arista  was  compelled  to  resign,  whereupon 
the  presidency  devolved,  under  the  provisions  of  the  constitu- 
tion, on  Chief  Justice  Ceballos,  whose  administration  lasted 
but  for  a single  month. 

The  services  of  Santa  Anna  during  the  war  with  the  United 
States,  and  his  voluntary  return  into  exile,  caused  many  to 
look  upon  him  with  favor,  while  with  the  army  he  had  always 
been  popular.  Moreover,  his  partisans  called  attention  to  the 
urgent  need  for  a man  of  his  supposed  ability  to  bring  order 
out  of  the  confusion  w’hich  now  prevailed  throughout  the 
country.  Under  these  circumstances,  it  is  not  surprising  that 
at  the  elections  held  early  in  1853,  the  choice  fell  by  an  over- 
whelming majority  on  the  wily  hero  of  Vera  Cruz. 

On  the  1st  of  April,  Santa  Anna  once  more  set  foot  on  the 
soil  of  Mexico.  His  journey  to  the  capital  resembled  a tri- 
umphal march;  for  everywhere  he  was  received  with  stream- 
ing banners  and  pealing  bells,  passing  under  imposing  arches 
and  floral  wreaths,  amid  the  boom  of  cannon  and  the  plaudits 
of  the  populace.  To  these  marks  of  favor  he  responded  with 
smiles  and  promises,  to  which  he  gave  support  by  a well- 
studied  proclamation.  No  less  pleasing  was  the  effect  pro- 
duced by  an  amnesty  for  all  political  offences,  which  served 
to  lull  the  fears  of  those  on  whom  his  vengeance  might  fall 

The  unsettled  condition  of  affairs  which  existed  at  the  close 
of  the  recent  revolution  was  met  by  a centralization  of  govern- 
ment, even  the  municipal  authorities  being  deposed,  except  in 
the  leading  tow’ns.  Everything  was  made  subordinate  to  the 


THE  DICTATORSHIP 


455 


will  of  Santa  Anna,  who  carried  out  his  measures  through  the 
agency  of  a host  of  officials,  from  councillors,  generals,  and 
governors,  to  prefects,  subprefects,  and  clerks,  selected  mainly 
on  account  of  their  devotion  to  his  cause.  Although  ability 
and  fitness  were  but  secondary  considerations,  they  were  by 
no  means  lacking,  for  his  adherents  belonged  as  a rule  to  the 
educated  classes,  and  his  coui/cil  of  state  contained  many  who 
had  won  repute  in  the  forum  and  the  pulpit.  The  governors 
and  prefects  were  chosen  for  the  most  part  from  the  ranks  of 
the  military,  among  wrhom  he  well  knew  how  to  select  those 
who,  by  their  training  and  influence  over  their  men,  were  best 
fitted  to  carry  out  his  designs.  The  readiest  means  for  accord- 
ing favors  and  rallying  adherents  around  the  government  was 
to  confer  appointments  in  the  army,  which  was,  therefore,  to 
be  reorganized  and  increased  to  91,500  strong,  of  which  26,500 
were  regulars,  and  the  remainder  militia,  all  the  provincial 
regiments  being  enrolled  in  the  latter,  with  a view  to  their 
being  held  under  control  by  the  central  government. 

It  had  been  the  custom  hitherto  to  style  the  president  Ex- 
celentisimo;  but  this  title,  though  it  would  answer  for  Santa 
Anna’s  predecessors,  was  not  in  keeping  with  the  pretensions 
of  a dictator.  That  of  Most  Serene  Highness  wras  therefore 
suggested,  and  to  this  many  wished  to  add  Mariscal  General, 
Grand  Admiral,  and  Grand  Elector  for  Life.  Determined  not 
to  be  forestalled  in  doing  him  honor,  the  army  pronounced 
him  Savior  of  Mexico,  while  in  some  districts  he  wras  even 
proclaimed  Emperor,  though  the  latter  proceeding  was  not 
indorsed  by  the  people  at  large,  and  served  only  to  make  his 
other  titles  appear  by  contrast  somewhat  less  ridiculous. 
Meanwhile,  the  savior  of  the  country  was  assured  by  his  favor- 
ites that  unless  he  remained  in  control  the  nation  would  be 
exposed  to  anarchy  and  ruin.  To  this  appeal  there  was  but 
one  answer;  he  would  sacrifice  himself  for  the  public  good. 
Accordingly,  on  the  16th  of  December,  1853,  he  issued  a de- 
cree indefinitely  prolonging  the  dictatorship,  and  conferring 
on  himself  the  title  of  Most  Serene  Highness. 


456 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


At  the  opening  of  1854  the  political  situation  rapidly 
changed  for  the  worse.  Puffed  with  vanity  and  blinded  by 
adulation,  Santa  Anna  had  begun  to  regard  himself  almost  as 
a god.  Soon  pronunciamientos  began  to  appear  in  various 
directions,  and  on  the  20th  of  February  news  was  received  in 
the  capital  that  Alavrez  had  raised  the  standard  of  revolt  in 
the  south.  Soon  afterward  was  proclaimed  at  Ayutla,  in  the 
department  of  Guerrero,  a plan  demanding  the  removal  of  the 
dictator,  and  the  convening  of  a congress  for  the  purpose  of 
of  framing  a new  federal  constitution  with  popular  representa- 
tion; and  though  at  first  the  ministry  pretended  to  despise 
the  movement,  they  soon  found  it  beyond  their  control.  On  the 
11th  the  plan  was  adopted  with  slight  modifications  by  the 
garrison  of  Acapulco,  under  the  leadership  of  Ignacio  Comon- 


IONACIO  COMONFORT. 


fort,  a retired  militia  colonel  and  ex-collector  of  customs,  who 
had  been  removed  from  office  under  circumstances  which  un- 
justly cast  a stain  on  his  character. 


THE  DICTATORSHIP. 


457 


Santa  Anna  now  decided  to  take  the  field  in  person,  the 
ministry  being  instructed  to  issue  a circular  stating  that  his 
most  serene  highness  would  be  absent  from  the  capital  only 
for  a month,  the  object  of  his  journey  being  to  ascertain  by  a 
personal  inspection  the  true  condition  of  affairs.  After  gain- 
ing some  insignificant  victories,  which  were  magnified  by  the 
local  organ  into  a series  of  triumphs,  he  laid  siege  to  Acapulco 
at  the  head  of  7,000  men;  but  he  was  compelled  to  retreat, 
and  in  an  action  fought  soon  afterward  his  forces  narrowly 
escaped  destruction.  Thenceforth  the  revolution  spread  rap- 
idly. its  progress  being  aided  by  the  cession  to  the  United 
States  of  the  Mesilla  Valley,  which  included  the  present  terri- 
tory of  Arizona. 

In  order  to  ascertain,  as  was  pretended,  the  will  of  the  na- 
tion, a vote  was  taken,  whereby  the  people  were  requested  to 
declare  whether  the  dictator  should  remain  in  office,  and  if 
not,  to  whom  he  should  surrender  the  executive  authority. 
The  result  was  an  overwhelming  majority  in  his  favor,  which 
had  no  effect,  however,  except  to  provoke  a fresh  series  of  pro- 
nunciamientos.  At  length,  convinced  that  further  effort  was 
useless,  he  fled  from  the  capital,  setting  out  on  the  9th  of 
August  for  Vera  Cruz,  and  appointing  as  his  successors  a trium- 
virate, consisting  of  the  president  of  the  supreme  court  and  gen- 
erals Mariano  Salas  and  Martin  Carrera.  Arriving  at  Perote, 
he  issued  a manifesto  extolling  his  services,  and  accusing 
others  of  having  brought  on  his  country  the  misfortunes  which 
were  due  only  to  his  own  selfish  ambition.  He  also  sent  in- 
structions to  General  Vega,  who  had  been  placed  in  command 
at  the  capital,  to  install  the  triumvirate  without  further  delay; 
but  was  informed  that  the  city  had  already  declared  in  favor 
of  the  plan  of  Ayutla.  A few  days  later,  he  set  sail  for  Ha- 
bana,  whence  he  proceeded  to  Cartagena;  and  though  he  after- 
ward returned  to  Mexico,  his  presence  was  almost  ignored, 
and  henceforth  his  name  disappears  from  the  annals  of  the 
republic. 

No  sooner  was  the  nation  released  from  the  tyranny  of  the 


458 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


dictator,  than  the  troops  stationed  in  the  capital,  supported  by 
a popular  demonstration,  placed  Carrera  temporarily  in  charge 
of  affairs.  Among  other  aspirants  to  the  presidency  was  one 
of  Santa  Anna’s  discarded  ministers,  named  Ilaro,  who  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  a revolutionary  movement  in  San  Luis 
Potosf;  but  Alvarez,  soon  afterward  arriving  in  the  capital, 
was  appointed  to  the  executive  on  the  4th  of  October,  1855. 
During  his  brief  term  of  office,  which  lasted  only  until  the 


Juan  Alvarez. 


12th  of  December,  many  decrees  were  issued  with  a view  to 
promote  reform  and  counteract  the  despotic  measures  of  Santa 
Anna,  foremost  among  them  being  the  so-called  Juarez  law 
limiting  the  jurisdiction  of  ecclesiastical  and  military  tri- 
bunals, and  the  special  privileges  of  the  army  and  clergy. 

Although  these  proceedings  were  almost  necessary  as  safe- 
guards against  further  political  disturbance,  they  were  decried 
hy  the  opponents  of  the  government  as  intended  merely  to 
humiliate  the  clergy  and  lessen  their  influence.  Even  those 


THE  DICTATORSHIP. 


459 


who  favored  neither  the  church  nor  the  liberals  pronounced 
against  the  radical  measures  of  the  president,  who  was  now 
called  upon  to  surrender  his  authority  in  favor  of  Comonfort. 
Alvarez  was  not  an  ambitious  man;  nor  did  he  feel  at  home 
amid  the  society  of  the  capital.  Moreover  his  health,  already 
impaired  by  age  and  infirmity,  was  seriously  affected  by  the 
climate  of  the  valley  of  Mexico.  Hence  he  was  only  too  ready 
to  tender  his  resignation  in  favor  of  one  who  had  proved  him- 
self a sincere  friend  and  a trustworthy  ally. 

While  less  extreme  in  his  policy,  Comonfort  remained 
true  to  the  plan  of  Ayutla;  hence  the  clergy  still  continued 
their  machinations,  a revolt  being  soon  afterward  started 
under  the  guidance  of  Haro,  assisted  by  other  prominent 
leaders.  Comonfort,  taking  the  field  against  them,  achieved 
a signal  triumph,  which  involved  the  fall  of  Puebla;  and  the 
clergy  of  this  diocese  being  the  main  promoters  of  the  upris- 
ing, their  estates  were  seized  in  payment  of  war  expenses  and 
indemnities.  Soon  afterward  a provisional  constitution  was 
framed,  confirming  the  government  in  its  discretionary  powers, 
which  included,  among  other  functions,  the  appointment  of 
governors  and  the  censorship  of  the  press. 

A decree  suppressing  the  Jesuits  was  followed,  on  the  25th 
of  June,  1856,  by  an  enactment  termed  the  Lerdo  law,  pro- 
hibiting civil  and  religious  corporations  from  holding  real 
estate,  and  allowing  the  tenants  of  such  property  to  purchase 
it  on  liberal  terms.  Hence  arose  a hue-and-cry  among  the 
clergy,  which  resulted,  however,  only  in  the  banishment  of  a 
number  of  clergymen  and  friars.  In  quelling  the  outbreaks 
which  ensued,  it  must  be  admitted  that  the  conduct  of  the 
president  was  stamped  with  a generosity  as  noble  as  it  was 
rare,  and  thus  he  gained  for  himself  the  good-will  of  the  peo- 
ple, whereby  he  was  greatly  assisted  in  the  diffusion  of  liberal 
principles. 

The  growth  of  liberal  ideas  enabled  congress  to  issue,  in 
1857,  a new  constitution,  which,  though  resembling  that  of 
1824,  contained  many  additional  clauses.  Declaring  the  rights 


460 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


of  the  people,  it  granted  free  speech  and  a free  press,  abolished 
special  tribunals,  hereditary  honors,  titles,  and  prerogatives, 
and  forbade  the  confiscation  of  property.  Corporations  were 
not  permitted  to  hold  real  estate,  except  what  was  needed  for 
actual  use,  and  monopolies  were  forbidden  with  the  exception 
of  patents.  The  legislative  power  was  vested  in  an  assembly, 
termed  the  house  of  representatives,  and  chosen  every  two 
years  by  an  electoral  college  at  the  rate  of  one  deputy  for 
every  40,000  inhabitants. 

These  changes  at  first  met  with  little  opposition,  except 
from  the  church  party;  but  their  objections  carried  such 
weight  that  many  of  the  people  finally  refused  to  accept  the 
constitution,  and  Comonfort  proposed  to  replace  it  by  the 
organic  laws  of  1843,  which  were  extremely  centralistic. 
Fortunately  his  party  came  to  the  rescue  and  imparted  new 
courage,  though  the  vacillation  of  the  president  gave  a feel- 
ing of  confidence  to  the  opponents  of  the  measure.  Notwith- 
standing that  the  ensuing  elections  resulted  in  favor  of  Comon- 
fort, his  want  of  firmness  soon  caused  disastrous  results;  and  in 
December,  the  commander-in-chief,  Felix  Zuloaga,  issued  a 
pronunciamiento  at  Tacubaya,  winning  over  the  entire  garri- 
son of  Mexico  to  his  plan,  which  demanded  that  the  constitu- 
tion should  be  rejected,  and  a congress  summoned  to  frame 
one  better  suited  to  the  needs  of  the  country. 

The  timid  policy  of  the  president  enabled  Zuloaga’s  army 
of  regeneration,  as  it  was  termed,  to  issue  yet  another  pro- 
nunciamiento, whereupon  the  former  soon  afterward  departed 
for  the  United  States,  declaring  that  his  presence  seemed 
only  to  give  rise  to  disorder.  Though  a liberal  at  heart,  his 
good-natured  desire  to  please  both  parties  had  aroused  the  dis- 
trust of  one  and  destroyed  his  influence  with  the  other. 

The  plan  of  Tacubaya  had  been  followed  by  the  arrest  of 
several  deputies;. but  a number  of  liberals  had  fled  to  Quere- 
taro,  and  called  upon  the  states  to  side  with  them  in  support 
of  the  adopted  constitution.  In  response,  an  imposing  coali- 
tion was  formed,  joined  finally  by  Vera  Cruz,  which  had  at 


THE  DICTA  TORS  HIP. 


461 


first  declared  for  Zuloaga.  General  Parrodi  was  appointed  to 
the  command  of  the  liberal  forces,  and  Benito  Juarez  was  in- 
stalled as  president  by  virtue  of  his  office  as  chief  justice. 

Meanwhile  another  president  had  been  appointed  at  the 
capital,  in  the  person  of  Zuloaga,  who  had  openly  declared 


F£lix  Zuloaga 


himself  a conservative,  appointed  a cabinet  and  council,  and 
annulled  all  ultra-liberal  decrees,  ordering  the  restoration  of 
all  church  estates.  Under  generals  Osollo  and  Miramon  his 
forces  gained  victory  after  victory,  and  with  able  leaders  and 
abundant  means  their  mere  presence  sufficed  to  bring  most 
of  the  country  to  his  feet.  In  May  1858,  Juarez  and  his  min- 
isters took  refuge  in  Vera  Cruz,  the  strength  and  position  of 
this  port  and  its  sea-girt  fortress  making  it  a favorable  point 
from  which  to  direct  the  operations  of  the  liberal  forces.  Al- 
though few  in  numbers,  the  Juarists  had  won  the  confidence 
of  the  people  by  promising  release  from  the  oppression  of 
land-owners  and  the  clergy. 


462 


1USTURY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


6.  Caballero. 

6.  Parade  Ground. 

7.  Palace. 

8.  Ll&Li  House. 


Vera  Crdz  and  Uli'ia. 


THE  DICTATORSHIP. 


463 


The  result  was  a revival  of  the  great  popular  movement  of 
1810.  In  all  directions  guerilla  bands  came  forth  from  their 
mountain  fastnesses,  and  when  defeated  in  one  place  reunited 
in  another.  While  priests  launched  forth  anathemas,  liberal 
chieftains  scattered  broadcast  their  proclamations,  which  for 
a time  resulted  only  in  forced  loans  and  levies,  paralyzing 
trade  and  spreading  misery  in  all  directions.  The  latter 
spared  the  poorer  classes  as  far  as  possible,  but  the  conserva- 
tives pressed  heavily  upon  all,  and  later  committed  the  fatal 
blunder  of  calling  in  foreigners  to  aid  them  in  their  extortions. 

After  a long  period  of  continuous  warfare,  an  entirely  unfore- 
seen event  gave  a new  aspect  to  affairs.  At  Ayotla  General 
Echeagaray,  on  whom  Zuloaga  relied  for  the  capture  of  the 
Juarist  stronghold,  pronounced  in  favor  of  a middle  course 
between  the  liberal  and  conservative  extremes,  declaring  that 
he  would  make  an  effort  to  save  the  nation  by  proposing  con- 
ciliatory measures.  To  this  end  his  army  would  occupy  the 
capital,  and  there  summon  an  assembly  composed  of  three 
deputies  elected  from  each  department,  for  the  purpose  of 
framing  a new  constitution  to  be  submitted  to  public  vote. 
This  project  resembled  somewhat  the  plan  of  Iguala,  whereby 
Iturbide  united  the  royalists  and  insurgents  in  the  struggle  for 
independence;  but  though  adopted  by  the  garrison,  it  failed 
to  receive  the  support  of  the  new  congress,  which  was  com- 
posed almost  entirely  of  conservatives,  and  chose  for  president 
Miguel  Miramon,  who  thus  at  the  age  of  twenty-six  found 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  nation  and  of  the  Mexican  armies. 

Within  a year  and  a half  after  the  presidency  was  conferred 
on  Juarez  by  the  liberal  party,  no  less  than  seventy  battles 
were  fought,  three  fourths  of  which  were  claimed  as  victories 
by  the  conservatives,  this  result  being  mainly  due  to  their 
superior  organization.  So  severely,  however,  were  they  strait- 
ened for  means  to  carry  on  their  costly  operations,  that  in 
October  1859  a loan  of  $15,000,000  was  contracted  on  very 
unfavorable  terms,  which  afterward  led  to  a disastrous  foreign 
intervention.  Juarez  was  also  driven  to  similar  straits.  In 


464 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


April  he  had  succeeded  in  obtaining  from  the  United  States  a 
formal  recognition  of  his  government,  greatly  to  the  disgust  of 
the  conservatives;  and  a treaty  was  arranged  by  Minister 
McLane,  whereby  perpetual  and  unrestricted  transit  was 
secured  across  the  isthmus  of  Tehuantepec,  and  across  the 
northern  states  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  together  with  exemption 
for  American  citizens  from  levies  and  loans,  and  permission  to 
employ  troops  to  enforce  the  observance  of  the  stipulations. 


Migual  Miramon. 


In  return  for  these  concessions  the  liberals  were  to  receive  a 
few  millions.  The  indignation  caused  by  these  measures,  not 
only  in  Mexico,  but  in  England  and  France,  called  the  atten- 
tion of  American  statesmen  to  the  danger  of  accepting  privi- 
leges which  were  interpreted  by  foreigners  as  a virtual  transfer 
of  the  country.  The  treaty  was  not  ratified;  and  thus  the 
liberals  escaped  the  responsibility  of  a proceeding  which  might 
have  been  used  as  a formidable  weapon  against  them. 

Another  conspicuous  act  on  the  part  of  Juarez  was  the 
church  confiscation  decree  of  July  12,  1859,  based  on  the 


THE  DICTA  TORS  1HP. 


465 


ground  that  the  clergy  had  been  the  main  support  of  the  roy- 
alists during  the  war  of  independence,  and  since  then  the 
most  powerful  opponents  of  liberal  ideas,  promoting  the  pres- 
ent fratricidal  war  for  the  purpose  of  retaining  their  supremacy 
both  in  civil  and  religious  matters.  It  restored  to  the  nation 
all  property  held  by  the  regular  and  secular  clergy,  and  sev- 
ered the  union  between  church  and  state,  while  granting  to  all 
denominations  the  right  of  public  worship.  Ministers  were  to 
receive  for  their  services  only  voluntary  fees,  and  could  hold 
no  real  estate,  while  all  religious  societies  were  dissolved,  as 
dangerous  to  the  public  welfare.  These  measures  aroused  to 
greater  bitterness  the  clerical  party,  which  did  not  hesitate  to 
oppose  them  through  the  confessional,  the  pulpit,  and  the 
curse  of  excommunication,  taking  advantage  of  the  timid  con- 
sciences of  women  and  the  fears  of  the  people. 

During  the  latter  part  of  1859,  the  conservatives  were  again 
victorious  in  the  field;  but  at  the  beginning  of  the  following 
year  the  scale  of  victory  turned  in  favor  of  the  liberals,  and  on 
the  10th  of  August  the  former  were  totally  routed  by  General 
Ortega,  with  the  loss  of  their  artillery,  baggage,  and  a large 
number  of  prisoners.  After  some  further  triumphs,  the  forces 
of  the  Juarists,  now  mustering  25,000  strong,  entered  the  capi- 
tal on  the  1st  of  January,  1861.  amid  the  plaudits  of  their 
long-suffering  adherents. 


30 


466 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 

The  appointment  of  Juarez  to  the  presidency  was  due,  as 
will  be  remembered,  only  to  the  accident  of  succession,  and  at 
the  forthcoming  elections  several  powerful  personages  came  for- 
ward as  competitors.  The  former  was  acknowledged,  however, 
\ as  a patriot  whose  self-abnegation,  administrative  ability,  and 
tenacity  of  purpose  had  contributed  largely  to  the  defeat  of 
the  conservatives,  and  on  him  fell  the  choice  of  the  liberals, 
though  by  a small  majority. 

Of  humble  birth,  the  poverty  of  his  relatives,  and  the  iso- 
lated position  of  his  home,  in  an  obscure  hamlet  some  eight 
leagues  from  the  city  of  Oajaca,  prevented  him  from  receiving 
in  early  youth  any  education.  When  twelve  years  of  age,  he 
could  neither  read  nor  write,  and  was  entirely  ignorant  of  the 
Spanish  language.  In  1818  he  entered  the  service  of  a worthy 
and  charitable  citizen,  who  resolved  to  train  him  for  the  priest- 
hood, and  in  due  time  entered  his  name  on  the  books  of  a 
theological  college.  But  though  a gifted  and  diligent  stu- 
dent, Juarez  had  no  taste  for  theology,  aud  soon  afterward 
resolved  to  prepare  himself  for  the  profession  of  law.  Before 
being  admitted  to  the  bar,  he  took  an  active  part  in  the  politi- 
cal campaign  of  1828,  declaring  in  favor  of  the  Yorkino  fac- 
tion. Thenceforth  his  time  was  devoted  rather  to  politics 
than  to  the  practice  of  his  profession,  and  in  1846  he  was 
elected  a deputy  to  the  national  congress.  In  the  following 
year  he  was  appointed  governor  of  Oajaca,  and  held  that  posi- 
tion for  several  years,  becoming  a member  of  the  cabinet  after 
the  triumph  of  the  revolution  of  Ayutla. 

The  liberals  were  now  divided  into  two  parties,  which  may 
be  termed  the  constitutionalists  and  reformists,  the  former 
abiding  by  the  constitution  of  1857,  and  the  latter  being  in 


FOREIGN  INTER  VENT  ION 


467 


favor  of  radical  amendments;  while  a third  faction,  sustained 
by  the  clergy,  was  somewhat  in  sympathy  with  the  conserva- 
tives. Even  in  the  cabinet  there  was  dissention,  caused 
mainly  by  financial  questions,  among  them  being  the  suspen- 
sion of  payments  on  the  national  debt,  and  the  necessity  for 
forced  loans  and  an  increase  of  taxation. 


Benito  Pablo  Juarez. 

To  suspend  payments  to  foreign  creditors  was  a measure 
against  which  their  representatives  decidedly  protested,  the 
French  minister  being  especially  urgent  in  insisting  on  the 
rights  of  his  countrymen.  Soon  afterward  came  news  of  a 
convention  between  England,  France,  and  Spain,  whereby 
these  powers  proposed  to  intermeddle  with  Mexican  affairs, 
first  seizing  the  custom-house  at  Vera  Cruz  and  holding  it  as 


468 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


security  for  claims.  The  government  made  preparations  for 
defence;  but  as  experience  had  proved  that  the  fortress  of 
Uliia  could  not  be  defended  against  foreign  armaments,  it  was 
abandoned,  and  at  the  close  of  1861  a Spanish  fleet,  followed 
a few  weeks  later  by  French  and  British  squadrons,  took  pos- 
session of  the  principal  harbor  of  the  republic. 

Before  the  unyielding  determination  of  Juarez,  and  the  un- 
folding designs  of  Napoleon  III.,  Spain  began  to  waver,  and  in 
April  withdrew  her  forces,  followed  soon  afterward  by  the 
English,  though  not  until  the  latter  had  concluded  an  advan- 
tageous treaty.  The  French,  however,  boldly  declared  their 
intention  to  establish  a monarchy  in  Mexico,  and  while  dis- 
claiming any  hostile  intentions  against  the  people,  issued  a 
proclamation  inviting  all  who  were  friendly  to  their  cause  to 
rally  round  the  standard  of  the  most  liberal  nation  in  Europe. 

Meanwhile  the  emissaries  of  the  reactionist  party  had  been 
actively  at  work  in  the  interior,  fomenting  rebellion  and  tam- 
pering with  the  loyalty  of  the  troops.  On  the  19th  of  April  a 
pronunciamiento  was  issued  at  Cordoba,  wherein  the  authority 
of  Juarez  was  denied,  and  General  Almonte  recognized  as  the 
head  of  the  republic,  the  latter  issuing  a manifesto,  calling  on 
his  countrymen  to  assist  him  in  establishing,  with  the  aid  of 
the  French,  a more  stable  and  trustworthy  government. 

At  first  Juarez  had  intended  to  prolong  negotiations  until 
the  approach  of  the  rainy  season,  when  fever  and  malaria 
would  force  the  invaders  to  retire;  but  this  hope  being  frus- 
trated, he  adopted  vigorous  measures  for  defence,  calling  all 
the  citizens  to  arms,  and  despatching  a strong  corps  of  obser- 
vation toward  the  coast. 

On  the  4th  of  May  a French  division,  6,000  strong,  under 
command  of  General  Lorencez,  encamped  in  sight  of  Puebla. 
On  the  following  day  was  fought,  in  front  of  that  city,  a battle 
that  will  ever  be  memorable  in  the  annals  of  the  nation,  the 
anniversary  of  this  triumph  being  thenceforth  numbered 
among  the  festal  days  of  the  republic. 

Puebla  de  los  Angeles,  the  second  city  of  the  republic  in  im- 


FOREIGN  INTERVENTION 


469 


portance,  was  the  midway  station  on  the  road  from  Mexico  to 
Vera  Cruz,  and  mistress  of  the  vast  and  fertile  plains  that 
intervened.  Founded  a few  years  after  the  conquest  on  the 
ruins  of  an  ancient  settlement,  in  the  eighteenth  century  it  ri- 
valled the  capital,  not  only  in  size,  but  in  architectural  beauty, 
which  was  brought  into  relief  by  its  numerous  plazas,  fdled 
with  (lowers  and  shrubbery,  and  running  fountains  fed  by  the 


Puebla. 

1.  Cathedral. 

2.  I’alace. 

3.  Episcopal  I’alaec. 

4.  5,  6,  7.  Hospitals  and  Asylums. 

8.  Academy  of  Fine  Arts. 

9.  Presidio. 


10,  11.  Theatres. 
12,  13.  Hull-rings. 

14.  Barrack. 

15,  10.  Barks. 

17.  Main  Plaza. 


surrounding  streams.  Its  wealth  and  position  had  frequently 
gathered  around  it  the  vultures  of  war,  and  fortifications  had 
been  constructed,  fringed  by  a series  of  yet  unfinished  out- 
works, among  them  being  the  fort  of  Loreto,  and  the  intrench- 
ments  around  the  chapel  of  Guadalupe,  on  an  oblong  hill, 
commanding  the  city. 


4/0 


HISTORY  OR  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


Calling  his  generals  together,  Zaragoza,  the  commander-in- 
chief of  the  Mexicans,  represented  to  them  the  danger  men- 
acing their  country,  and  the  disgrace  of  allowing  an  invading 
army,  however  formidable,  to  advance  unchecked  on  the  capi- 
tal. “ If  we  cannot  defeat  them,  we  can  at  least  cripple  them,” 
he  argued.  In  response  all  swore  to  defend  the  city  to  the 
last. 


The  Field  of  Cisco  de  Mayo. 


The  Mexican  forces  consisted  of  five  brigades,  the  first  un- 
der Escobedo,  to  whom  was  intrusted  the  interior  line  of 
defences,  the  second  under  Negrete,  who  covered  the  fortifica- 
tions of  Loreto  and  Guadalupe,  and  three  others,  each  about 
1,000  strong,  under  Diaz,  Berriozabal,  and  Lamadrid,  drawn 
up  in  parallel  lines  along  the  eastern  front  of  the  city,  which, 
it  was  supposed,  would  be  the  objective  point  of  attack. 


FORB/GN  INTERVENTION. 


471 


Instead  of  advancing  against  the  east  front,  however,  Loren- 
cez  made  a detour  toward  the  north,  and  opened  with  round 
shot  on  Guadalupe,  but  at  too  long  range  to  take  effect.  Zara- 
goza replied  with  a brisk  fire,  and  ordered  up  Berriozabal’s 
brigade,  with  Lamadrid  in  close  support,  leaving  Diaz  to  cover 
the  east  line.  Thereupon  the  French  advanced  in  three  col- 
umns, the  first  directed  against  the  hill,  supported  at  some 
distance  by  the  second,  and  the  third  against  Diaz. 

The  configuration  of  the  ground  enabled  the  leading  column 
to  advance,  with  but  few  casualties,  to  within  a hundred  yards 
of  the  intrenchments,  and  then,  in  the  face  of  a tremendous 
grape  and  musketry  fire,  in  front  and  flank,  it  pushed  forward 
to  the  summit  and  prepared  to  rush  on  the  battery.  At  this 
juncture,  Berriozabal’s  regiments,  which  lay  concealed  behind 
the  crest,  rose  like  a living  wall,  and  delivered  a withering 
volley  at  point-blank  range,  which  threw7  the  enemy’s  ranks 
into  confusion.  A bayonet  charge  drove  them  in  disorder 
down  the  hill,  and  on  reaching  its  base  their  discomfiture  was 
completed  by  the  onslaught  of  Alvarez’s  cavalry. 

But  the  second  column  advanced  to  their  support,  giving 
time  for  the  leading  division  to  rally,  when  both  pushed  for- 
ward to  the  base  of  the  rampart,  though  under  a raking  fire 
which  filled  the  ditches  with  their  dead  and  dying,  w7liile  over 
this  human  bridge  the  living  still  pressed  onward.  The  bat- 
talion in  charge  of  the  parapet,  composed  of  raw7  recruits,  fell 
back  before  the  assailants;  but  the  reserve  so  effectually  en- 
filladed  the  position  that  the  storming  party  wavered,  and  a 
momentary  diversion  was  created.  At  this  moment  a gallant 
charge  was  made  by  one  of  the  San  Luis  battalions,  supported 
by  the  recruits,  whose  ranks  had  already  been  re-formed. 
And  now  the  very  heavens  seemed  to  participate  in  the  fray; 
for  the  lowering  clouds  poured  down  rain  in  torrents,  and  the 
incline,  slippery  with  mud  and  gore,  refused  a foothold  to  the 
invaders,  who  were  driven  in  headlong  rout  toward  the  camp. 

Meantime  the  third  column  had  attacked  the  eastern  front 
of  the  city,  defended  by  the  brigade  of  Diaz.  His  first  line  was 


1 


[From  an  old  prim.j  BATTLE  IN  FRONT  OF  PUEBLA. 


FOREIGN  INTER  VENTION. 


473 


driven  in,  but  deploying  to  the  right,  free  play  was  allowed  for 
the  artillery,  while  the  Guerrero  battalion  made  a dash  against 
the  French  left.  This  being  repulsed,  Diaz  ordered  a simulta- 
neous advance  against  both  Hanks,  in  support  of  a charge,  led 
by  himself,  against  the  enemy’s  front.  Reserving  his  fire  un- 
til the  troops  were  within  close  range,  he  delivered  a shattering 
volley  along  the  entire  line,  and  then  led  his  men  to  the 
charge.  The  enemy  broke  and  fled,  pressed  hotly  by  their 
assailants,  until  they  were  driven  beyond  a neighboring  canal, 
where  they  rallied  and  continued  their  retreat. 

The  two  armies  faced  each  other  until  seven  o’clock  in  the 
evening,  when  the  French  returned  to  their  camp,  and  thence, 
on  the  8th,  retreated  to  Orizaba,  there  to  await  the  arrival  of 
re-enforcements  which  were  on  their  way  from  France. 

In  this  engagement  Lorencez  admits  a loss  of  476  men,  while 
by  the  Mexicans,  who  collected  the  dead  and  wounded  on  both 
sides,  it  was  estimated  at  1,000.  The  casualties  of  the  latter 
were  reported  at  240  in  killed,  wounded,  and  missing.  The 
medals  and  decorations  found  on  the  battle-field,  together  with 
those  taken  from  the  captives,  were  forwarded  to  the  capital; 
but  Juarez  returned  them,  and  ordered  the  captives  sent  back 
to  the  French  lines,  provided  with  money  for  their  journey. 

On  the  7th  and  8th  Zaragoza’s  army  was  re-enforced  by  two 
divisions,  mustering  in  all  6,000  men,  whose  arrival,  a day  or 
two  earlier,  would  have  rendered  still  more  decisive  the  victory 
known  throughout  Mexico  as  El  Cinco  de  Mayo,  or  the  Fifth 
of  May. 

Though  not  discouraged  by  this  reverse,  Napoleon  foresaw 
that  to  establish  imperialism  in  Mexico  would  be  a task  more 
difficult  than  he  had  at  first  imagined.  Re-enforcements  were 
therefore  despatched  under  General  Forey,  with  instructions 
to  enlist  under  his  standard  all  the  Mexican  troops  that  could 
be  induced  to  join  him,  and  then  form  a provisional  govern- 
ment, for  the  purpose  of  submitting  to  the  people  a new  politi- 
cal system,  framed,  of  course,  with  a view  to  French  influence 
and  ascendency. 


474 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


General  Forey  well  understood  what  was  expected  of  him, 
and  in  his  manifesto,  issued  in  September,  took  pains  to  con- 
ceal, under  the  plea  of  civilization  and  progress,  his  designs 
for  invasion  and  conquest.  In  March  1863,  he  appeared 
before  Puebla  at  the  head  of  more  than  26,000  men,  and  with 
an  ample  supply  of  siege  artillery  and  ammunition.  Here  it 
had  been  determined  to  arrest  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  and 
vigorous  preparations  had  been  made  for  defence,  the  city 
being  encircled  by  nine  outworks,  mounted  with  200  cannon, 
and  protected  by  ditches  and  ramparts,  while  the  inner  line 
consisted  of  blocks  of  fortified  buildings,  connected  by  barri- 
cades, and  centring  around  the  massive  walls  of  convents  and 
churches.  The  garrison  now  consisted  of  about  22,000  men, 
termed  the  Army  of  the  East,  under  command  of  General 
Ortega. 

The  French  opened  fire  with  b8  pieces  of  artillery,  and  ap- 
proaching the  outer  defences  with  an  elaborate  network  of 
trenches,  captured  the  redoubt  of  San  Javier  at  the  extreme 
west  of  the  town.  Breaches  were  then  opened  through  the 
inner  line,  the  success  of  the  assailants  at  first  creating  no 
little  consternation  among  the  besieged.  At  this  juncture, 
General  Diaz,  who  commanded  one  of  the  infantry  brigades, 
was  ordered  to  take  charge  of  the  most  exposed  quarter,  ad- 
joining the  captured  fort.  Here  he  planned  a new  system  of 
intrenchments;  but  before  it  was  completed,  the  French  were 
upon  him,  each  stroke  of  bar  and  pick  being  accompanied  with 
the  crumbling  of  walls,  while  round  shot  came  crashing  through 
the  meson  San  Marcos,  which  formed  one  of  the  strongest 
points  in  the  interior  line  of  defence.  Then  toward  nightfall 
several  companies  of  zouaves  made  a dash  at  the  principal 
breach,  driving  back  the  defenders  to  the  inner  court. 

In  the  centre  of  the  court,  near  the  fountain,  stood  a single 
piece  of  cannon  which  commanded  the  entrance.  Eager  to 
save  this  position,  Diaz  sprang  toward  the  gun,  and  finding  it 
unloaded,  charged  it  with  his  own  hands,  tearing  up  the  pav- 
ing-stones for  projectiles.  ‘‘Clear  the  way!”  he  cried  to  his 


FOREIGN  INTERVENTION. 


475 


men;  and  as  the  zouaves  pushed  forward,  discharged  it  at 
close  range,  carrying  destruction  into  the  enemy’s  ranks.  The 
storming  party  was  then  driven  back  at  the  point  of  the  bayo- 
net, and  by  ten  o’clock  the  building  was  regained,  the  breaches 
made  by  the  artillery  being  repaired  during  the  night.  But 
close  beyond  the  fight  w'as  still  maintained,  and  again  at  the 
critical  moment  Diaz  came  up,  his  presence  restoring  confi- 
dence to  the  wavering  troops.  Here  all  night  long  the  contest 
raged  with  varying  success,  and  not  until  after  daybreak  were 
the  assailants  finally  repulsed  and  the  damages  partially 
repaired. 

Soon  after  the  reveille  the  assault  was  renewed,  being  di- 
rected first  against  the  Calle  de  Cholula,  where  Colonel  Gon- 
zalez, later  president  of  the  republic,  held  out  manfully 
although  wounded,  and  with  the  aid  of  Diaz  repelled  the 
attack.  San  Marcos  was  also  assailed,  but  without  result,  ex- 
cept further  to  strew  the  ground  with  dead  and  wounded. 
Elsewhere  the  French  were  repulsed,  and  after  repeated  fail- 
ures, all  further  attempts  in  this  direction  were  abandoned. 
On  the  25th  of  April,  little  impression  having  been  made  on 
the  enemy’s  works,  a council  of  war  was  summoned,  at  which 
Forey  proposed  to  suspend  operations  until  heavier  siege  guns 
could  be  procured,  or  until  after  the  capture  of  Mexico.  His 
proposition  was  rejected  as  hazardous  and  inglorious,  and 
operations  were  directed  against  the  southern  quarter,  as  the 
most  vulnerable  point  in  the  lines  of  the  besieged.  Even  here 
little  progress  was  made,  however,  Diaz  with  a portion  of  his 
brigade,  now  relieved  from  pressure,  coming  to  the  rescue 
wherever  danger  was  most  threatening. 

Discouraged  by  these  reverses,  Forey  invited  the  com- 
mander-in-chief to  a conference,  and  to  his  aide-de-camp — for 
Ortega  declined  to  meet  him  in  person — pointed  out  the  hope- 
lessness of  protracting  a defence  which  had  already  been 
prolonged  further  than  was  required  by  military  usage,  and 
apparently  for  the  sole  purpose  of  winning  renown.  If  such 
was  the  case,  he  need  not  hesitate;  fame  should  be  his,  and  in 


476 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  cause  of  humanity  he  might  now  resign  the  struggle  with 
unsullied  reputation.  Ortega  was  required  only  to  concede  a 
little  to  the  prestige  of  a French  general,  and  honorable  terms 
of  capitulation  would  be  granted.  Sooner  or  later  the  city 
must  he  surrendered,  for  already  the  garrison  was  sorely  in 
need  of  provisions  and  ammunition.  Yet  more:  the  wily 
Frenchman  even  offered  him  the  presidency,  promising  to 


Jesus  Gonzalez  Ortega. 


support  him  with  his  army,  and  made  certain  propositions 
which  if  accepted  would  bring  about  a settlement  of  the 
questions  at  issue.  Should  these  conditions  be  rejected,  he 
requested  an  interview  with  Ortega  at  such  time  and  place  as 
the  latter  might  designate.  To  all  this  the  Mexican  com- 
mander replied  that  since  the  general’s  proposals  involved 
French  intervention  in  the  affairs  of  Mexico,  they  could  not 
be  entertained,  and  that  for  himself  he  declined  a conference. 


FOREIGN  INTER  VENT  ION. 


477 


In  the  lines  defended  by  Diaz  and  others,  subterranean  gal- 
leries had  been  made,  for  the  purpose  of  blowing  up  the  build- 
ings occupied  by  the  French;  but  though  the  mines  were 
completed,  there  was  no  powder  wherewith  to  charge  them. 
Toward  the  end  of  April  provisions  were  entirely  consumed, 
horses,  mules,  and  even  dogs  being  devoured  by  the  starving 
garrison,  and  even  of  these,  a few  days  later,  there  were  none 
remaining. 

On  the  morning  of  the  8th  of  May  heavy  firing  was  heard  in 
the  direction  of  San  Lorenzo,  and  for  a moment  the  garrison  was 
cheered  with  the  hope  that  Comonfort  was  advancing  to  their 
relief  at  the  head  of  the  army  of  the  centre.  It  was  indeed 
Comonfort;  but  he  had  not  even  hinted  that  his  movement 
would  be  made  by  way  of  San  Lorenzo.  Hence  no  effort  was 
made  to  support  him,  and  on  the  following  day  Ortega  re- 
ceived a despatch  from  the  French  general,  announcing  the 
defeat  of  the  Mexicans.  Nevertheless  the  defence  was  con- 
tinued for  a week  longer,  until  there  remained  neither  ammu- 
nition nor  any  scrap  of  food,  the  only  rations  served  out  to 
the  garrison  being  an  extract  made  from  orange  leaves. 

Finally,  on  the  17th  of  May,  a general  assault  being  ordered, 
of  which  due  notice  had  been  sent  to  Ortega,  the  garrison  sur- 
rendered at  discretion,  terms  of  capitulation  being  refused. 
If  we  can  believe  the  historian  of  the  expedition,  the  number 
of  prisoners  amounted  to  12,500,  including  26  generals  and 
more  than  1,500  commissioned  officers,  many  having  deserted, 
while  most  of  the  cavalry  cut  their  way  through  the  enemy’s 
lines.  On  the  side  of  the  French  the  casualties  exceeded  1,300, 
of  whom  185  were  killed,  and  many  were  fatally  wounded. 

The  large  number  of  captives  made  it  impossible  to  provide 
a sufficient  escort,  and  Diaz  availed  himself  of  the  first  oppor- 
tunity to  escape,  his  example  being  followed  by  many  of  the 
officers,  all  of  whom  had  refused  to  sign  paroles.  On  reach- 
ing Mexico  he  was  received  with  a tumultuous  ovation,  for  his 
exploits  at  Puebla  had  already  been  noised  abroad  throughout 


478 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  country.  Offered  by  the  president  his  choice  of  the  com- 
mand of  an  army  corps  or  the  position  of  minister  of  war,  “ I 
thank  your  Excellency,”  he  replied,  “but  my  age  alone  would 
arouse  discontent  among  older  and  more  deserving  officers, 
and  perhaps  endanger  the  cause  by  tempting  them  to  disaffec- 
tion.” 

Encouraged  by  the  bold  resistance  offered  at  Puebla,  Comon- 
fort prepared  to  make  a stand  in  defence  of  the  capital;  but 
as  he  could  muster  only  14,000  men,  inferior  to  Ortega’s  corps 
in  arms  and  equipments,  it  was  resolved  to  spare  the  city  the 
horrors  of  a bombardment,  and  to  remove  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment to  San  Luis  Potosi,  there  to  devise  means  for  a more 
effectual  resistance.  Notwithstanding  his  scruples,  Diaz  was 
appointed  to  the  command,  and  within  three  months  reported 
the  army  in  a thorough  state  of  efficiency,  submitting  to  the 
minister  of  war  his  plan  for  the  approaching  campaign,  wherein 
he  proposed  to  distract  the  enemy’s  attention  by  a series  of 
operations  directed  from  various  points,  without  risking  all 
on  the  issue  of  a single  encounter. 

On  the  departure  of  the  liberals  the  conservative  party 
assumed  control  in  the  capital,  and  openly  declared  in  favor 
of  French  intervention.  On  the  10th  of  June,  Forey  entered 
the  capital,  and  on  the  12th  issued  an  address,  wherein  he  de- 
clared the  military  occupation  of  Mexico  an  acknowledged 
fact,  and  tendered  much  superfluous  advice  as  to  the  political 
issues  at  stake,  in  which  the  words  “ concord,”  “ fraternity,” 
and  “patriotism”  were  freely  interposed.  The  inhabitants 
must  cease  to  be  either  liberals  or  conservatives  and  become 
Mexicans;  meaning,  as  may  be  presumed,  that  they  should 
cheerfully  and  of  one  accord  accept  the  intervention.  Though 
promising  more  than  he  could  possibly  accomplish,  many 
were  cajoled  by  his  specious  phrases,  believing  that  after 
nearly  half  a century  of  republican  rule  and  anarchy  in  guise 
of  republicanism,  any  change  must  be  for  the  better. 

B3'  decree  of  June  16,  1863,  Forey  authorized  the  nomina- 


FOREIGN  INTER  VENTION. 


479 


tion  by  the  emperor’s  minister  of  thirty-five  Mexican  citizens, 
who  were  to  form  a Junta  Superior  de  Gobierno,  or  governing 
council,  and  elect  by  absolute  majority  three  citizens,  in  whom 
should  be  vested  the  executive  authority.  The  junta  was  also 
empowered  to  select  215  citizens,  without  distinction  as  to 
rank  or  class,  the  latter,  in  association  with  the  board,  form- 
ing a so-called  Assembly  of  Notables,  which  should  decide  on 
a definitive  form  of  government,  by  a majority  of  at  least  two 
thirds  of  its  members. 

On  the  24th  of  June,  the  provisional  triumvirate  was  in- 
stalled in  the  persons  of  Almonte,  the  figure-head  president 
of  the  conservatives,  the  centralist  ex-president  Salas,  and 
Archbishop  Labastida,  the  last  of  these  appointments  tending 
to  reassure  the  clergy  and  their  sympathizers.  With  their 
natural  bent  for  ridicule,  the  people  nicknamed  the  trio  the 
butterfly  of  San  Juan,  composed  of  Indian,  dotard,  and  saint, 
denoting  the  pronounced  aboriginal  type  of  Almonte,  the  de- 
crepitude of  Salas,  and  the  sanctity  of  the  archbishop. 

The  assembly  of  notables  met  for  the  first  time  on  the  8th 
of  July,  and  two  days  later  declared  in  favor  of  a limited 
monarchy,  in  the  form  of  an  hereditary  empire,  and  in  the 
person  of  Archduke  Maximilian,  brother  to  the  emperor  of 
Austria,  and  a descendant  of  Charles  V.,  the  first  sovereign  of 
Mexico.  A foreign  prince  was  selected  in  order  to  prevent 
rivalry  between  contending  factions,  and  to  surround  the 
throne  with  the  halo  of  royal  prestige.  While  England  favored 
his  election,  the  United  States  was  opposed  to  any  European 
interference  in  the  affairs  of  the  northern  continent,  though 
at  this  juncture  it  was  somewhat  doubtful  whether  their  gov- 
ernment would  ever  again  be  in  a position  to  enter  a formal 
protest. 

By  the  people  at  large  the  presence  of  an  invading  host  and 
the  prospect  of  a foreign  dynasty  were  regarded  with  bitter 
indignation;  for  not  even  amid  the  calamities  of  civil  war  had 
they  for  a moment  lost  faith  in  the  republic.  The  ephemeral 


480 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


empire  of  Iturbide,  with  its  abrupt  and  ghastly  episode,  had 
already  proved  that  royalty  and  viceroyalty  would  never  more 
find  in  Mexico  an  abiding-place;  and  the  weakness  of  the 
monarchists  was  further  exemplified  by  the  conservative  party, 
which,  with  all  its  wealth,  and  supported  even  by  the  church 
of  Rome,  was  compelled  to  appeal  for  aid  to  foreigners. 


THE  EMPEROR  MAXIMILIAN. 


481 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

THE  EMPEROR  MAXIMILIAN 

ARcnnuKE  Ferdinand  Maximilian  of  Hapsburg,  or  Fer- 
nando Maximiliano  as  he  was  known  in  Mexico,  was  a brother 
of  Franz  Joseph,  emperor  of  Austria,  being  the  second  son  of 
Archduke  Franz  Karl  and  Archduchess  Sophie.  He  was 
horn  at  the  palace  of  Schcenbrunn  on  July  6,  1832.  After 
completing  his  education  most  creditably,  and  acquiring  sev- 
eral languages,  he  fitted  himself  for  the  naval  profession,  and 
to  obtain  a practical  knowledge  of  its  intricacies,  he  made 
several  sea  voyages.  In  1854  he  was  called  to  the  chief  com- 
mand of  the  Austrian  navy.  Twro  years  later  he  visited  sev- 
eral nations  in  western  Europe,  and  during  his  sojourn  in 
Paris  was  the  guest  of  Napolean  III.,  a warm  friendship  spring- 
ing up  between  them.  Maximilian  was  wedded  in  Belgium 
to  Princess  Marie  Charlotte  Amelie,  a daughter  of  King  Leopold 
I.,  and  his  queen,  Louise  of  Orleans.  Some  time  after,  he  sailed 
for  Brazil,  leaving  his  bride  to  await  his  return  at  Madeira. 
When  they  went  back  home  the  emperor  called  him  to  fill  the 
responsible  position  of  governor-general  of  the  Lombardo- Vene- 
tian kingdom,  in  which  he  acquitted  himself  with  so  much 
wisdom  and  moderation  as  to  gain  the  good-will  of  the  discon- 
tented Italians,  as  well  as  the  approval  of  foreign  govern-, 
ments,  if  not  of  his  own.  This  was  to  be  expected,  from  the 
fact  that  liberalism  clashed  with  the  despotism  then  controlling 
affairs  in  Austria. 

Maximilian  was  a constant  worker,  and  besides  attending 
to  his  official  duties,  spent  many  hours  in  preparing  impor- 
tant works  on  scientific,  artistic,  and  literary  subjects. 

The  choice  of  a prince  for  the  throne  of  Mexico  having, 
by  the  request  of  the  notables,  devolved  on  Napoleon,  he 
tendered  it  to  Maximilian,  which  being  indorsed  by  Eng- 
31 


482 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


land,  and  tacitly  approved  by  Austria,  his  mission  being,  as 
the  French  put  the  matter,  to  replace  the  tyranny  of  Juarez 
by  an  empire. 

The  Juarez  government  attempted  to  counteract  the  meas- 
ures  of  the  imperialists  by  promises  and  threats.  In  the 
political  circulars  addressed  to  local  authorities  and  foreign 
powers,  the  proposed  empire  was  declared  an  infringement  of 
national  rights,  and  a cloak  to  cover  the  designs  of  the  French 
to  transform  Mexico  into  a colony.  The  anger  of  the  people 
was  roused,  moreover,  by  a publication  of  the  outrages  inflicted 
on  sacred  institutions,  on  feeble  women,  and  on  defenceless 
prisoners.  As  to  the  result  of  the  invasion,  it  was  declared 
that  the  French,  already  humbled  by  their  reverses  before 
Puebla,  could  not  long  withstand  a nation  which  had  driven 
from  its  soil  the  more  powerful  armaments  of  Spain. 

In  August  1863,  the  imperial  columns,  mustering  35,000 
strong,  still  encircled  the  capital,  their  position  extending  along 
the  highway  to  Vera  Cruz,  and  occupying  sixty  towns  and  vil- 
lages. They  were  veteran  troops, — men  who  had  displayed 
amidst  the  battle-fields  of  Europe  and  Algiers  all  the  bravery 
inherent  to  their  race, — and  commanded  by  able  and  expe- 
rienced officers.  The  ranks  of  the  liberals  were  composed 
mainly  of  raw  recruits,  badly  armed  and  equipped,  and  led 
by  generals  who  seldom  acted  in  concert. 

On  the  spot  where,  three  centuries  and  a half  before,  Cortes 
had  received,  as  the  representative  of  Charles  V.,  the  homage 
of  Montezuma’s  embassy,  accompanied  by  his  wife,  Carlotta  of 
Belgium,  landed  Maximilian,  amidst  the  pomp  and  circum- 
stance accorded  to  his  position.  “ I care  not  for  words  but  for 
hearts,”  he  said  to  Mejia,  who  received  him  at  Vera  Cruz,  and 
the  manly  and  intelligent  expression  of  his  features  reflected 
the  kindness  of  his  soul.  But  though  a scholar  and  a prince, 
he  was  not  a leader  of  men;  and  while  brave  and  chivalrous,  he 
lacked  the  energy  needed  in  one  who  assumes  control  of  a 
nation. 

The  arms  of  the  republic  met  with  a series  of  reverses,  the 


THE  EMPEROR  MAXIMILIAN. 


483 


advance  of  the  imperialists  being  checked,  however,  by  the 
operations  of  Porfirio  Diaz.  On  the  17th  of  January,  1865, 
General  Bazaine  established  his  headquarters  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Oajaca,  his  force  mustering  about  12,000  strong,  of 
of  which  perhaps  one  third  consisted  of  Mexican  auxiliaries. 
Diaz  had  at  his  command  some  3,000  regulars,  and  of  guerillas 
about  the  same  number. 


Maximilian. 


Penned  in  this  stronghold,  the  ranks  of  the  Mexicans  were 
rapidly  thinned  by  desertion,  not  through  cowardice,  but  from 
a conviction  that  their  cause  was  hopeless.  An  instance  is 
related  of  one  Carballido,  a lieutenant  of  artillery,  who  at- 
tempted to  leave  his  post  to  continue  the  struggle  under  a. 
guerilla  captain.  He  was  tried  by  court-martial  and  con- 
demned to  death.  “General,”  pleaded  the  officer,  “I  am 
ready  to  die;  but  let  me  meet  death  face  to  face  with  the  foe.” 
Touched  by  this  appeal,  Diaz  permitted  him  to  rejoin  the 
ranks  as  a private  soldier,  and  during  an  expedition  in  south- 
2rn  Oajaca  he  was  shot  through  the  chest.  “My  fault  is 


484 


HI STOllY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


expiated,”  he  exclaimed,  sinking  to  the  ground,  as  did  one  of 
the  heroes  of  the  battle  of  Cold  Harbor,  whose  exploit  has  been 
celebrated  in  verse.  The  conflict  over,  his  comrades  found 
him  amid  the  slain,  with  his  hand  clasped  over  his  heart,  it  is 
said,  and  on  his  features  an  expression  of  content. 

On  the  8th  of  February  Diaz  had  but  a handful  of  troops 
remaining;  but  with  great  tenacity  of  purpose  resolved  to 
bury  himself  amid  the  ruins  of  his  native  city.  Planting  a 
single  howitzer  on  the  convent  of  San  Francisco,  he  faced  the 
batteries,  and  to  those  who  blenched  before  the  withering  fire 
of  the  enemy,  exclaimed,  “Hold,  my  friends;  don’t  show  your 
backs  to  Frenchmen!”  Shot  flew  thick  and  fast,  striking 
down  the  cannoneers,  until  only  one  remained,  Diaz  assisting 
him  in  loading  the  gun,  and  being  almost  dragged  from  the 
spot  by  the  officers  assembled  under  cover  of  the  parapet. 

At  length,  recognizing  that  further  resistance  meant  only 
sacrifice  of  life,  Diaz  offered  to  capitulate.  All  terms,  other 
than  unconditional  surrender,  were  refused,  whereupon  he 
proceeded  to  the  headquarters  of  Bazaine,  accompanied  by 
two  of  his  officers.  “I  will  not  allow  you  a final  victory,”  he 
exclaimed.  “ The  place  would  succumb  to  the  first  attack,  for 
it  is  almost  defenceless.  I alone  am  responsible  for  the  resist- 
ance offered,  and  I am  now  at  your  disposal.  I ask  only  con- 
sideration for  my  valiant  comrades  and  my  native  city.” 

“By  yielding  sooner,”  replied  the  French  general,  “you 
might  have  stood  well  with  the  government,  and  exempt  from 
the  charge  of  high  treason  against  your  sovereign.” 

“I  never  acknowledged  a sovereign,”  exclaimed  Diaz;  “and 
shall  ever  oppose  the  enemies  of  my  country.” 

“Probably  so,”  rejoined  Bazaine;  “but  remember  that  you 
have  broken  the  parole  given  at  Puebla.” 

“It  is  false,”  exclaimed  Diaz;  “I  have  broken  no  parole.” 
Thereupon  the  commander-in-chief  ordered  his  adjutant  to 
band  him  a copy  of  the  oath  administered  to  prisoners  of  war 
placed  on  parole.  It  read:  “I  swear  to  defend  the  cause  o» 
liberty  and  of  my  country  with  all  my  strength,  recognizing 


THE  EMPEROR  MAXIMILIAN. 


485 


{he  right  of  the  French  to  watch  me.”  The  general  hesitated, 
and  finally  took  leave  of  his  captive  with  a courteous  bow. 

At  Puebla  the  prisoners,  Avith  the  exception  of  Diaz  and  two 
others,  were  induced  to  sign  a promise  to  remain  neutral  dur- 
ing the  war.  At  this  time  Baron  de  Chismandie  was  in  com- 
mand of  the  city,  and  hoping  to  win  over  the  Mexican  to  the 
cause  of  the  empire,  offered  him  his  freedom  if  he  would  make 
a public  promise  not  to  attempt  escape.  “ My  private  word  is 
as  binding  as  a public  promise,”  he  exclaimed.  “Neverthe- 
less, you  are  a gentleman  and  my  friend,”  rejoined  the  other, 
“and  I will  trust  you  to  leave  the  prison  at  any  hour  during 
the  day,  so  long  as  you  return  before  sunset.’ 

While  awaiting  his  opportunity,  Diaz  was  in  communica- 
tion with  his  friends,  and  it  was  resolved  that  on  the  evening 
of  the  20th  of  September  he  should  make  the  attempt.  When 
tattoo  sounded,  he  kept  himself  in  the  background,  and  after 
dusk  slipped  out  toward  the  prison  Avail,  OArer  Avhich  it  had 
been  arranged  that  a rope  should  be  llung  at  the  least  exposed 
point.  On  reaching  the  spot  no  rope  could  be  found,  and  a 
rustling  on  the  roof  indicating  the  approach  of  a sentinel. 
Diaz  crouched  into  a corner,  holding  his  breath,  and  fearing 
that  his  friends  in  the  street  might  attract  attention;  but  the 
soldier  turned,  and  his  footsteps  greAv  fainter  in  the  distance. 
Again  he  searched  for  the  rope,  and  Avas  again  disappointed. 
In  this  position  he  remained  for  several  minutes,  Avhich  seemed 
to  him  as  hours.  But  presently  a series  of  taps  directed  him 
to  the  right  spot,  and  climbing  the  Avail,  he  slid  doAvn  into  the 
arms  of  his  friends.  Then  he  hastened  out  of  the  toAvn  before 
the  alarm  could  be  given,  and  mounting  a horse,  made  his  way 
to  southern  Puebla,  following  by-paths,  and  travelling  Avithout 
a single  halt.  Nor  Avas  this  precaution  unnecessary;  for  AA'ithin 
a foAV  hours  after  his  escape  men  Avere  scouring  the  country  in 
all  directions,  induced  by  a reward  of  $10,000  offered  for  his 
capture  or  proof  of  his  death. 

The  reverses  sustained  by  Diaz  broke  up  for  a time  the 
ranks  of  the  republicans.  The  imperialists  overran  the  entire 


486 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


country,  except  its  northern  fringe,  where  the  Juarists  main- 
tained for  a time  the  shadow  of  a government,  protected  less 
by  the  shattered  remnants  of  armies  than  by  the  wilderness 
which  surrounded  it. 

Soon,  however,  the  aspect  of  affairs  was  changed  when  Diaz 
reappeared  on  the  scene,  and  at  the  head  of  a small  force 
gained  victory  after  victory  over  the  imperialists,  directing  the 
operations  of  guerilla  captains  until  opportunity  permitted  a 
combination  of  their  scattered  bands  for  a decisive  campaign. 
In  the  midst  of  the  imperialist  triumphs,  moreover,  had  been 
received  the  news  of  decisive  federal  victories  in  the  United 
States,  whereby  the  government  at  Washington  was  left  with 
large  armies  with  which  to  enforce,  if  necessary,  the  provisions 
of  the  Monroe  doctrine.  Indeed,  the  American  press  already 
insisted  on  their  enforcement;  troops  were  being  massed  on 
the  Mexican  frontier,  while  the  ministerial  attitude  toward 
France  was  assuming  a threatening  character. 

Thus  the  eyes  of  Napoleon  were  at  length  opened  to  the 
danger  of  his  position,  and  to  the  futility  of  his  design  for 
founding  a transatlantic  empire.  Though  he  might  defeat 
the  Mexicans,  he  could  not  crush  them;  for  now  they  were 
everywhere  gathering  anew,  and  in  such  numbers  that  they 
would  soon  be  strong  enough  to  overwhelm  their  enemies. 
France  had  also  become  alarmed  at  the  prospect  of  adding 
humiliation  to  pecuniary  losses,  and  finally  it  was  found 
necessary  to  announce  the  withdrawal  of  the  troops,  to  take 
effect  at  the  beginning  of  1867.  Wholly  unprepared  for  this 
blow,  Maximilian  sent  his  consort  to  plead  with  the  emperor; 
but  in  vain.  Napoleon  had  done  with  him;  and  if  the  prince 
desired  to  continue  the  struggle,  he  must  do  so  on  his  own  re- 
sponsibility. Bound,  however,  by  written  stipulations,  the 
former  could  not  withdraw  all  support,  and  reluctantly  lent 
his  aid  to  the  organization  of  a national  army,  with  which 
Maximilian  still  presented  a formidable  front,  though  ham- 
pered grievously  by  want  of  funds. 

Disasters  to  the  arms  of  the  imperialsts  led  to  the  surrender, 


Monterey  in  1863 


488 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  FEOFLE. 


in  June  18G6,  of  Matamoros,  while  Monterey  and  Saltillo  were 
abandoned  as  useless.  Tampico  and  Tuxpan  yielded  in  Sep- 
tember, and  Sonora  was  evacuated  during  the  same  month. 
Thereupon  the  French  and  their  allies  began  a retrograde 
movement  toward  the  coast,  purposing  to  embark  for  home, 
and  hotly  pursued  by  the  republicans.  On  the  3d  of  October, 
the  former  suffered  a defeat  at  Miahuatlan,  which  was  followed 
by  another  reserve  at  La  Carbonera.  On  the  31st  Oajaca 
capitulated,  and  early  in  March  1867  we  find  Porfirio  Diaz 


in  front  of  Puebla,  which  now  for  the  third  time  during  the 
French  invasion  became  the  theatre  of  war. 

The  forces  of  Diaz  mustered  about  2,500  strong,  with  only 
six  pieces  of  artillery,  while  the  garrison  included  an  equal 
number  of  veteran  troops,  supported  by  the  citizen  soldiery, 
the  city  being  protected  by  eight  formidable  outworks 
mounted  with  more  than  100  cannon.  Though  the  former 
were  re-enforced  by  the  division  of  Alvarez,  consisting  of 
1,500  men,  with  a few  guns,  a portion  of  the  command  was 


THE  EMPEROR  MAXIMILIAN. 


489 


afterward  despatched  to  Queretaro,  where,  as  will  presently 
appear,  Maximilian  was  closely  besieged.  No  wonder  that 
even  Bazaine  paid  a tribute  of  respect  to  this  nimble  and 
ubiquitous  leader,  who,  escaping  from  prison,  had  collected 
and  disciplined  an  army  composed  of  the  mere  fragments  of 
the  republican  forces.  “But,”  exclaimed  the  general,  “he 
will  meet  his  doom,  if  he  attempts  the  siege  of  Puebla.  I 
would  undertake  to  defend  it  with  one  third  of  its  present 
garrison.”  It  is  probable  that  if  such  an  officer  as  Bazaine 
had  been  in  charge  the  defence  would  have  been  successful, 
or  at  least  long  protracted;  but  the  one  in  command  was  Gen- 
eral Noriega,  a conceited  and  dull-witted  soldier,  whose  old- 
school  tactics  were,  however,  somewhat  modified  by  the  advice 
of  his  lieutenant,  Quijano,  who  had  won  repute  during  the 
war  with  the  United  States 

Establishing  his  headquarters  on  the  hill  of  San  Juan, 
about  a mile  west  of  the  city,  Diaz  commenced  operations, 
and  was  allowed  to  push  forward  his  parallels  against  the 
western  and  southern  lines  almost  without  opposition.  Steady 
and  sure  was  the  progress  of  the  siege,  and  point  after  point 
was  carried  by  assault.  First  fell  the  formidable  redoubt  of 
San  Javier,  which  was  taken  by  General  Carrion;  and  this 
success  was  followed  by  the  capture  of  La  Merced  and  of  San 
Marcos,  where  Gonzalez  was  severely  wounded.  Gradually 
the  batteries  were  advanced  nearer  and  nearer  to  the  works  of 
the  besieged,  and  soon,  amid  this  city  of  monumental  struc- 
tures, church-walls  gaped  in  unsightly  ruins,  while  shattered 
turrets  were  hurled  down  on  crumbling  altars,  censer  fumes 
gave  place  to  sulphurous  smoke,  and  the  crash  of  falling  bells 
foreboding  the  doom  of  an  empire. 

When  victory  was  almost  within  their  grasp,  news  reached 
the  camp  of  the  besiegers  that  Marquez  with  a strong  force  of 
cavalry  had  escaped  from  Queretaro,  and  was  about  to  set 
forth,  at  the  head  of  several  thousand  choice  troops,  for  the 
relief  of  Puebla.  Diaz  fully  recognized  the  threatened  danger, 
for  encumbered  as  he  was  with  an  unwieldly  train,  an  attack 


490 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


in  such  overwhelming  force  could  not  fail  to  prove  disastrous. 
Still  more  did  he  feai  the  demoralization  that  attends  retreat, 
and  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  reputation  and  his  hard-won  suc- 
cess. Revolving  plan  after  plan,  he  at  length  came  to  a con- 
clusion, and  appeared  that  evening  at  the  mess-table  serene  as 
usual,  while  those  around  him  exchanged  stolen  glances,  and 
for  a time  no  tvord  was  spoken.  “ Gentlemen,”  he  said,  at 
length  breaking  the  silence,  “ I have  a presentiment  that  we 
shall  celebrate  the  anniversary  of  the  5th  of  May  within  or 
near  the  capital.” 

Orders  were  then  given  to  stop  the  siege  operations,  and  to 
make  ready  for  breaking  camp.  The  guns  were  removed  from 
the  batteries,  the  wagons  collected  behind  the  hill  of  San  Juan, 
and  fatigue  parties  could  be  seen  at  work  filling  sacks  with 
straw  and  twigs.  “What  means  this?”  inquired  certain  of 
the  soldiers.  “ They  are  for  bonfires  to  hide  our  flight,”  was 
the  ready  response.  Meanwhile  the  Pueblans,  who  had  already 
been  informed  as  to  the  movements  of  Marquez,  were  frantic 
with  joy.  “We  wager  you  are  gone  to-morrow!”  came  the 
sneering  cry  from  the  garrison  outposts.  “ These  brawlers  are 
right,”  exclaimed  Diaz,  when,  on  the  same  evening,  he  sum- 
moned a council  of  war.  “ We  shall  not  be  here  to-morrow; 
we  shall  be  in  the  city.”  At  first  his  listeners  failed  to  catch 
his  meaning;  but  the  seeming  absurdity  was  quickly  explained 
when  the  general  unfolded  his  design. 

It  was  proposed  to  make  a feigned  assault  on  Fort  Carmen, 
the  most  southerly  of  the  outworks,  with  a view  to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  garrison  and  draw  in  that  direction  the  reserve. 
Then  a simultaneous  attack  was  to  be  made  on  thirteen  differ- 
ent points  along  the  west  and  south-east  fronts,  so  selected  that 
the  capture  of  a portion  of  them  would  prepare  the  way  for 
the  storming  of  the  stronger  positions.  The  sacks  were  intended 
to  be  used  as  fascines  in  crossing  the  ditches,  and  between  two 
towers  on  the  Iiill  of  San  Juan  were  stretched  on  wires  a num- 
ber of  cotton  strips,  dipped  in  resinous  matter,  which  when 
lighted  were  to  give  the  signal  for  assault. 


THE  EMPEROR  MAXIMILIAN. 


491 


The  plan  was  approved,  and  a zealous  rivalry  arose  among 
the  officers  for  the  honor  of  leading  the  storming  parties,  which 
barely  averaged  100  men.  To  most  of  the  generals  was  in- 
trusted a detachment,  Alatorre,  as  chief  of  the  first  division, 
taking  a command  of  the  reserve,  to  be  used  where  most  it 
should  be  needed. 

Before  daybreak  on  the  2d  of  April,  Diaz  opened  fire  on  fort 
Carmen,  in  front  of  which  guns  had  been  unlimbered,  and 
three  of  the  detachments  stationed.  After  a brisk  cannonade, 
the  columns  advanced  in  succession,  each  one  retiring  in 
feigned  disorder  before  the  storm  of  grape  and  canister  which 
swept  over  their  ranks  as  they  ascended  the  slope  of  the  hill. 
Then  was  heard  the  bugle  call,  and  instantly  flames  appeared 
on  the  summit  of  the  Cerro  San  Juan,  shedding  a lurid  light 
over  city  and  valley,  and  displaying  to  the  startled  garrison 
the  numerous  storming  parties  which  had  quietly  crept  upon 
their  defenses,  and  were  now  rapidly  closing  around  them. 

The  struggle  was  brief  but  desperate,  much  more  so  than 
had  been  expected,  and  anxiously,  but  at  first  in  vain,  did  the 
commander-in-chief  peer  through  the  smoke  of  battle,  await- 
ing some  token  of  success.  He  beheld  column  after  column 
charge  fearlessly  on  the  guns,  only  to  be  driven  back  again 
and  again;  he  saw  Alatorre,  at  the  head  of  the  reserve,  hasten- 
ing to  the  support  of  the  wavering  troops  in  front  of  La  Merced; 
while  Pacheco,  one  of  his  bravest  officers,  was  twice  repulsed 
before  Siempreviva.  But  suddenly  a change  occurred  in  the 
aspect  of  the  fight.  Once  more  Pacheco,  though  severely 
wounded  and  with  a crippled  arm,  led  his  men  to  the  assault, 
and  at  length  gaining  the  battlements,  sank  with  a cry  of 
triumph  to  the  ground.  And  now  the  ranks  of  the  besieged 
broke  in  disorder;  for  at  the  same  moment  several  of  the 
storming  parties  made  good  their  foothold,  and  falling  simul- 
taneously on  the  rear  of  the  enemy’s  lines,  drove  them  back  in 
confusion,  many  throwing  down  their  arms,  and  others  seek- 
ing refuge  under  the  hill  fortresses  of  Loreto  and  Guadalupe. 

The  rays  of  the  rising  sun  slanted  athwart  the  republican 


492 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


colors,  now  planted  on  palace  and  steeple,  though  from  the 
guns  of  San  Lorenzo  was  still  maintained  for  hours  a sullen 
and  persistent  fire.  Batteries  were  planted  at  close  range 
around  this  stronghold,  and  on  the  3d  of  April  a demand  was 
made  for  an  unconditional  surrender,  with  an  intimation  that 
the  assault  was  ordered  for  the  following  day,  when  all  nego- 
tiations would  cease.  During  the  night  commissioners  were 
sent  to  the  camp  of  Diaz;  but  finding  that  no  other  terms 
could  be  obtained,  the  general  in  command  tendered  his 
sword.  “Retain  it,  comrade,”  was  the  reply;  “it  has  been 
kept  well  tempered,  and  may  yet  serve  the  republic.” 

Thus  fell  Puebla,  in  some  respects  the  most  formidable  of 
the  strongholds  which  still  remained  to  the  imperialists.  The 
achievement  of  April  2d  shook  the  empire  to  its  foundation, 
and  spread  dismay  in  the  capital  and  in  Queretaro,  contribut- 
ing in  no  small  degree  to  the  ultimate  triumph  of  the  republi- 
can arms. 

According  to  existing  decrees,  and  the  practice  so  far  estab- 
lished, all  captured  officers  were  to  be  shot  as  traitors,  even 
foreigners  coming  within  this  category  after  the  withdrawal  of 
the  French  armies.  But  to  carry  out  such  laws  appeared  to 
Diaz  a measure  revolting  to  the  spirit  of  the  age.  lie  had  no 
authority  to  hold  them  as  prisoners;  and  to  release  them  would 
bring  on  him  the  ill-will  of  the  government.  Nevertheless, 
he  resolved  to  take  on  himself  the  responsibility,  and  sum- 
moning into  his  presence  the  eleven  generals  and  six  hundred 
inferior  officers  captured  at  Puebla,  “Sehores,”  he  said  “it 
is  too  painful  for  me;  it  is  impossible  to  exact  the  penalty 
demanded  by  the  law.  The  only  other  alternative  is  imprison- 
ment; hut  I remember  well  my  own  sufferings  as  a captive  in 
this  very  spot,  and  wish  to  spare  you  a similar  ordeal.  Go, 
therefore;  be  free!  All  I ask  is  the  promise  that  you  will 
hold  yourselves  at  the  disposal  of  the  supreme  government  if 
summoned.  The  nation  will  pass  sentence  on  the  empire,  but 
should  be  lenient  to  her  erring  children.” 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  EM  PILE. 


493 


CHAPTER  L. 

DOWNFALL  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 

In  order  to  counteract  the  effect  of  the  many  disasters  of 
the  imperialists,  Maximilian  had  been  induced  to  place  him- 
self at  the  head  of  the  army,  and  on  the  13th  of  February, 
1867,  set  forth  from  the  capital  with  1,600  men  and  twelve 
pieces  of  artillery.  On  the  19th  the  emperor  reached  Quere- 
taro,  where  a considerable  force  was  stationed,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  all  the  enthusiasm  to  be  expected  from  one  of 
the  stanchest  of  imperial  strongholds,  and  withal  of  decided 
clerical  proclivities.  Lying  within  a narrow  valley,  on  the 
southern  banks  of  the  Rio  Blanco,  the  city  was  built  in  the 
shape  of  a quadrangle,  about  8,000  feet  in  length  by  4,000  in 
breadth,  the  houses  being  freely  interspersed  with  churches, 
chapels,  convents,  and  public  edifices.  It  was  not  only  the 
capital  of  the  state  which  bears  that  name,  but  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal manufacturing  centres  of  the  country,  sustaining  a popu- 
lation of  nearly  40,000  souls.  For  strategic  purposes,  however, 
its  position  was  unfavorable;  for  it  was  commanded  by  hills 
on  every  side,  and  the  river  could  be  forded  at  several  points. 

At  a review  held  a few  days  after  the  emperor’s  arrival  the 
forces  at  his  disposal  were  found  to  consist  of  9,000  men,  in- 
cluding about  600  French,  together  with  39  pieces  of  cannon. 
To  General  Miramon  was  given  the  command  of  the  infantry, 
of  whch  Castillo  and  Casanova  each  received  a division,  while 
Mejia  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  cavalry,  Reyes  of  the  engi- 
neers, Arellano  of  the  artillery,  and  Mendez  of  the  reserve. 
The  troops  were  of  fair  quality,  though  a large  proportion  con- 
sisted of  raw  levies,  forcibly  enrolled,  and  somewhat  indifferent 
as  to  the  cause.  They  were  kept  in  good  humor,  however,  by 
the  presence  and  conduct  of  Maximilian,  who  gave  his  personal 
attention  to  every  detail,  mingling  freely  with  the  soldiers  and 


494 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


citizens,  in  plain  uniform  or  national  garb,  often  joining  with 
the  crowd,  and  living  like  a subaltern  officer  in  two  scantily 
furnished  rooms.  His  coolness  under  fire  excited  general  ad- 
miration; for  his  commanding  stature  and  his  never-absent 
field-glass  made  him  a conspicuous  target  for  the  foe. 


Line  of  the  ImperUluU. 
Lino  of  tbo' 


fabio 


I.  do  l*Crut , 
dd  Cvrjn ry. 


Uanrp , 


1.  Pala«. 

2.  Convent  San  TereaiU. 

8.  Convent  do  Capuchinaa. 
4.  Theater  iturbulo. 

6w  Casino. 

6.  Bull  Ring. 

7.  Ban  Sebastian. 

8.  Santa  Clara. 

Hacienda  deJ 
Jacal 


O.U  .1.1  r*«g*y*  UB  DUaot. 


LA  cnti 


Plan  of  Queretaro. 


At  a council  of  war  held  on  the  22d  of  February,  it  had  been 
decided  to  march  forth  from  the  city  and  attack  the  republi- 
cans in  detail,  before,  they  had  time  to  unite  their  forces. 
Through  the  advice  of  Marquez,  however,  whose  influence  out- 
weighed all  other  considerations,  no  attempt  was  made,  though 
at  this  juncture  a determined  effort  might  yet  have  won  vic- 
tory for  the  imperial  arms.  Thus  the  precious  moments  were 
allowed  to  pass,  the  troops  remaining  inactive  until  the  Juarist 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


495 


forces  had  invested  the  city,  shutting  them  up  in  what  the 
emperor  termed  their  mouse-trap. 

On  the  5th  of  March,  the  republicans,  under  Escobedo,  ap- 
peared before  Queretaro,  at  first  occupying  positions  along  the 
southern  and  western  fronts,  extending  later,  as  additional 
troops  arrived,  toward  the  north  and  east,  and  protected  by 
the  batteries  constructed  on  the  surrounding  hills.  Their 
forces  included  the  army  of  the  north  under  Trevino,  to  whom 
Escobedo  had  relinquished  the  immediate  command,  the  army 
of  the  west  under  Corona,  and  the  army  of  the  centre  under 
Re'gules  and  Riva  Palacio,  the  last  of  these  corps  being  among 
the  later  arrivals,  with  the  usual  admixture  of  veterans  and 
half-drilled  recruits,  and  with  a sprinkling  of  foreigners,  prin- 
cipally Americans,  the  Juarist  array  was  fully  equal  in  mate- 
rial to  that  of  the  imperialists,  and  before  the  close  of  the 
siege  outnumbered  them  four  to  one. 

The  northern  lines  of  the  imperialists  extended  from  the 
Cerro  de  la  Campana,  an  oblong  hill  some  seventy  feet  in 
height,  which  formed  the  western  apex  of  their  works,  toward 
the  Convent  of  La  Cruz,  built  on  a slight  elevation,  around 
which  was  the  eastern  line  of  defence.  Thence  their  fortifica- 
tions ran  parallel  with  the  river,  along  the  southern  face  of  the 
city,  turning  from  its  south-west  angle  toward  the  Cerro  de  la 
Campana.  Only  a portion  of  the  walls  and  earthworks  had 
been  finished  before  the  siege  began,  the  remainder  being  com- 
pleted under  a galling  fire.  The  Convent  of  La  Cruz  was  the 
key-note  to  the  position,  the  points  next  in  importance  being 
the  bridge  of  Miraflores  Street,  crossing  the  centre  of  the  town, 
the  Campana  hill,  and  the  Pueblito  gate  at  the  south-east 
corner,  where  were  the  strongest  batteries. 

Observing  that  the  republicans  were  extending  their  lines 
eastward,  Maximilian  removed  his  headquarters  to  the  Con- 
vento  de  la  Cruz,  which  was  within  short  range  of  the  enemy’s 
batteries,  and  soon  became  the  objective  point  of  attack.  This 
convent,  founded  in  the  days  of  Cortes,  had  formerly  been 
occupied  as  a Franciscan  college.  It  was  a solid  stone  edi- 


496 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


fice  of  great  strength,  standing  at  the  lower  end  of  the  grounds, 
which  were  enclosed  with  heavy  walls,  and  beside  it  was  a 
smaller  but  equally  substantial  building,  known  as  the  Pan- 
theon, the  burial-place  of  the  friars. 

On  the  14th  of  March  a general  assault  was  made  on  the 
town  in  three  divisions,  the  first  directed  against  the  bridge  of 
Miraflores,  the  second  against  the  convent,  and  the  third 
against  the  line  west  of  the  alameda,  a fourth  movement,  di- 
rected against  the  Campana,  being  merely  a feint.  The  attack 
was  delivered  simultaneously  under  cover  of  the  batteries,  the 
cavalry  advancing  against  the  south  side,  where,  however, 
they  were  driven  back  in  disorder  by  Mejia’s  squadrons,  and 
in  a second  attempt  were  again  routed.  Meanwhile  Castillo 
defended  the  bridge  with  equal  spirit,  the  cazadores  especially 
distinguishing  themselves,  and  earning  the  title  of  Zouaves 
of  Mexico.  Nevertheless  the  summit  of  San  Gregorio  was 
captured  by  one  of  Trevino’s  brigades. 

The  main  struggle,  however,  was  in  the  convent-grounds, 
where,  through  some  unaccountable  negligence,  the  Pantheon 
had  been  left  unprotected,  and  was  captured  without  opposi- 
tion. The  importance  of  this  point  was  at  once  recognized  by 
the  imperialists,  and  to  regain  it,  Marquez  ordered  up  his  re- 
serve, recapturing  the  building  after  a severe  struggle  and 
with  considerable  loss.  And  now  the  attack  was  repulsed  at 
all  points,  though  the  besieged  made  no  attempt  to  follow  up 
their  advantage;  for  already  their  casualties  amounted  to 
GOO,  while  those  of  the  republicans  exceeded  1,000  in  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing. 

Then  followed  days  of  inaction,  during  which  the  project 
was  discussed  of  cutting  through  the  enemy’s  lines  and  march- 
ing on  the  capital;  but  this  was  rejected  as  too  hazardous,  and 
it  was  resolved  to  continue  the  defence  and  await  the  arrival  of 
re-enforcements.  The  task  of  procuring  them  was  intrusted 
to  Marquez,  who,  escaping  by  night  at  the  head  of  1,200  cav- 
alry, made  his  way  to  Mexico,  and  there  demanded  the  con- 
tributions in  men,  money,  and  material,  promised  by  the 
conservative  leaders. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  EM  PI  liE. 


497 


The  garrison  was  now  reduced  to  less  than  7,000  men,  while 
the  besieging  forces  had  been  largely  increased,  whereupon  the 
Juarist  leaders  resolved  on  another  assault,  which  was  made 
on  the  24th  against  the  south  line,  where  the  fortifications 
were  still  incomplete.  The  divisions  of  Palacio  and  Martinez, 
which  had  arrived  a day  or  two  before,  were  mainly  employed 
in  this  attempt,  under  the  direction  of  Corona,  as  second  in 
command.  Amid  the  play  of  batteries  in  every  direction, 
Martinez’s  column  charged  bravely  on  the  line  west  of  the  ala- 
meda;  but  Miramon  was  there,  supported  by  Mendez,  and 
after  a sharp  struggle,  the  assailants  were  repulsed. 

Meanwhile  Palacio  was  moving  in  force  on  the  Casa  Blanca, 
which  was  the  real  point  of  attack.  The  first  onset  was  re- 
pelled by  Mejia’s  cavalry;  but  a second  effort  was  more  suc- 
cessful, and  advancing  with  a determined  rush,  the  republicans 
carried  all  before  them.  It  was  a critical  moment;  hut  Are- 
llano saw  the  danger,  and  in  person  trained  his  guns  on  the 
densest  masses  of  the  enemy.  Again  the  attacking  column 
wavered,  giving  time  for  re-enforcements  to  arrive  from  the 
alameda,  whereupon  a counter-charge  was  made  by  the  im- 
perialists with  resistless  impulse,  amid  cries  of  “ Viva  el  em- 
perador!”  The  Juarists  were  finally  defeated  with  a loss  of 
2,000  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  several  hundred  prisoners. 

After  these  reverses,  the  republicans  determined  to  complete 
the  investment  of  the  city  and  turn  the  siege  into  a blockade, 
though  still  maintaining  a perpetual  bombardment.  By  the 
imperialists  relief  was  hourly  expected;  hut  the  days  passed 
away  in  ever-increasing  suspense,  and  in  vain  did  they  scan 
the  horizon  and  listen  for  the  sound  of  firing  toward  the  south, 
which  should  herald  the  approach  of  Marquez.  As  if  to  mock 
their  hopes,  came  news  of  his  defeat,  of  the  fall  of  Puebla,  and 
of  the  investment  of  the  capital  by  the  republicans,  though  all 
these  disasters  were  kept  a secret,  except  among  the  most 
trusted  officers  of  Maximilian. 

It  was  now  resolved  to  force  a passage  through  the  republi- 
can lines,  and  as  a preliminary  measure,  Miramon  planned  an 
32 


498 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


attack  on  the  Cimitario  hill,  which  commanded  the  southern 
lines.  On  the  morning  of  the  27th  of  April  he  advanced  on 
this  point  at  the  head  of  2,000  men,  while  another  column  was 
led  by  Castillo  against  the  Garita  de  Mexico,  in  order  to  divide 
the  enemy’s  forces.  So  resolute  and  unexpected  was  the  on- 
slaught that  the  Juarists  fell  back  in  disorder,  and  within  an 
hour  the  entire  army  was  in  full  flight,  while  guns,  ammu- 
nition, and  provision  trains  were  abandoned  to  the  assailants, 
and  thousands  dispersed,  never  to  return. 

The  joy  of  the  imperialists  at  this  unexpected  triumph  was 
boundless,  and  joined  by  the  famished  citizens,  they  began  to 
secure  the  booty,  paying  little  heed  to  the  retreating  foe.  Even 
Miramon  appeared  to  be  thunder-struck  at  his  own  victory, 
strutting  about  the  field  and  pondering  over  its  effect  and  his 
future  movements.  At  this  juncture  it  was  due  to  the  dispo- 
sitions and  presence  of  mind  of  General  Corona  that  a serious 
disaster  was  averted.  Rallying  his  troops,  he  obtained  from 
Escobedo  the  choicest  battalions  of  his  reserve,  which  he  pushed 
forward  to  the  summit  of  the  hill,  and  when  the  imperialist 
leaders,  after  losing  two  precious  hours,  at  length  collected  their 
men,  they  found  the  enemy  occupying  a commanding  position 
in  their  front.  Then  followed  a severe  repulse,  the  assailants 
being  put  to  rout,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Maximilian 
and  his  generals,  with  a loss  of  several  hundred  men. 

Death  and  desertion  had  further  reduced  the  ranks  of  the 
garrison  to  5,000  men,  and  these  were  in  pitiable  plight.  The 
cavalry  were  for  the  most  part  unmounted,  their  horses  having 
died  of  starvation  or  been  killed  for  food.  Other  meat  there 
was  none,  and  flour  and  maize  were  rapidly  disappearing,  pro- 
visions of  all  kinds  commanding  enormous  prices.  It  cannot 
be  said,  however,  that  discontent  was  loudly  expressed;  for  the 
Mexicans  are  a long-suffering  race,  inured  to  hardship,  and  the 
Queretanos  patiently  bore  their  fate.  The  emperor  aided  not 
a little  in  maintaining  harmony  by  sharing  freely  every  hard- 
ship and  danger,  by  visiting  the  hospitals,  cheering  the  sick 
and  wounded,  and  alleviating  as  far  as  possible  the  sufferings 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


499 


of  the  poor.  But  soon  it  became  evident  that  the  defence  could 
not  be  much  longer  maintained,  and  again  it  was  determined 
to  break  through  the  enemy’s  lines  and  make  for  the  ranges  of 
the  Sierra  Gorda,  where  were  impregnable  strongholds,  occu- 


Ramon  Corona. 


pied  by  a sturdy  race  of  mountaineers,  all  of  them  followers 
of  Mejia.  On  the  14th  of  May  all  was  in  readiness,  and  the 
last  scanty  distribution  had  been  made  of  beans  and  maize, 
horse-flesh,  and  red  wine,  other  baggage  being  reduced  to  the 
smallest  compass,  and  only  the  lightest  field-pieces  and  a few 
portable  bridges  being  carried  on  the  backs  of  mules. 


500 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Among  the  most  favored  of  the  imperialist  officers  was 
Miguel  Lopez,  a tall,  portly  man  of  imposing  presence,  and  a 
colonel  in  the  Empress  dragoons.  Cashiered  for  infamous 
conduct  at  Tehuacan  during  the  war  with  the  United  States, 
he  was  employed  in  1863  as  a spy  in  the  Franco-Mexican 
army.  One  of  Maximilian’s  escort  when  first  he  landed  at 
Vera  Cruz,  his  suave  courtesy  and  polished  address  rapidly 
won  for  him  preferment,  and  in  1867  he  was  intrusted  with 
secret  missions  by  the  emperor,  who  had  even  become  sponsor 
for  his  child. 

But  the  good  graces  of  Maximilian  had  roused  against 
Lopez  the  jealousy  of  the  Mexicans,  and  the  treasonable  acts 
of  which  he  stood  accused  further  increased  their  dislike. 
When,  therefore,  the  emperor  proposed  to  confer  on  him  the 
rank  of  general,  the  leading  officers  protested,  and  exposed 
his  former  career.  The  confidence  of  Maximilian  remained 
unshaken,  however,  for  he  appointed  him  to  the  command  of 
his  own  escort,  and  on  the  eve  of  departure  presented  him 
with  a medal,  although  no  claim  existed  for  such  a distinc- 
tion, or  for  the  cross  of  the  legion  of  honor  which  already 
decorated  his  breast. 

Lopez  was  not  entirely  devoid  of  gratitude;  but  gratitude 
was  not  his  ruling  passion.  More  revengeful  even  than  Bene- 
dict Arnold,  he  could  not  forgive  a slur,  and  mercenary  as  the 
archtraitor,  he  found  at  length  an  opportunity  to  satisfy  at 
once  his  hatred  and  his  greed.  Moreover,  the  empire  was 
doomed,  and  as  for  himself  he  was  already  branded  as  a 
criminal. 

On  the  night  of  the  14th  of  May,  the  colonel  stole  forth  from 
the  city,  and  repairing  to  the  headquarters  of  Escobedo,  dis- 
closed to  him  the  design  of  the  imperialists,  and  for  a certain 
sum  of  gold  agreed  to  betray  them  to  the  enemy.  The  treach- 
ery could  be  consummated  with  little  difficulty,  for  Lopez  was 
now  in  charge  of  the  reserve,  stationed  at  the  Convento  de  la 
Cruz.  Already  he  had  removed  a portion  of  his  troops,  re- 
placing them  with  men  under  the  command  of  a fellow-con- 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


501 


spirator,  and  on  returning  from  the  republican  camp,  he  made 
further  changes,  ordering  the  horses  to  he  unsaddled  and  the 
cannon  removed.  Then  he  admitted  to  the  convent-grounds 
a detachment  of  Juarist  troops  under  General  Velez,  and 
under  cover  of  darkness  led  them  from  post  to  post,  explain- 
ing to  the  officers  on  guard  that  they  were  a portion  of  the  re- 
lieving force. 

When  the  city  had  thus  been  delivered  over  to  the  republi- 
cans, Lopez  sent  warning  to  the  emperor  and  certain  of  his 
generals,  for  whom,  it  would  appear,  he  had  provided  means 
of  escape.  Maximilian  at  once  summoned  his  body-guard, 
and  ordered  those  around  him  to  hasten  to  the  Cerro  de  la 
Campana,  there  to  decide  on  further  action.  Then,  in  com- 
pany with  Castillo  and  others,  he  crossed  the  convent-grounds, 
and  in  the  plaza  beyond  was  confronted  by  a party  of  Juarists, 
at  the  head  of  whom  was  Lopez.  Escape  was  impossible; 
but  a whisper  from  the  traitor  to  the  officer  in  command 
caused  the  latter  to  open  his  ranks,  saying  to  his  men,  “ Le'. 
them  pass;  they  are  civilians.” 

On  their  way  to  the  Cerro,  Lopez  overtook  them,  on  this 
occasion  alone  and  still  unsuspected.  He  entreated  Maxi- 
milian to  hide  himself  in  a certain  house,  where  his  safety 
would  be  assured.  “ I do  not  hide,”  exclaimed  the  emperor, 
who  even  refused  to  mount  the  horse  which  Lopez  ordered  to 
be  sent  to  him,  remarking  that  as  his  companions  must  walk 
he  would  accompany  them  on  foot. 

At  daybreak  the  city  was  completely  in  possession  of  the 
Juarists.  A feeble  resistance  was  made;  but  soon  the  republi- 
can ranks  surrounded  the  Cerro,  upon  which  fire  was  opened 
from  their  batteries.  “Oh,  for  a friendly  bullet!”  exclaimed 
Maximilian,  as  he  beheld  the  darkening  prospect.  Then  turn- 
ing to  Mejia,  he  proposed  to  cut  their  way  through  the  enemy’s 
ranks.  “It  is  useless,  sire,”  exclaimed  the  latter,  as  he  sur- 
veyed the  dense  array  of  the  republicans;  “yet  if  your 
Majesty  commands,  it  can  be  tried.”  A moment  later  the 
white  flag  was  hoisted;  and  as  the  emperor  gave  up  his  sword, 


502 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


he  declared  that  his  abdication  had  already  been  sent  to 
Mexico,  and  that  he  was  prepared  to  leave  the  country.  To 
this  Escobedo  replied  that  the  republican  government  could 
alone  decide  as  to  his  disposal. 

Little  heed  was  paid  to  the  exalted  rank  and  pretensions  of 
the  captive,  who  was  lodged  in  a scantily  furnished  chamber 
in  the  Capuchin  convent,  his  generals,  Miramon  and  Mejia, 
occupying  adjoining  cells.  A few  days  afterward  an  order 
arrived  from  the  minister  of  war  to  arraign  the  “ so-called 
emperor,”  and  his  two  leading  abettors,  the  “ so-called  gen- 
erals,” Miramon  and  Mejia,  before  a court-martial,  under  a 
decree  of  January  25,  1862,  whereby  traitors  and  invaders  of 
the  soil  were  declared  amenable  to  death. 

The  trial  opened  on  the  13th  of  June,  in  the  Iturbide  theatre, 
the  stage  being  reserved  for  the  officials,  the  prisoners,  and 
their  counsel,  while  the  auditorium  was  crowded  with  specta- 
tors. The  members  of  the  court-martial  consisted  of  a lieut- 
tenant-colonel  and  six  captains,  some  of  them  unfitted  to 
decide  on  the  weighty  questions  involved.  Mejia  and  Mira- 
mon were  first  summoned  before  the  court,  and  the  dignity  of 
their  bearing  deeply  impressed  the  audience.  Their  case  was 
disposed  of  in  a few  hours,  and  then  came  that  of  Maximilian, 
who  pleaded  sickness,  in  order  to  spare  himself  the  humilia- 
tion of  appearing  in  public. 

The  charges,  thirteen  in  number,  may  be  reduced  in  sub- 
stance to  the  following  points:  That  he  had  placed  himself  at 
the  head  of  the  French  intervention,  aiming  at  the  overthrow 
of  constitutional  government,  and  playing  the  part  of  a usurper; 
that  at  the  head  of  an  armed  force,  swelled  by  foreign  enlist- 
ments, he  had  disposed  of  the  lives  and  liberty  of  the  people, 
permitting  outrages  of  every  description;  that  he  had  retained 
his  assumed  title  of  emperor  after  the  departure  of  the  French 
armies,  signing  an  abdication  which  was  to  take  effect  only  in 
case  of  his  capture;  and  that  he  had  protested  against  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  court,  refusing  at  his  preliminary  examina- 
tion to  answer  the  charges  brought  against  him,  on  the  ground 
that  they  were  of  a political  character. 


DOWNFALL  OF  THE  EMPIRE. 


503 


To  influence  a court-martial  summoned  under  the  decree  of 
1862,  and  consisting  of  men  whose  reputation  could  not  suffer 
by  implicit  obedience  to  the  orders  of  their  superior  officers, 
was  of  course  a hopeless  task.  The  arguments  of  counsel  were 
therefore  directed  mainly  against  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court. 
It  was  urged  that  the  conflict  between  the  empire  and  the  re- 
public was  a civil  war,  and  not  a mere  party  uprising,  for  the 
former  had  long  controlled  the  greater  portion  of  the  country, 
and  had  been  recognized  by  several  foreign  powers.  This 
being  the  case,  the  prisoner  could  not  be  treated  as  a rebel; 
nor  was  he  a usurper,  for  he  had  come  by  invitation  of  a rep- 
resentative council,  confirmed  by  popular  vote.  The  measures 
of  his  administration,  his  liberal  policy,  and  the  entire  absence 
of  persecution  for  political  creed  or  attitude  proved  that  he  had 
not  come  as  an  oppressor,  and  after  the  withdrawal  of  the 
French  armies,  he  had  remained  only  to  prevent  a new  gov- 
ernment from  being  forced  upon  the  people. 

These  arguments  had  little  weight  with  the  members  of  the 
court,  who  ignored  the  claims  of  Maximilian  to  be  treated  as 
a prisoner  of  war,  and  within  a few  hours  after  the  conclusion 
of  the  trial  passed  sentence  of  death  on  all  the  captives.  On 
the  16th  the  sentence  was  confirmed  by  Escobedo,  and  the 
execution  ordered  for  three  o’clock  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same 
day.  Meantime  petitions  for  mercy  came  pouring  in  from  all 
directions,  the  ambassadors  of  several  foreign  powers  exerting 
themselves  to  the  utmost,  but  without  avail.  The  ostensible 
reasons  for  refusal  were  that  Maximilian  would  renew  his  pre- 
tensions, and  that  to  extend  pardon  in  such  a case  would 
afford  a dangerous  precedent.  Among  the  real  reasons  were 
the  jealousy  of  foreign  interference  and  dictation,  and  the  de- 
sire to  show  that  Mexico  could  act  independently.  It  was  also 
flattering  to  national  vanity  thus  to  aim  a blow  at  the  divine 
right  of  kings,  by  putting  to  death  a prince  so  widely  con- 
nected among  European  rulers.  The  most  effectual  interces- 
sion would  doubtless  have  come  from  the  United  States;  but 
except  for  instructing  its  minister  to  recommend  a humane 


504 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


policy,  the  government  of  that  country  remained  passive, 
though  such  men  as  Garibaldi  and  Victor  Hugo  pleaded 
earnestly  in  his  favor. 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  Maximilian  and  his  companions 
prepared  for  death,  and  after  partaking  of  the  communion, 
stood  awaiting  the  escort,  the  former  in  converse  with  his 
attendants  and  the  latter  with  their  confessors.  The  moment 
arrived,  hut  no  guard  appeared;  and  an  hour  later  an  officer 
came  to  announce  that  a reprieve  had  been  granted  by  the 
government  until  the  19th,  in  order  to  give  them  time  to  settle 
their  affairs.  “ It  is  a pity,”  exclaimed  the  prince;  “ for  I 
was  prepared  to  have  done  with  this  world.”  During  this 
interval  came  a report  that  the  Princess  Carlotta  was  dead. 
At  first  Maximilian  was  deeply  affected;  but  soon  his  grief 
gave  way  to  resignation,  and  he  exclaimed:  “It  is  one  bond 
the  less  holding  me  to  life.” 

At  six  o’clock  on  the  morning  of  the  19th  the  condemned 
were  driven  in  carriages,  each  with  his  confessor  by  his  side, 
to  the  Cerro  de  la  Campana.  The  site  was  guarded  by  a large 
body  of  troops,  who  had  orders  to  keep  at  a distance  the  vast 
throng  of  people,  most  of  the  latter  being  loud  in  their  ex- 
pressions of  sympathy.  Stepping  lightly  from  his  carriage, 
the  prince  walked  with  unfaltering  step  to  the  spot  assigned 
for  his  execution,  in  front  of  a shattered  wall,  which  like 
the  adjacent  fields  and  slopes  bore  evidence  of  cruel  con- 
llict.  “Ah,  what  a splendid  day!”  he  observed;  “I  always 
wished  to  die  on  such  a day.”  Then  turning  to  Miramon,  who 
stood  on  the  right,  he  remarked  as  he  placed  him  in  the  centre: 
“A  brave  soldier  is  always  respected  by  his  sovereign;  permit 
me  to  yield  to  you  the  place  of  honor.”  Bidding  adieu  to 
Mejia,  he  said:  “General,  what  has  not  been  rewarded  on 
earth  will  be  in  heaven.”  After  distributing  some  gold  pieces 
among  the  soldiers  detailed  for  the  firing  platoons,  he  bade 
them  fire  straight  at  his  heart,  exclaiming  in  a firm  voice: 
“ May  my  blood  be  the  last  shed  in  sacrifice  for  this  country; 
and  if  more  is  required,  may  it  be  for  the  good  of  the  nation, 
and  never  on  account  of  treason.” 


DOWNFALL  OF  'x  HE  EMPIRE. 


505 


With  equal  composure,  Miramon  uttered  a few  words  pro- 
testing against  the  imputation  of  treason,  and  Mejia,  at  first 
unnerved  by  sickness,  but  now  recovering  himself,  exclaimed: 


Rural  Guard. 


“Viva  Mexico,  viva  el  Emperador!”  The  signal  was  then 
given,  and  the  prince  and  his  generals  fell  simultaneously, 
Miramon  dying  instantly,  while  a second  shot  was  needed  for 
Mejia  and  for  Maximilian,  who  received  a bullet  through  the 
heart,  as  he  faintly  whispered  the  word  “ hombre.” 


506 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


In  accordance  with  the  wishes  of  Maximilian,  his  body  was 
embalmed  and  conveyed  to  the  chapel  of  San  Andres  in 
Mexico,  there  to  await  the  arrival  of  a formal  requisition 
from  Austria.  In  November  it  was  placed  on  board  the  same 
vessel  which  three  years  before  had  carried  the  unfortunate 
prince  to  his  adopted  country  and  to  his  doom.  He  had  re- 
quested that  his  remains  be  laid  side  by  side  with  those  of 
Carlotta;  but  the  princess,  deprived  of  reason  by  accumu- 
lated misfortunes,  still  lived  her  living  death. 

That  the  empire  had  a legal  existence  by  virtue  of  a large 
vote  among  those  who  expected  from  it  a more  orderly  and 
prosperous  administration  of  affairs,  is  generally  admitted. 
Unfortunately,  the  new  government  was  established  on  an  in- 
secure foundation;  Maximilian  failed  to  understand  the  peo- 
ple, or  rather  his  sphere  among  the  people,  and  was  shackled 
by  the  weight  of  foreign  armies  and  foreign  interests.  Though 
in  favor  of  progress  and  reform,  he  lacked  the  means  and  the 
qualities  to  enforce  them,  and  wasted  his  energies  in  futile 
and  misdirected  efforts.  To  control  the  various  and  ever- 
struggling  factions  required  a strong  arm  and  a resolute  will, 
combined  with  subtilty  and  discrimination,  none  of  which 
qualifications  the  prince  possessed.  Nevertheless  he  atoned 
to  some  extent  for  his  errors  and  his  weakness  by  standing 
firm  to  his  party  in  the  hour  of  trial;  and  it  was  in  no  vain 
spirit  of  boastfulness  that  he  declared  in  a dying  message  to 
the  dearest  of  his  earthly  friends : “ I have  done  my  duty  as 
a soldier.” 

All  the  same,  whatever  fatalities  might  intervene,  it  was 
foreordained  from  the  beginning  by  the  United  States  of 
America  as  well  as  by  the  United  States  of  Mexico  that  no 
archduke  of  Austria,  or  any  other  potentate  or  person  should 
ever  rule  as  emperor  in  this  land  of  the  Aztecs.  And  though 
innocent  of  intentional  wrong,  the  chivalrous  prince  suf- 
fered justly. 


PART  YI.— THE  GROWTH  AND  CONDI- 
TION OF  THE  REPUBLIC. 

CHAPTER  LI. 

ADMINISTRATIONS  OF  PRESIDENTS  JUAREZ,  LERDO,  DIAZ, 
GONZALEZ,  AND  DIAZ  AGAIN. 

After  the  surrender  of  Queretaro,  the  siege  of  the  capital 
was  pressed  with  firmer  persistence,  a strict  blockade  being 
maintained,  and  soon  the  inhabitants  began  to  suffer  from 
scarcity  of  food.  In  vain  did  Marquez  with  6,000  men  attempt 
to  break  through  the  enemy’s  lines.  Met  by  Diaz  in  person  at 
the  head  of  two  brigades,  he  was  driven  back  under  a heavy 
fire,  and  soon  afterward  the  arrival  of  new  army  corps  made 
further  sallies  hopeless. 

Like  Puebla,  Mexico  could  easily  be  carried  by  assault;  but 
knowing  that  the  city  must  soon  be  reduced  by  famine,  Diaz 
forbore  to  spill  blood  unnecessarily,  directing  the  fire  of  his 
artillery  only  against  fortified  positions.  With  the  prospect 
of  surrender  near  at  hand  and  now  inevitable,  offers  of  sub- 
mission were  freely  tendered  by  imperialist  leaders,  on  condi- 
tion of  receiving  a pardon  not  liable  to  be  revoked  by  the 
government;  but  the  commander-in-chief  declined  thus  to  en- 
croach on  the  prerogatives  of  Juarez. 

At  length,  on  the  20th  of  June,  the  garrison  surrendered  at 
discretion,  all  other  terms  being  refused.  Thereupon  strict 
orders  were  issued  that  none  should  enter  or  depart  without 
permission,  special  corps  being  detailed  for  police  service,  and 
judges  and  municipal  authorities  appointed.  Meanwhile  pro- 
visions were  distributed  among  the  starving  citizens,  and 
means  of  transport  placed  at  their  disposal.  Quarters  were 


508 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


assigned  to  the  prisoners  according  to  their  rank,  with  due 
regard  to  their  comfort  and  freedom  from  espionage,  and  all 
civil  and  military  officers  above  a certain  rank  were  ordered 
to  tender  their  submission  under  penalty  of  death. 

During  the  wars  of  the  intervention  and  of  the  empire,  com- 
mencing in  April  1863,  and  ending  in  June  1867,  there 
occurred  1,020  engagements  and  skirmishes,  in  which  73,547 
Mexican  republicans  and  12,209  Mexican  imperialists  were 


Gknekal  Juan  >T.  .Mkndkz. 


placed  hors  de  combat.  If  to  these  figures  he  added  the  casu- 
alties which  occurred  among  the  Austro-Belgian  contingent, 
mustering  about  7,500  strong,  it  is  probable  that  at  least 
40,000  lives  were  sacrificed  to  the  ambition  of  Napoleon  III., 
during  his  vain  effort  to  foist  on  the  nation  imperial  rule,  and 
ending  with  his  shameful  desertion  of  the  prince  whom  he  had 
himself  appointed  to  the  throne. 

On  the  15th  of  July  Juarez  made  his  entry  into  Mexico,  and 
on  the  same  day  issued  a manifesto,  stating  that  during  his 
four  years’  absence  from  the  capital  he  had  contracted  no 


PRES  ID  EX TIA  L A DM IX IS  TRA  TIOXS. 


509 


obligations  prejudicial  to  the  independence  and  sovereignty  of 
the  republic,  the  integrity  of  her  empire,  and  the  respect  due 
to  her  laws  and  constitution. 

On  entering  the  capital,  Juarez  received  an  address  from  the 
municipal  commission,  thanking  him  for  his  forbearance,  and 
for  his  scrupulous  consideration  of  the  rights  and  property  of 
others.  The  moderation  which  he  had  displayed  during  the 


Juarez's  Residence  at  Paso  del  Norte. 


war  was  also  acknowledged,  a war  accompanied  until  recently 
with  revolting  outrages,  with  forced  levies  of  men,  with  greedy 
extortion  of  funds,  with  the  sack  of  defenceless  cities,  and  with 
the  relentless  butchery  of  prisoners. 

To  Diaz,  however,  belonged  the  military  honors  attending 
the  re-establishment  of  Mexican  independence.  With  a single 
army  corps  he  had  regained  possession  of  the  south  by  a series 
of  hard-fought  campaigns,  and  then  swept  the  central  prov- 
inces, among  his  achievements  being  the  taking  of  Puebla,  the 
route  of  Marquez,  and  the  capture  of  Mexico.  Soon  afterward 
fell  Vera  Cruz,  the  last  stronghold  of  imperialism;  and  then 
the  channels  of  trade  were  reopened,  and  the  country  once 
more  resumed  its  normal  condition. 


510 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Among  the  first  measures  of  the  Juarez  administration  was 
a reduction  in  the  four  army  corps  named  Centro,  Oriente, 
Norte,  and  Occidente,  into  divisions,  each  of  4,000  men;  while 
a fifth  division  under  Alvarez  was  ordered  to  garrison  Aca- 
pulco. This  measure,  which  reduced  to  poverty  two  thirds,  of 
those  who  had  fought  the  battles  of  the  republic  against  impe- 
rialism, aroused  the  indignation  of  the  soldiery;  but  the  presi- 
dent preferred  the  welfare  of  his  country  to  that  of  his  army, 
and  firmly  insisted  on  the  reduction. 

The  discretionary  powers  invested  in  Juarez  were  ap- 
plied by  him  to  several  purposes  in  promoting  his  country’s 
welfare,  as  in  the  construction  of  railroads,  and  the  founding 
of  schools  of  jurisprudence,  engineering,  mechanic  arts,  and 
agriculture.  The  government  had  the  opportunity  of  carry- 
ing out  its  intended  reforms;  but  the  reorganization  of  the 
several  administrative  departments  was  a wearisome  task,  and 
much  pruning  was  needed  to  retain  in  office  only  competent 
and  reliable  men. 

In  December  1867  Juarez  was  re-elected  to  the  presidency, 
and  during  his  second  term  political  disturbances  were  of 
frequent  occurrence,  lasting  almost  until  the  day  of  his  death. 
Insurrections  broke  out  in  several  of  the  states,  and  in  Yuca- 
tan there  was  a serious  outbreak,  the  insurgents,  even  after 
being  several  times  defeated,  continuing  to  harass  the  various 
settlements.  There  was  also  sedition  in  Guerrero,  Puebla, 
Vera  Cruz,  Mexico,  Queretaro,  Jalisco,  Sinaloa,  and  elsewhere, 
the  most  formidable  of  these  movements  being  headed  by 
Miguel  Negrete,  though  none  were  successful. 

Early  in  1868  the  feeling  of  insecurity  assumed  alarming 
proportions,  robbery,  kidnapping,  and  murder  being  of  frequent 
appearance.  The  year  1869  opened  under  more  favorable 
auspices.  Liberal  institutions  were  becoming  more  firmly 
rooted;  the  administration  was  reorganized;  material  improve- 
ments were  pushed  forward;  and  it  was  hoped  that  no  further 
serious  outbreaks  would  occur;  but  the  hope  was  in  vain. 
Revolutions  broke  out  at  Puebla  and  San  Luis  Potosi;  and 


PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS. 


511 


though  both  were  suppressed,  and  the  passing  of  an  amnesty 
law  in  October  1870  tended  for  a time  to  restore  order,  the 
approach  of  the  presidential  election  again  threw  the  country 
into  a turmoil. 

The  choice  lay  between  Juarez,  Diaz,  and  Lerdo  de  Tejada, 
as  the  principal  contestants,  and  the  votes  were  respectively 
and  in  the  order  mentioned  5,837,  3,555,  and  5,874.  It  was 
provided,  however,  in  the  constitution  that  an  absolute  major- 
ity of  the  total  vote  must  be  given  in  favor  of  the  successful 
candidate,  and  the  Lerdists  siding  with  the  Juarists  gave  to 
the  latter  the  election. 

The  followers  of  Diaz  protested  against  the  legality  of  the 
choice,  and  threatened  armed  opposition;  but  their  leader  pro- 
tested against  bloodshed,  or  even  a display  of  force  directed 
against  a former  comrade  and  a patriot.  Several  of  the  states, 
however,  took  up  the  matter  in  earnest,  and  as  the  chosen 
leader  of  the  party,  Diaz  could  no  longer  resist  the  movement. 
The  banners  of  his  supporters  were  unfurled  in  all  direc- 
tions, and  once  more  there  was  civil  war,  in  which  many 
battles  were  fought,  with  varying  success,  among  the  victims 
being  General  Felix  Diaz,  brother  of  Porfirio,  and  a soldier 
who  had  already  won  repute  during  the  campaigns  against 
the  French. 

In  the  midst  of  the  conflict  occurred  the  death  of  Juarez, 
who  in  October  1870  was  seized  with  an  attack  of  brain  fever, 
from  which  he  rallied,  though  already  he  had  a presentiment 
that  his  end  was  near,  and  in  conversing  with  his  friends  ex- 
pressed regret  that  his  span  of  life  would  not  be  so  far  prolonged 
as  to  afford  him  an  opportunity  of  reconstructing  the  affairs 
of  his  country.  On  the  18th  of  July,  1872,  the  president  re- 
tired to  his  home  at  an  earlier  hour  than  was  his  custom,  in- 
tending to  pass  a portion  of  the  following  day  in  walking 
through  the  forest  of  Chapultepec,  which  exercise,  together  with 
an  early  bath,  usually  relieved  his  ailments.  At  night  he  was 
attacked  with  heart  disease,  and  though  every  remedy  known 
to  science  was  applied,  at  eleven  o’clock  he  breathed  his  last, 
surrounded  by  his  family  and  friends. 


512 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


As  minute-guns  proclaimed  that  the  spirit  of  the  great 
chieftain  had  departed,  there  was  a feeling  of  profound  sorrow 
throughout  the  capital,  and  there  remained  only  the  recollec- 
tion of  his  firmness  as  the  standard-bearer  of  liberty,  his  un- 
faltering faith  in  his  mission,  and  his  many  noble  qualities  of 
mind  and  heart.  If  he  had  encroached  somewhat  on  national 
rights,  and  occasionally  committed  infringements  of  constitu- 
tional law,  such  acts  were  attributed  rather  to  his  advisers 
than  to  himself.  Meanwhile  he  had  borne  abuse  with  admir- 
able resignation,  and  had  neither  displayed  malice  against 
his  foes,  nor  boasted  of  his  triumphs,  nor  shown  harshness 
toward  vanquished  enemies.  Temporizing  and  petty  wran- 
gling he  disdained;  traditional  dictates  he  ignored;  and  in- 
tent on  carrying  out  his  duty  and  his  policy,  he  set  himself 
firmly  against  those  who  attempted  to  thwart  his  course.  By 
his  tenacity  of  purpose  he  sustained  the  republic  during  the 
darkest  period  of  the  struggle  with  the  French.  During  this 
contest  it  may  be  said  that  while  the  former  represented  the 
cause  of  the  republic,  the  latter  was  its  champion  and  aveng- 
ing arm.  A country  grateful  to  both  has  erected  in  honor  of 
the  former  a monument  more  stable  than  all  the  sculptured 
cenotaphs  of  European  monarehs;  and  while  eternal  night  en- 
shrouds his  form,  the  deeds  and  character  of  Juarez  will  ever 
be  engraven  on  the  page  of  history. 

Upon  the  death  of  President  Juarez,  Sebastian  Lerdo  de 
Tejada,  as  president  of  the  supreme  court,  became  the  chief 
executive  ad  interim  of  the  republic,  and  pursuant  to  the  con- 
stitution caused  elections  for  the  presidency  to  take  place. 
On  the  16th  of  December,  1872,  congress,  declaring  the  result 
of  the  elections,  proclaimed  that  Lerdo  had  been  chosen  presi- 
dent for  the  unexpired  portion  of  Juarez’s  term  by  9,520  votes, 
against  604  for  Diaz,  and  136  for  other  candidates. 

Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada  entered  into  office  with  all  the 
eclat  attached  to  his  career  as  an  able  minister.  In  youth  he 
had  studied  for  the  church;  but  afterward  adopting  the  pro- 
fession of  law,  he  became  a bitter  opponent  of  the  clergy. 


PRES  l DEN  TIA  L A DM  IN  IS  TRA  TIDE'S. 


513 


This  change  was  due  to  principle  rather  than  to  policy; 
he  was  a man  who  held  control  of  himself,  and  was  in  some 
respects  well  fitted  for  the  command  of  others.  But  Lerdo’s 
course  found  little  favor  with  the  people;  for  when  making 
before  congress  the  customary  protestations  of  loyalty  and 
patriotism,  he  made  no  allusion  to  the  banner-cries  of  the 
liberal  party,  among  which  were  freedom  of  suffrage  and  the 
restriction  of  the  presidency  to  a single  term.  For  this,  among 
other  reasons,  his  administration  proved  a disappointment. 


Lerdo  de  Tejada. 


The  nation  had  expected  that  a new  cabinet  would  be 
formed,  composed  of  Lerdists  and  supporters  of  Diaz,  and  a 
change  of  ministry,  effected  by  the  pressure  of  public  opinion, 
would  have  been  almost  equivalent  to  a peaceful  revolution. 
According  to  the  principles  proclaimed  in  a recent  pronuncia- 
miento,  it  -was  illegal  for  Lerdo  to  assume  the  office  of  presi- 
dent, since,  as  was  alleged,  Juarez  had  usurped  the  presidency. 

Toward  the  Diaz  party  Lerdo  displayed  a marked  hostility, 
and  in  his  opening  speech  he  disappointed,  by  vague  promises, 
the  expectations  of  members  of  eongress,  who  had  hoped  for 
vigorous  measures,  and  for  the  reform  of  manifold  abuses. 

33 


514 


HISTORY  OF  TIIE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


Thus  he  roused  the  enmity  of  the  people  whom  he  had  sworn 
to  serve. 

On  the  1st  of  August,  1872,  Manuel  Lozada,  who  held  al- 
most despotic  sway  in  the  district  of  Topic,  issued  a procla- 
mation stating  that  the  towns  of  Nayarit  would  no  longer 
support  the  government.  In  October  the  authorities  of  Topic 
were-  forcibly  removed,  and  others  of  insurgent  tendencies 
appointed  in  their  place.  In  November  Lozada  sent  commis- 
sioners to  Lerdo  with  instructions  to  lay  before  the  president 
propositions  for  the  settlement  of  affairs  relating  to  that  dis- 
trict, and  in  January  of  the  following  year  the  Nayarit  tribes 
issued  a pronunciamiento,  styling  themselves  the  “ejercito 
Mexicana  popular  restaurador,”  appointing  Lozada  their  com- 
mander-in-chief. 

Lozada  had  at  his  command  some  12.000  to  15,000  men, 
well  provisioned  and  equipped,  and  with  about  half  his  force 
marched  on  Guadalajara,  directing  the  remainder  of  his  divis- 
ions against  Sinaloa  and  Zacatecas.  Town  after  town  fell  into 
his  hands,  and  about  the  close  of  January  we  find  him  at  the 
rancho  of  Mojonora,  some  four  leagues  from  Guadalajara, 
where  on  the  28th  he  was  defeated  by  General  Corona,  with 
the  loss  of  1,000  men  and  three  pieces  of  artillery.  On  the 
preceding  day  the  Sinaloa  division  had  been  defeated,  while 
the  force  despatched  to  Zacatecas  also  met  with  reverse.  On 
the  2d  of  March,  Corona  again  routed  the  insurgents  at 
Guadalajara,  driving  them  to  the  neighboring  sierra,  where 
for  a few  months  they  still  maintained  a fitful  resistance. 

Peace  was  now  established  in  Mexico,  and  for  two  years  or 
more  little  opposition  was  offered  to  Lerdo’s  administration. 
The  periodic  tumults  which  had  thus  far  marked  with  but 
few  and  brief  intervals  the  course  of  the  Mexican  republic 
were  for  the  most  part  local,  and  not  as  a rule  directed  against 
the  government.  At  the  time  of  Lerdo’s  election  it  would  not 
have  been  a difficult  matter  for  him  to  break  down,  by  liberal 
and  well-concerted  measures,  the  barriers  which  separated 


PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRA  TIONS. 


515 


rival  factions,  and  had  he  done  so  it  is  probable  that  he  would 
have  gathered  around  him  a circle  of  adherents  against  whom 
opposition  would  have  been  almost  in  vain.  But  Lerdo  was 
strangely  wanting  in  certain  qualities,  his  overweening  self- 
confidence  dulling  his  powers  of  perception;  and  while  making 
enemies  of  the  Diaz  faction,  and  giving  sore  cause  of  offence 
to  his  own  party,  he  paid  no  heed  to  the  gathering  storm 
which  he  had  himself  called  into  being,  by  causing  his  re- 
election  to  the  executive  chair  in  1875. 

On  the  15th  of  January,  1876,  General  Fidencio  Hernandez 
issued  a pronunciamiento  denouncing  Lerdo  and  his  govern- 
ment, and  proclaiming  Diaz  general-in-chief  of  the  revolution- 
ary forces.  Already  the  nation  was  thoroughly  roused,  and 
within  a few  weeks  the  disaffection  spread  throughout  the 
states. 

On  the  22d  of  March,  Diaz  published  in  a revised  form  a 
plan  issued  by  Hernandez  at  Tuxtepec,  wherein  it  wTas  affirmed 
that  Mexico  was  ruled  under  a system  subversive  of  her  insti- 
tutions and  laws;  that  freedom  of  suffrage  had  been  virtually 
abolished,  and  that  the  elections  were  controlled  by  the  presi- 
dent, to  whom  the  courts  of  justice  were  made  subservient. 
It  was  also  declared  that  Lerdo  and  his  ministers  were  no 
longer  recognized,  and  that  a provisional  executive  would  be 
appointed  by  governors  of  states  to  whom  the  plan  was  ac- 
ceptable, substitutes  being  appointed  in  place  of  those  who 
refused  to  recognize  it. 

At  the  head  of  some  400  followers,  Diaz  marched  against 
Matamoros,  in  the  neighborhood  of  which  city  the  plan  was 
first  proclaimed,  and  through  the  defection  of  the  garrison 
gained  possession  of  the  place  without  a struggle.  But  al- 
ready the  government  forces,  mustering  6,000  strong  and  in 
several  columns,  were  approaching  the  frontier,  and  Diaz  was 
compelled  to  retreat.  It  was  at  first  his  intention  to  penetrate 
into  the  interior;  but  he  afterward  decided  to  return  to  Oajaca, 
and  passing  through  Texas  and  Louisiana,  took  passage  at 
New  Orleans  for  Vera  Cruz,  disguised  as  a Cuban  doctor. 


516  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

The  voyage  was  an  adventurous  one.  On  reaching  Tam- 
pico, a detachment  of  troops  came  on  board  the  vessel,  and 
among  them  Diaz  recognized  some  of  the  prisoners  whom  he 
had  captured  and  released  at  Vera  Cruz.  Under  the  close 
scrutiny  of  these  men  he  could  not  hope  to  escape  detection, 
and  soon  perceived  that  preparations  were  being  made  for  his 
arrest.  At  this  juncture  the  ship  lay  far  from  shore,  off  the 
mouth  of  the  river;  but  he  was  a good  swimmer,  and  if  he 


0 

could  escape  the  sharks  and  make  his  way  to  shore,  there  was 
fair  prospect  of  arriving  in  safe  quarters.  At  dusk  he  slipped 
noiselessly  into  the  water  and  struck  out  for  land.  lie  had 
been  watched,  however,  and  soon  there  fell  on  his  ears  the  cry 
of  “Man  overboard!”  followed  quickly  by  the  stroke  of  oars. 

Dragged  into  the  boat  half  unconscious,  Diaz  was  brought 
back  to  the  vessel  and  placed  under  arrest;  whereupon  he 
claimed  protection  of  the  United  States  tlag,  the  craft  being 
an  American  steamer,  named  the  City  of  Havana.  The  com- 
mander assured  him  that  he  was  safe,  at  least  until  Vera  Cruz 
was  reached;  but  as  the  government  troops  were  numerous 


PRESIDENTIAL  A DM  IN  1ST R A TIONS. 


517 


and  could  readily  gain  possession  of  the  vessel,  that  officer 
suggested  that  he  seek  protection  on  hoard  a man-of-war  an- 
chored near  by.  This  alternative  the  general  refused,  as  it 
would  interfere  with  his  plans;  but  soon  he  found  a sentinel 
placed  at  his  cabin  door  under  some  frivolous  pretext. 

On  the  following  day  there  was  a heavy  gale,  and  while  the 
sentry  was  in  the  throes  of  sea-sickness,  Diaz  passed  unno- 
ticed into  the  cabin  of  the  purser,  who  had  promised  to  be- 
friend him,  proposing,  when  the  steamer  neared  land,  to  swim 
ashore  with  the  aid  of -a  life-buoy.  He  was  persuaded,  how- 


ClTY  OF  OAJACA 

ever,  by  the  purser  to  hide  within  a sofa-trunk  and  fling  the 
buoy  overboard,  in  order  to  make  it  appear  that  he  had  es- 
caped. 

Not  until  daybreak  was  it  discovered  that  the  cabin  of 
Diaz  was  deserted;  and  after  a careful  search  had  been  made 
in  all  parts  of  the  vessel  except  the  real  hiding-place,  though 
often  in  its  close  proximity,  an  official  notice  was  drawn  up 
as  to  his  disappearance,  the  belief  being  expressed  that  he 
had  been  drowned.  For  an  entire  week  he  lay  cramped  in 
his  narrow  quarters,  often  barely  venturing  to  draw  breath, 
for  the  purser’s  cabin  was  the  favorite  lounging-place  of  the 


518  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 

officers,  where  they  drank,  smoked,  and  gambled  till  long  after 
midnight. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  steamer  at  Vera  Cruz,  the  command- 
ant resolved  to  guard  against  contingencies  by  placing  armed 
boats  around  the  steamer;  but  after  the  troops  had  landed,  the 
general  donned  the  garb  of  a sailor,  and  joined  the  labor  gang 
on  board  one  of  the  freight  barges,  thus  making  his  way  to 
land.  Near  by  two  horses  were  in  readiness  in  charge  of  a 
servant,  and  mounting  one  of  them  Diaz  made  his  way  to 
Boca  del  Rio,  some  four  leagues  distant.  While  dismounting 
for  the  purpose  of  making  arrangements  to  continue  his  jour- 
ney, a detachment  of  cavalry  came  up,  and  as  he  passed  out 
of  the  hostlery  he  wras  suddenly  confronted  by  Colonel  Escobar, 
to  whom  he  was  well  known.  Instantly  he  gave  the  sailor’s 
salute,  thus  covering  his  face  as  the  colonel’s  eyes  were  turned 
upon  him,  and  observing  only  a man  in  sailor’s  garb,  the  latter 
passed  on  his  way.  Meanwhile  the  servant  left  in  charge  of 
the  horses  had  taken  fright  and  fled.  After  passing  the  night, 
on  the  wet  ground,  without  fire  and  exposed  to  a heavy  storm. 
Diaz  made  his  way  to  the  hacienda  of  one  of  his  friends,  and 
as  he  set  forth  on  the  following  day,  the  gleam  of  the  arms  and 
uniforms  of  an  approaching  body  of  Lerdist  troops  warned 
him  to  hasten  his  departure.  Finally,  without  further  adven- 
ture worthy  of  note,  he  reached  the  camp  of  General  Vela, 
where  he  was  in  safe  quarters,  and  in  September  we  find  him 
again  at  Oajaca  in  command  of  4,000  men. 

On  the  26th  of  October  Lerdo  was  re-elected  to  the  presi- 
dency, but  by  deception  so  palpable  that  the  chief  justice,  Jose 
Maria  Iglesias,  secretly  left  the  capital  and  denounced  the  elec- 
tion as  fraudulent.  Then  by  virtue  of  a clause  in  the  consti- 
tution, which  provides  that  the  head  of  the  judiciary  shall 
assume  the  executive  office  ad  interim  in  the  absence  of  a 
duly  elected  president,  he  formed  a cabinet,  and  with  the 
forces  collected  by  his  generals  entered  the  city  of  Guanajuato. 

Lerdo’s  position  was  now  becoming  serious;  for  he  must  con- 
tend not  only  with  this  new  combination,  but  with  the  forces 


PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRA  TIONS. 


519 


Jose  Maria  Iglesias. 

When  news  of  this  disaster  reached  Mexico,  the  ministry 
was  seized  with  panic,  and  various  plans  were  discussed,  only 
to  be  rejected,  for  the  members  were  not  sufficiently  in  accord 
to  meet  such  an  emergency.  Finally  it  was  decided  to  leave 
the  capital,  and  on  the  night  of  the  20th,  Lerdo,  accompanied 
by  Escobedo,  Mejia,  and  others,  started  toward  the  coast,  at- 
tended by  a strong  escort  of  dragoons,  and  taking  with  him  a 


organized  by  Diaz  in  Oajaca,  and  by  Gonzales,  who  had  already 
entered  Tlascala.  In  the  middle  of  November  a decisive  bat- 
tle was  fought  at  Tecoac,  in  which  Diaz  was  on  the  point  of 
being  defeated,  when  Gonzalez  came  to  his  support,  and  falling 
unexpectedly  on  the  enemy’s  flank,  restored  the  fight,  the  re- 
sult being  a total  rout  of  the  Lerdist  forces,  with  the  loss  of  all 
their  material  of  war. 


520 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


considerable  portion  of  the  public  funds.  Reaching  Acapulco 
without  molestation,  he  embarked  for  the  United  States,  and 
finally  made  his  residence  in  New  York,  where  we  will  take 
our  leave  of  a man  to  whom  few  were  reluctant  to  bid  adieu. 

Soon  after  the  victory  at  Tecoac,  Diaz  set  out  for  Mexico  at 
the  head  of  12,000  troops,  and  no  resistance  being  offered,  he 
entered  the  city  amid  a tumultuous  ovation,  accorded  less  on 
account  of  the  triumph  of  his  party  than  as  a mark  of  appre- 
ciation of  the  man.  Five  days  later,  in  accordance  with  the 
revolutionary  plan,  he  assumed  the  executive  power.  Thus 
there  were  three  presidents  of  the  republic,  each  being  recog- 
nized by  his  own  faction;  for  Lerdo,  though  he  had  abandoned 
the  field,  had  by  no  means  relinquished  his  claim.  Most  of 
his  followers  had,  however,  transferred  their  allegiance  to 
Iglesias,  who  found  himself  at  the  head  of  20,000  troops;  but 
at  the  approach  of  the  army  of  Diaz,  desertion  thinned  their 
ranks.  Soon  afterward  their  chieftain,  seeing  the  hopelessness 
of  his  position,  followed  the  example  of  Lerdo,  embarking 
early  in  1877  for  San  Francisco,  accompanied  among  others 
by  his  ministers  Palacio,  Alcalde,  and  Prieto,  all  of  whom 
ranked  among  the  foremost  politicians  and  leaders  of  thought 
in  Mexico.  On  the  2d  of  May,  1877,  congress  formally  an- 
nounced the  election  of  Diaz  to  the  presidency  by  the  almost 
unanimous  vote  of  nearly  200  districts. 

Porfirio  Diaz,  whose  public  career  has  already  in  part  been 
laid  before  the  reader,  was  educated  at  the  religious  and  scien- 
tific institutes  of  Oajaca,  and  in  early  youth  adopted  the  pro- 
fession of  arms.  At  the  time  of  the  French  invasion,  he 
declared  against  the  establishment  of  monarchy,  and  his 
brilliant  achievements  raised  him  to  the  foremost  rank  among 
military  leaders.  A man  of  remarkable  administrative  abil- 
ity, he  had  already  given  promise,  as  chief  of  a district  and 
as  governor  of  a state,  of  the  qualities  which  he  afterward  dis- 
played as  president.  As  a statesman,  he  was  free  from  the 
obstinacy  and  subtlety  which  characterized  Juarez  and  Lerdo, 
and  his  mind  was  of  the  firmly  knit  texture  which  reaches 


PRESIDENTS  L A DMINIS  TRA  TIONS. 


521 


out  instinctively  to  right  conclusions.  He  possessed  in  a re- 
markable degree  that  most  admirable  of  qualities,  practical 
sense,  which  was  combined  with  a rare  insight  into  the  nature 
of  men  and  things,  with  clearness  of  head  to  direct  and 
strength  of  will  to  enforce. 


Poufirio  Diaz 


Linked  with  Juarez  as  the  savior  of  his  country,  he 
proved  himself  more  far-seeing  than  his  colleague  in  selecting 
the  best  measures  for  the  welfare  of  the  people ; and  few  great 
leaders,  w'hether  military  or  political,  have  been  so  seldom 
accused  of  mistakes.  Neither  blinded  by  ambition,  nor  daz- 
zled by  power,  nor  puffed  up  by  success,  he  ever  stood 


522 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


firmly  to  the  principles  which  he  avowed  when  entering  on  his 
political  career. 

Diaz  assumed  office  with  the  simplest  necessary  forms,  de- 
clining to  occupy  the  palace,  except  on  state  occasions  and  for 
the  transaction  of  business,  and  then  retiring  to  his  unpreten- 
tious residence  in  the  street  of  La  Moneda. 


Residence  of  Dlaz  1877-80. 


For  a time  a few  war  clouds  remained  on  the  political  hori- 
zon. Lcrdo  and  Iglesias  had  issued  manifestoes  in  support  of 
their  claims  to  the  presidency.  The  latter  soon  recognized 
the  futility  of  his  efforts,  and  returning  to  Mexico,  retired  into 
private  life;  but  Lerdo’s  party,  having  interests  of  their  own 
to  serve,  organized  their  forces  to  maintain  the  struggle  in  the 
northern  states.  Escobedo  also  raised  an  army  in  Texas,  and 


PRESIDE X TIA  L A I)  MINIS  Tit  A TIONS. 


523 


invaded  Coahuila  in  the  autumn  of  1877,  while  Amador  held 
out  in  Tamaulipas.  The  government  troops  pressed  them 
closely,  and  after  being  several  times  defeated,  Escobedo  was 
captured  and  taken  as  a prisoner  to  the  capital,  where  he  was 
released  on  parole.  Amador  was  less  fortunate,  being  killed 
in  action  after  sustaining  many  reverses,  and  with  his  death 
the  campaign  came  practically  to  an  end.  During  the  years 
which  ensued  there  were  occasional  disturbances  in  several  of 
the  states;  but  they  were  quickly  suppressed,  the  only  one 
that  assumed  formidable  proportions  being  in  the  Sinaloa 
region,  with  Marquez  de  Leon  as  leader. 

After  the  first  year  of  the  Diaz  administration,  it  may  be 
said  that  the  country  enjoyed  more  complete  repose  than  dur- 
ing any  portion  of  the  republican  period.  This  was  due  in 
part  to  the  growing  contentment  of  the  people  amid  the  new 
order  of  things,  and  to  the  energy,  precautions,  and  concila- 
tory  measures  of  the  president,  who  frankly  appealed  for  aid 
to  men  of  all  parties,  kept  around  him  the  most  able  officials, 
irrespective  of  religious  or  political  creeds,  and  distributed 
the  civil  and  military  preferments  mainly  as  rewards  for 
efficiency  and  patriotism.  One  by  one  those  who  had  formerly 
been  arrayed  against  him  tendered  their  friendship  or  submis- 
sion, and  even  the  clergy  expressed  their  confidence  in  a man 
who  protected  them  from  all  encroachments,  and  required 
from  them  only  what  was  in  accord  with  the  constitution  and 
the  welfare  of  the  people. 

While  striving  to  promote  harmony  among  the  several  par- 
ties, Diaz  never  swerved  from  his  self-imposed  task  of  reform- 
ing the  many  abuses  which  had  been  tolerated  under  former 
administrations.  The  pruning-knife  was  applied  to  all  depart- 
ments of  the  service;  the  public  offices  were  cleared  of  all 
superfluous  employes;  the  pay-lists  were  altered,  and  while 
important  reductions  were  made,  premiums  were  awarded  to 
those  who  displayed  aptitude  and  integrity.  The  consular 
service  was  also  remodelled,  and  measures  were  adopted  to 
prevent  the  wholesale  peculation  which  for  years  had  depleted 


524 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE. 


the  treasury.  No  favoritism  was  displayed  in  these  sweeping 
measures  of  reform,  the  only  exception  being  in  the  case  of 
pensions  granted  to  invalids  and  to  the  widows  and  orphans 
of  soldiers  who  had  died  in  the  cause  of  the  revolution. 

Thus  through  the  application  of  sound  practical  sense  and 
close  economy,  a remedy  was  found  for  the  chronic  depletion 
of  the  treasury,  and  that  without  any  increase  of  the  public 
burdens.  The  revenue,  which  for  1876-77  amounted  only  to 
about  $16,000,000,  increased  during  the  following  year  to 
more  than  $20,000,000,  and  for  1883  to  $34,000,000.  This 
improvement  was  brought  about,  however,  not  only  by  eco- 
nomic measures,  but  by  the  development  of  national  resources, 
and  by  opening  up  the  avenues  of  trade  and  industries. 
Roads  were  built  connecting  the  seaports  with  the  principal 
marts  of  commerce;  piers  and  light-houses  were  erected, 
canals  were  made,  and  the  navigation  of  rivers  improved,  sub- 
sidies were  granted  to  oceanic  steamship  lines,  and  railroads 
were  constructed,  forming  a complete  network  of  communi- 
cation. 

No  less  commendable  was  the  foreign  policy  of  the  admin- 
istration, whereby  the  balance  of  trade,  which  had  been  largely 
against  the  country,  was  considerably  reduced.  Notice  was 
given  to  several  nations  of  the  termination  of  commercial 
treaties,  concluded  by  former  ministries  on  disadvantageous 
terms,  especially  those  with  Germany,  Italy,  and  the  United 
States. 

For  several  years,  relations  with  the  United  States  had  been 
strained,  partly  on  account  of  the  refusal  of  the  government 
to  allow  American  troops  to  enter  its  territory  in  quest  of 
marauders,  though  a similar  privilege  had  been  granted  to  the 
Mexican  forces.  The  outcry  raised  in  Texas  led  to  instructions 
being  given  to  General  Ord  to  cross  the  Rio  Grande,  and  wTar 
appeared  imminent;  but  the  attitude  of  Diaz,  at  once  firm  and 
conciliatory,  had  a favorable  effect,  and  the  dispute  was  ad- 
justed without  bloodshed  In  1882  a convention  was  framed, 
allowing  the  troops  of  either  nation  to  cross  the  border  in  pur- 
suit of  raiding  parties  and  hostile  Indians. 


PRESIDENTIAL  A D Ml N IS  TEA  TIONS. 


525 


The  settlement  of  these  difficulties  was  aided  by  the  prompt 
payment  of  the  indemnity  agreed  on  by  the  joint  commission 
on  claims,  which,  after  sessions  extending  over  seven  years, 
had  in  1876  awarded  -$4,125,622  to  United  States  claimants, 
and  $150,498  to  Mexican  claimants.  The  demands  of  the 
former  amounted  originally  to  $470,000,000,  and  of  the  latter 
to  $86,000,000,  many  of  them  being  entirely  fictitious,  and  all 
of  them  exorbitant.  The  payments  were  to  be  made  in  yearly 
instalments  of  $300,000,  and  with  the  exception  of  the  first 
all  were  defrayed  by  the  treasury,  without  having  resort  to 
forced  contributions. 

By  act  of  May  5, 1878,  a president  or  governor  was  declared 
ineligible  for  re-election  until  after  four  years  from  the  end 
of  his  preceding  term.  Nevertheless,  as  the  time  drew  near, 
several  of  the  states  declared  in  favor  of  retaining  in  power 
one  who  was  so  eminently  fitted  to  be  at  the  head  of  affairs. 
As  this  measure  would,  however,  conflict  with  the  revolu- 
tionary plan  to  which  he  had  pledged  himself,  Diaz  refused 
to  allow  his  name  to  appear  as  a candidate,  and  the  election 
was  decided  in  favor  of  Gonzalez,  who  assumed  office  on  the 
1st  of  December,  1880. 

Manuel  Gonzalez,  a son  of  a small  landed  proprietor  in 
the  State  of  Tamaulipas,  was  born  in  Matamoros,  in  the  year 
1833.  His  first  years  passed  in  a small  cattle-range  belonging 
to  his  father.  After  receiving  the  rudiments  of  a common 
education,  in  his  early  boyhood  he  went  to  live  with  an  uncle, 
named  Campuzano,  acting  as  his  chief  assistant  at  his  shop 
and  bakery  in  Matamoros.  At  the  age  of  18  he  joined  the 
national  guard  of  said  city,  but  soon  after  transferred  himself 
to  a battalion  of  regular  infantry,  in  which  his  courage  and 
intelligence  were  rewarded  with  rapid  promotion.  At 
Puebla  he  lost  his  right  arm;  at  Tecoac  he  was  severely 
wounded,  and  his  person  bore  the  scars  of  a dozen  injuries 
received  during  the  civil  wars  or  in  the  campaigns  against 
the  French. 

The  policy  of  Diaz  was  for  peace.  And  truly  there  was 


526 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


peace  throughout  the  land,  and  friendly  relations  existed 
with  nearly  all  foreign  powers,  the  only  question  of  serious 
, import  being  a frontier  difficulty  with  the  United  States  and 
a boundary  dispute  with  Guatemala,  both  of  which  were 
amicably  settled. 

Compared  with  the  political  events  of  former  administra- 
tions, those  which  occurred  during  Gonzalez’s  term  of  office 
■were  few  and  of  little  import,  this  period  of  Mexican  history 
being  marked  by  almost  uninterrupted  peace  and  prosperity, 
while  the  progress  of  the  republic  was  rapid  and  of  stable 
character.  Nevertheless  the  rule  of  Gonzalez  was  a signal 
failure.  If  he  loved  his  country,  his  affection  was  by  no  means 
disinterested ; for  during  his  term  he  acquired  enormous 
wealth,  and  retired  from  office  with  the  opprobrium  of  the 
nation.  The  treasury  was  exhausted ; the  customs  were  heav- 
ily mortgaged;  the  salaries  of  officials  were  largely  in  arrear; 
the  floating  debt  had  been  considerably  increased,  and  al- 
though some  $5,000,000  had  been  paid  as  subsidies  to  rail- 
roads, it  has  never  yet  been  ascertained  how  much  of  this 
amount  passed  into  the  pocket  of  the  president.  Diaz  was 
thoroughly  disgusted;  Gonzalez  was  indifferent. 

Among  his  measures  was  the  proposed  recognition  of  the 
debt  to  English  bond-holders,  and  a plan  for  the  conversion  of 
Mexican  bonds  held  by  British  subjects  into  a new  issue  to 
be  termed  the  Consolidated  Debt  of  Mexico  in  London.  The 
amount  represented  was  $17,200,000;  but  when  it  became 
known  that  nearly  ten  per  cent  of  this  sum  was  to  be  set  apart 
for  the  expenses  of  conversion,  or  in  other  words,  for  the  ex- 
ecutive, it  was  resolved  to  defer  the  matter  until  after  the  in- 
auguration of  Diaz,  who  in  September  1884  had  been  reelected 
to  the  presidency  by  15,969  out  of  16,462  votes.  Though 
nothing  could  better  indicate  his  popularity  than  this  all  but 
unanimous  choice,  his  opponents  had  spared  no  efforts  to  cause 
his  overthrow,  employing  for  that  purpose  the  vilest  measures, 
and  even  attempting  his  assassination.  On  one  occasion  he 
narrowly  escaped  being  poisoned,  and  on  another  a heavy 


PRESIDENTIAL  ADMINISTRATIONS 


527 


stone  was  rolled  across  the  railroad  track  on  which  he  was 
travelling  by  special  train,  while  men  armed  with  rifles  lay 
concealed  under  a bridge  near  by,  prepared  to  shoot  him  in 
case  of  his  escape.  Fortunately  the  engineer  perceived  the 
obstruction  in  time  to  prevent  the  crash. 

On  the  1st  of  December,  1884,  Diaz  was  for  the  second  time 
inaugurated  as  president.  Promptly  at  9 o’clock  the  general 
drove  up  to  the  chamber  of  deputies,  where  the  senators,  the 
public  functionaries,  and  the  diplomatic  corps,  all  in  full  uni- 
form, awaited  his  arrival.  Dressed  in  plain  black,  and  escorted 
by  a slender  guard,  he  entered  the  building,  and  after  taking 
the  oath  of  office,  withdrew  within  five  minutes  as  quietly  as  he 
had  entered.  The  second  and  succeeding  administrations  of 
Diaz  were  marked  by  the  same  wisdom  on  the  part  of  the  ruler 
and  progress  of  the  people  as  characterized  the  first,  the  whole 
forming  what  may  truthfully  be  called  the  Golden  Age  of 
Mexico. 

Amid  the  many  proofs  of  progress  appearing  under  the 
peaceful  regime  of  Porfirio  Diaz  were:— 

A deliverance  of  the  country  from  anarchy  following  the 
discouragement  of  kingcraft  and  foreign  intervention. 

Curtailed  power  of  the  clergy  and  aristocracy. 

The  breaking  up  of  large  holdings,  and  a more  general  dis- 
tribution of  land. 

School  extension  and  the  education  and  elevation  of  the 
masses. 

Progress  at  home  and  peaceful  relations  abroad. 

A thousand  public  improvements  and  private  enterprises, 
as  the  Nacional,  the  Central,  the  Interoceanic,  and  other  rail- 
systems;  the  telegraph  lines  and  postal  routes;  the  drainage 
canals;  agricultural,  commercial,  manufacturing,  and  mining 
industries,  and  all  the  great  and  small  achievements  that  make 
for  the  elevation  and  progress  of  the  nation. 


528 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


CHAPTER  LII 

FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY;  MADERO,  HUERTA.  VILLA, 
CARRANZA,  ZAPATA,  AND  AMERICAN  INTERVENTION 

In  northeastern  Mexico  lived  the  patriarchal  family  of 
Madero,  consisting  of  father,  grandfather,  sons,  and  relatives 
to  the  number  of  130  of  no  more  remote  degree  than  first 
cousin.  The  family  enjoyed  great  wealth,  having  many 
estates  in  Coahuila  and  elsewhere,  and  a town  house  in  the 
national  capital. 

One  of  the  brothers,  Francisco,  a diminutive  figure  of 
refined  nature  and  scholarly  tendencies,  born  at  the  hacienda 
del  Rosario,  in  October,  1873,  was  destined  while  yet  a young 
man  to  overthrow  the  most  popular  personage  in  Latin  Amer- 
ica, the  most  absolute  ruler  in  Christendom,  and  plant  him- 
self in  his  place. 

Large  of  head,  with  small  hands  and  feet,  only  five  feet 
four  in  height  and  weighing  rather  less  than  137  pounds; 
of  light  complexion  for  a Mexican  though  dark  for  a Euro- 
pean, brown  hair  and  mustache;  a warm  sympathetic  face, 
a kindly  voice  yet  shrill  under  excitement;  yielding  in  non- 
essentials  yet  stubborn  where  his  convictions  were  involved, 
he  presented  a fascinating  personality,  and  early  drew  around 
him  his  family  and  friends  espousing  his  cause. 

Idealist,  spiritualist,  or  what  you  will,  the  young  man’s 
fanaticism  was  tinged  with  patriotism,  a rare  thing  in  a 
Spanish-American  revolutionist.  lie  was  conscientious.  He 
believed  he  could  govern  Mexico  better  than  Porfirio  Diaz, 
better  than  any  one  except  himself.  And  the  result— pro- 
tracted anarchy,  the  senseless  slaughter  of  thousands,  his 
own  family  bathed  in  blood  and  ten  thousand  other  families 
brought  to  starvation  and  dire  distress,  the  land  laid  waste, 
industry  paralyzed,  foreign  invasion,  and  the  far-away  end 
still  not  in  sight. 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


529 


War  Map  of  Mexico 


530 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


Better  for  the  Maderos,  the  quiet  enjoyment  of  their  broad 
lands  and  numerous  flocks  and  herds  as  heretofore;  better 
for  Mexico — perhaps,  who  can  tell? — the  beneficent  rule  of 
a mild  dictatorship  than  anarchy  under  the  domination  of 
bandits  and  assassins. 


Francisco  Madero 

Admit  all  the  charges  against  Porfirio  Diaz  to  be  true; 
apply  to  him  the  worst  names  in  the  language,  as  autocrat, 
dictator,  despot,  where  can  be  found  in  Europe  or  America 
a man  who  under  like  conditions  has  done  better,  who  under 
like  conditions  can  do  as  well,  wresting  from  disorder  by  the 
indomitable  power  of  his  own  personality  a great  nation, 
and  holding  it  in  an  iron  grasp  of  enforced  peace  and  pros- 
perity for  some  thirty  years,  and  this  with  a people  so  limp 
and  sodden  as  to  fall  back  into  their  former  state  the  moment 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


531 


his  hand  is  removed.  Let  them  answer,  our  northern  purists, 
who  hold  crime  against  a party  more  heinous  than  crime 
against  a people. 

Everywhere  was  political  unrest,  from  which  indeed  this 
land  is  never  wholly  free,  when  in  1903  young  Madero  went 
forth  upon  his  crusade,  incited  more  immediately  thereto  by 
an  election  riot  at  Monterey. 

Bred  to  the  law  while  devoted  to  agriculture,  he  was  defi- 
cient neither  in  learning  nor  in  oratory,  and  of  these  advan- 
tages he  was  not  slow  to  avail  himself.  Early  in  his  career 
he  wrote  a book,  entitled  The  Presidential  Succession,  in 
which  he  mildly  criticized  the  Diaz  government.  Later  he 
traversed  the  country,  lecturing,  forming  clubs,  and  writing 
pamphlets.  At  the  July  election  of  1910  he  announced 
himself  a candidate  for  the  presidency,  charging  Diaz  with 
autocracy,  military  despotism,  inflation  of  the  national  debt, 
sequestration  of  natural  resources,  fraudulent  elections,  and 
other  like  irregularities. 

Some  of  the  charges  were  true,  others  false,  the  true  ones 
being  as  a rule  falsely  colored.  But  whether  true  or  false, 
whether  he  ruled  by  line  and  plummet  or  by  the  inexorable 
necessities  of  the  case  was  not  with  him  the  question.  Diaz 
never  attempted  to  disguise  his  acts,  which  in  the  minds  of 
all  but  the  more  mechanical  the  result  justifies.  Madero 


a charge  of  sedition  and  confined  in  the  San  Luis  Potosi 
prison  until  after  election,  when  he  was  released  on  bail. 
This  he  forfeited  and  escaped  to  the  United  States,  where  he 
purchased  arms  and  raised  the  cry  of  revolution.  Before 
leaving  Mexico  he  issued  a pronunciamento  declaring  for 
effective  suffrage,  non-reelection  of  executive  officers,  and 
restoration  of  lands  to  the  people.  Fighting  began  at  Mai 


532 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


Paso,  where  the  rebels  won  a victory,  followed  shortly  after 
by  defeat  at  Ojinaga.  Official  steps  were  taken  toward  peace 
between  Madero  and  the  Diaz  government  on  April  23d,  when 
an  armistice  was  signed,  followed  by  a peace  pact  at  El  Paso 
May  21st.  After  a futile  attempt  at  reconciliation,  a decisive 
battle  at  Juarez,  with  the  ever-increasing  revolutionary  senti- 
ment throughout  the  country,  won  for  Madero  eventually  his 
cause. 

Meanwhile  hostilities  were  set  on  foot  in  the  mountains  of 
Chihuahua,  in  November,  by  Castulo  Herrera  and  Pascual 
Orozco,  while  in  the  south  insurrection  was  urged  on  by 
General  Emiliano  Zapata  and  Eufemio  his  brother  in  More- 
los, and  by  Ambrosio  Figueroa  in  Guerrero.  Federal  troops 
were  sent  against  them,  but  with  poor  success.  Orozco  was 
leader  of  the  rebel  forces  in  the  north  until  sometime  in  1912, 
when  he  revised  his  principles  and  joined  the  federals. 

So  thick  became  the  atmosphere  with  insurgency  and  revolt 
that  on  May  25,  1911,  Diaz  was  forced  to  resign  and  flee 
the  country.  In  his  escape  from  the  capital  with  his  family 
he  was  attended  by  General  Huerta,  then  at  the  head  of  the 
army,  who  secured  for  him  safe  conduct,  protected  him  from 
the  rabble,  and  placed  him  in  safety  on  board  of  a German 
steamer  en  route  for  Paris,  firing  a farewell  volley  in  his 
honor. 

On  the  resignation  of  Diaz,  Francisco  Leon  de  la  Barra 
was  proclaimed  provisional  president.  On  June  7th  Madero 
entered  Mexico  city  amid  enthusiastic  demonstrations,  was 
elected  president  with  little  or  no  opposition  October  1st,  and 
inaugurated  on  the  6th  of  November.  All  very  like  the  Diaz 
methods. 

Madero  was  ill-fitted  to  cope  with  the  situation.  It  required 
a man  with  some  brute  force,  having  much  brute  force  to 
contend  with.  Idealism  cannot  long  usurp  the  place  of  can- 
non and  common  sense. 

One  of  his  first  acts  was  to  order  paid  to  his  brother  Gus- 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


533 


tavo  $700,000  for  alleged  expenses  incurred  in  the  revolution 
which  raised  him  to  power.  He  tilled  the  important  offices 
of  government  with  his  relatives,  making  uncle  Ernesto  sec- 
retary of  the  Treasury,  cousin  Rafael  Hermandez  secretary 
of  Fomento,  Gonzales  Sales  secretary  of  War,  Manuel  Calaro 
minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  Jose  Maria  Pino  Suarez  vice- 
president,  and  so  on. 

lie  ignored  the  Lcycs  de  Rcforma,  and  denied  that  he  had 
ever  promised  lands  to  the  people.  lie  sought  to  strengthen 
the  army  instead  of  lessening  it  as  he  had  promised,  making 
the  fatal  blunder,  however,  of  reducing  the  pay  of  General 
Huerta,  whom  he  distrusted.  He  repudiated  his  pledge  of 
free  ballot,  setting  aside  in  seven  of  the  states  their  election 
of  governor,  and  imposing  upon  them  his  own  selections.  His 
rule  was  brief. 

In  October,  1912,  General  Felix  Diaz,  nephew  of  Porfirio 
and  a graduate  of  the  Chapidtepec  military  academy,  brought 
about  a defection  in  the  army,  where  he  enjoyed  no  small 
influence.  Handing  in  his  resignation,  he  opened  a campaign 
against  the  government  at  Vera  Cruz.  His  efforts  failed;  he 
was  captured,  brought  to  the  city,  imprisoned,  and  doomed 
to  death. 

Certain  of  the  government  troops,  with  cadets  from  the 
Tlalpam  military  college,  entered  the  capital  on  the  night  of 
the  8th  of  February,  1913,  and  took  possession  of  the  national 
palace,  releasing  next  morning  Felix  Diaz  and  General  Reyes, 
likewise  in  prison  for  insurrection,  and  arresting  Gustavo 
Madero  and  the  minister  of  war. 

Upon  their  liberation  Diaz  and  Reyes  hastened  away  to 
gather  up  their  forces;  but  meanwhile  the  palace  had  been 
recaptured  by  the  federals,  and  on  their  return  Reyes  was 
shot  and  killed.  President  Madero  then  appeared  upon  the 
scene  with  his  guard  and  some  Chapultepec  cadets,  and  Felix 
Diaz,  with  General  Mondragon,  retired  to  the  citadel  where 


534 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


the  arms  were  kept,  having  then  at  his  command  some  three 
or  four  thousand  men. 

Next  morning  La  decena  tragica,  the  tragic  ten  days  of 
the  capital,  as  the  Mexicans  call  it,  from  the  9th  to  the  18th 
of  February,  began  in  earnest.  Though  the  streets  ran  blood, 
and  dire  distress  prevailed,  comparatively  few  of  the  mili- 
tary were  killed,  such  a course  being  apparently  understood 
between  the  contending  factions.  Six  thousand  non-com- 
batants, it  was  said,  men,  women  and  children,  were  slain 
or  disabled. 

The  mystery  was  solved  when  at  the  expiration  of  the 
tragic  ten  days  Iluerta,  who  led  the  government  forces,  be- 
trayed Madero  and  went  over  to  Felix,  later  to  betray  Felix 
and  usurp  the  place  of  Porfirio.  The  president  and  vice- 
president  were  arrested  in  the  palace.  At  midnight,  while 
being  conveyed  to  a place  of  greater  safety,  as  was  alleged, 
under  pretext  of  the  ley  fuga — he  who  attempts  to  escape 
may  be  killed — they  were  ruthlessly  slain.  Four  days  before 
this  Gustavo  Madero  had  been  killed.  Other  members  of  the 
Madero  fajnily  were  assassinated  later.  Felix  and  Iluerta 
jointly  cabled  Porfirio  in  Paris  that  at  last  he  was  avenged 
of  his  enemies.  Drastic,  though  not  without  its  advantages, 
the  Mexican  method  of  putting  rivals  at  rest. 

It  was  understood  that  after  the  murder  of  the  Maderos 
Felix  Diaz  was  to  be  president,  and  up  to  this  time  Huerta 
had  declared  that  he  did  not  want  the  office  and  would  not 
have  it,  which  was  pretty  sure  evidence  that  he  would  get  it 
if  he  could. 

Having  gradually  assumed  ascendancy  over  Felix,  and  with 
a superior  military  force  behind  him,  on  the  18th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1913,  Iluerta  proclaimed  himself  provisional  president, 
ordering  an  election  for  October  17th  to  make  the  appoint- 
ment permanent.  In  peril  of  his  life  Felix  retired  to  Havana. 

Victoriano  Iluerta,  like  Benito  Juarez,  was  an  Indian  boy 
born  in  a distant  hamlet.  He  attended  the  village  school, 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


535 


and  afterward  was  sent  by  President  Juarez  to  the  national 
military  academy,  where  he  graduated  with  credit.  He 
served  under  Porfirio  Diaz,  though  in  common  with  others 
the  president  mistrusted  him. 


V ictoriano  Huerta 


In  that  species  of  diplomacy,  or  shall  we  say  trickery,  in 
which  Latin  Americans  are  most  at  home,  the  more  ingenuous 
nations  of  Christendom  were  no  match  for  Huerta.  Supe- 
rior in  cunning,  in  manners  loose,  in  morals  disreputable,  he 
still  displayed  genius,  evil  genius  perhaps,  though  scarcely 
so  diabolical  in  his  nature  as  Villa.  But  in  Mexico  men  are 
cheap  and  murder  easy.  The  new  president  played  upon  men 
high  in  station  as  upon  an  instrument. 

On  the  29th  of  November,  1913,  Huerta  opened  his  new 


536 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


congress,  his  coarse  features  showing  dark  in  evening  dress, 
a tall,  heavily  built  figure  of  69  years,  in  white  shirt  and 
Mexican  sash,  the  bald  head  bordered  by  closely  cut  gray 
hair.  His  eyes  though  weak  were  bright,  and  he  read  off  his 
orders,  by  courtesy  called  message,  with  fluency.  Should  his 
legislators  ever  prove  intractable  he  would  arrest  and  im- 
prison them  all  in  a bunch,  which  indeed  on  one  occasion 
he  did. 

Insurrections,  many  times  pluralized,  came  on  apace.  Con- 
spicuous now  among  the  freshly  emboldened  was  Venustiano 
Carranza,  who  raised  the  cry  of  Constitution  in  the  north, 
while  in  the  south  were  still  the  Zapata  brothers  hovering 
with  a large  efficient  force  about  the  very  outskirts  of  the 
capital. 

Villa  was  a friend  of  Madero’s  who  had  twice  delivered 
him  out  of  the  hands  of  Huerta.  Nor  so  far  as  known  had 
Carranza  formulated  his  plans  for  a constitutionalist  revo- 
lution until  after  the  death  of  Madero,  when  that  catastrophe 
brought  home  to  him  the  possibilities  of  the  situation  with 
overwhelming  force. 

Excited  by  Villa’s  success,  also  presently  to  appear,  besides 
Carranza  in  Coahuila  and  Zapata  in  Morelos,  Puebla  soon 
also  to  be  his,  were  Pablo  Gonzales,  the  coming  hero  of 
Tampico,  Natera  in  Zacatecas,  Carrera  Torres  at  San  Luis 
Potosi,  Urbina  and  the  Arrieta  brothers  in  Durango;  on  the 
west  coast  Pasquiera  and  Maytorena  keenly  alive,  General 
Pascual  Orozco,  on  any  side  or  for  any  cause,  federal  or  rebel, 
next  after  himself,  General  Luis  Gutierrez,  the  tiger  of  Con- 
cepcion del  Oro,  General  Lucio  Blanco  at  Tepic;  General 
Rafael  Buelna  at  San  Bias;  and  in  the  northwest  a strong 
force  under  General  Alvaro  Obregon,  now  in  Sonora,  now 
at  Mazatlan,  with  brigades  under  generals  Dieguez,  Rafael 
Iturbe,  Juan  Cabral,  and  Benjamin  Gil,  these  and  a hundred 
others  scattered  throughout  the  land  good  constitutionalists 
all,  that  being  for  the  moment  the  popular  term,  yet  each 
first  of  all  for  himself,  ready  at  any  moment  to  take  advan- 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


537 


tage  of  opportunity,  and  all  indifferent  to  the  miseries  in- 
flicted upon  their  countrymen. 

But  before  them  all  Venustiano  Carranza  and  his  arch- 
executioner Pancho  Villa  were  making  flattering  progress, 
looting  and  laying  waste  the  land  in  the  same  name  of  con- 
stitutional republicanism.  Theirs  was  a quality  of  patriotism 


Pancho  Villa 


differing  from  that  of  the  Huerta  school,  in  that  they  robbed 
and  murdered  by  the  book,  though  it  is  said  that  Zapata 
while  acting  independently  was  early  of  the  same  persuasion. 

Carranza  presented  rather  a pleasing  personality,  tall,  dig- 
nified, with  high  forehead  and  long  gray  beard,  while  Villa 
was  the  .iolliest  cutthroat  in  all  the  land.  In  picturesque 
charro  costume,  fine  head,  high  and  broad  forehead,  open 


538 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


mouth  with  always  a semblance  of  a smile,  save  when  under 
hellish  excitement  the  whole  face  became  wreathed  in  malig- 
nant passion,  he  was  indeed  what  he  seemed,  the  Fra  Diavolo 
of  Spanish  America. 

The  stories  of  rapine  and  cruelty  that  are  told  of  him,  and 
which  he  tells  of  himself,  would  put  to  blush  a seventeenth 
century  pirate.  He  boasted  of  his  villainies  both  as  inde- 
pendent bandit  and  as  constitutional  cutthroat.  In  both 
capacities  he  had  slain  scores  with  his  own  hands.  It  is  said 
that,  coming  out  of  the  mountains  in  March,  1913,  with  one 
mule,  nine  men,  and  a little  flour,  to  join  Carranza,  he  soon 
found  himself  at  the  head  of  2,000  men  with  half  a million 
dollars,  presently  swelling  to  five  millions,  finally  with  20,000 
men  and  all  the  wealth  of  northern  Mexico  practically  his 
own.  Better  this  than  playing  Rob  Roy  in  the  wilderness. 

lie  delighted  in  relating  his  achievements,  how  when  Diaz 
offered  $20,000  for  his  head,  and  48  rurales  went  out  to 
catch  him,  he  had  killed  37  of  them ; how  when  he  first  turned 
bandit  he  had  followed  the  sheriff  of  Chihuahua,  who  had 
run  away  with  his  sister,  forced  him  to  marry  her,  ordered 
his  brother-in-law  to  dig  a grave,  then  shot  him  to  death  and 
tumbled  the  body  into  it. 

He  might  have  added,  not  untruthfully — “ Then  I went 
hunting,  constitutionally,  for  Venus.  Carranza,  and  soon  I 
had  in  my  following  all  the  men  I wanted,  more  than  I could 
furnish  with  arms,  and  more  money  than  I ever  before  knew 
was  in  the  world.  I killed  twenty  thousand  soldiers  of  the 
republic,  laid  waste  the  land  and  left  homeless  and  hungry 
tens  of  thousands  of  the  poor  and  unoffending  populace. 
I looted  the  banks  and  levied  contributions  upon  the  wealthy. 
I took  what  women  I wanted  for  myself  and  gave  the  rest  to 
my  soldiers.  I shot  all  the  generals  and  other  officers  above 
the  rank  of  lieutenant  left  over  after  each  battle  and  all  active 
federal  sympathizers;  the  soldiers  I annexed;  I had  no  use 
for  prisoners. 

“ All  this  I did  and  more,  and  from  disinterested  motives, 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


539 


out  of  pure  patriotism,  so  that  a good  government  might  be 
established  for  my  people,  all  that  were  left  of  them ; that 
my  country  might  obtain  the  recognition  and  approbation 
of  Christian  nations  everywhere,  to  the  end  that  peace  and 
prosperity  might  reign  throughout  the  land,  and  that  paci- 
fication might  become  so  firmly  established  as  to  enable  me 


Venustiano'Carranza 


henceforth  constitutionally  to  rob  and  murder  ad  libitum 
forever  after.”  And  this  is  he  who  goes  before  to  prepare 
the  way  for  Carranza  and  his  constitution. 

A yet  more  horrible  catalogue  of  crimes  is  given  in  the 
London  Daily  Telegraph  of  April  15,  1914,  which  tells,  of 
youthful  outrages,  how  he  was  born  at  Las  Nieves,  Durango, 
in  1868,  and  was  in  prison  for  stealing  cattle  and  homicide 
before  he  was  fourteen ; how  he  tortured  his  victims,  violated 


510 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


girls,  and  after  joining  the  Madero  revolution  in  January, 
1911,  lined  up  prisoners  four  deep  to  make  one  bullet  do 
the  work  for  all,  thus  saving  ammunition,  few  of  the  unfor- 
tunates at  the  first  shot  being  killed  outright,  the  details  of 
which  may  be  spared  the  reader  of  these  pages. 


Emiliano  Zapata 


Overriding  the  whole  vast  region  of  the  north,  one  after 
another  of  the  cities  and  strongholds  fell  before  him,  Tierra 
Blanca,  Juarez,  Ojinaga,  Chihuahua,  Torreon,  and  San  Pedro, 
and  on  the  13th  of  May,  1914,  Tampico  was  captured  by  the 
constitutionalists  which  made  them  masters  of  the  whole 
region  north  of  Guanajuato,  from  sea  to  sea,  with  the  larger 
part  of  Michoacan,  Guerrero,  Durango,  Morelos,  and  Puebla. 
Thus  it  was  that  success  attended  the  so  called  constitutional 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


541 


cause,  although  for  a time  the  transfer  of  arms  across  the 
northern  border  was  prohibited.  General  Zapata,  though 
wholly  independent,  was  claimed  by  Carranza  as  a disciple, 
yet  destined  in  due  time  to  present  another  enigma  in  the 
endless  chain  for  the  consideration  of  those  who  favored  in- 
tervention, while  Carranza  looked  forward  in  due  time  to 
have  both  Villa  and  Zapata  to  reckon  with. 

None  of  the  Mexican  leaders  sought  unnecessarily  to  offend 
foreign  powers  or  impose  upon  their  subjects,  though  Villa 
was  somewhat  careless  of  consequences,  in  the  matter  of 
William  S.  Benton,  a wealthy  Englishman,  recklessly  so. 
Benton  was  a fine  fellow,  brave,  outspoken,  with  a warm 
heart  and  many  friends,  but  with  a little  temper  lying  back 
of  a placid  front.  Somewhat  injudiciously  he  went  in  per- 
son to  Villa  to  complain  of  inroads  on  his  extensive  orchards 
and  cattle.  The  interview  waxed  a little  warm,  and  shortly 
afterward  it  was  ascertained  that  Benton  had  been  killed. 
Villa  asserted  that  his  own  life  had  been  threatened,  and  that 
Benton  was  shot  after  a formal  court  martial.  Perceval,  the 
British  consul,  after  due  investigation  reported  that  Benton 
had  been  stabbed  to  death  in  Villa’s  office.  Carranza’s  com- 
mission affirmed  that  he  was  shot  by  Major  Fieno  while  in 
his  custody  on  a train  between  Juarez  and  Chihuahua.  Villa 
and  Carranza  should  have  agreed  upon  some  one  story,  at 
least  in  the  elaborate  report  sent  by  Villa  to  Washington, 
with  names  of  witnesses  and  judges. 

The  personnel  of  insurgent  armies  in  Mexico,  as  distin- 
guished from  the  government  forces,  consisted  in  the  main 
of  bandit  chiefs,  usually  having  some  good  soldiers  to  depend 
upon,  but  with  a following  of  doltish  peons  and  rustic  boys 
out  for  plunder  and  a good  time,  all  preferring  fighting  to 
work.  They  had  modern  weapons,  those  of  them  who  were 
armed,  though  employing  little  skill  in  using  them.  Their 
battles,  Mexicans  fighting  Mexicans,  were  more  like  medieval 
slaughterings  at  close  range  than  modern  warfare. 


542 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


Pancho  Villa  hated  Huerta  personally  for  having  had  him 
arrested  and  threatened  with  death,  as  before  stated.  From 
this  fate  Madero  saved  him,  but  only  again  to  be  caught  by 
Huerta  and  imprisoned.  From  this  second  incarceration  he 
escaped.  And  now  if  there  were  anything  he  would  like  better 
than  to  kill  Huerta’s  men  it  would  be  to  kill  Huerta  himself. 

Huerta’s  war  policy  was  not  to  scatter  his  forces  in  the 
north,  but  wrhen  Villa  approached  the  capital  to  crush  him. 
Villa  however  did  not  consider  it  probable  that  he  would  be 
the  one  to  be  crushed. 

Madero ’s  ideal  was  a perfect  republic,  or  an  approximation 
thereto,  a thing  attainable  least  of  all  in  Mexico  by  Madero. 
Huerta  and  Villa  were  self-seeking  villains,  lusting  for  blood 
and  personal  supremacy.  Carranza  and  Zapata  were  of  the 
same  piece,  but  perhaps  of  a little  higher  quality,  affecting 
as  they  did  constitutional  law,  economic  reform,  an  equable 
tax  system,  and  distribution  of  lands,  measures  promised  by 
all  and  given  by  none. 

During  this  period  of  pronounced  infelicities  the  northern 
republic  looked  on  wdth  anxious  eye.  Resident  in  Mexico 
during  Madero ’s  time,  and  after,  were  foreigners,  the  citizens 
or  subjects  of  various  nations.  Many  of  these  had  received 
injuries;  some  had  been  killed,  others  despoiled  of  their  prop- 
erty. Of  Americans  alone  it  was  claimed  that  over  150  lives 
and  many  millions  of  property  had  been  destroyed. 

The  foreign  powers,  while  usually  considerate  in  their  pre- 
tensions, yet  did  not  hesitate  to  express  the  opinion  that  it 
was  the  duty  of  the  American  government  either  to  assume 
the  losses  and  stop  the  disturbance,  or  waiving  the  Monroe 
doctrine  permit  them  to  enter  the  country  and  settle  their 
affairs  for  themselves.  To  concede  the  latter  course  would 
in  all  probability  result  in  the  dismemberment  of  the  southern 
republic,  with  European  and  Asiatic  spheres  of  influence 
scattered  over  such  lands  as  were  left.  Yet  so  widely  apart, 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


543 


so  isolated  the  sufferers,  and  so  intangible- the  charges  that  it 
was  impossible  satisfactorily  to  make  reprisals. 

At  length  an  incident  occurred  which  seemed  to  open  a 
way  to  plausible  intervention.  On  the  9th  of  April  a boat’s 
crew  in  charge  of  the  paymaster  from  the  United  States  ship 
Dolphin,  landing  for  supplies  at  the  Iturbide  bridge  in  Tam- 
pico were  arrested,  but  were  soon  released  with  apologies 
from  the  commander  of  the  post  and  from  General  Iluerta 
at  the  capital.  The  apologies  were  not  deemed  sufficient,  and 
a salute  of  twenty-one  guns  was  demanded  and  refused.  The 
case  was  brought  before  congress  by  the  president  and  ap- 
proval asked  to  use  the  armed  forces  of  the  United  States  to 
compel  Iluerta  to  salute  the  flag.  After  some  delay  and  much 
discussion,  war  vessels  wrere  called  from  various  parts  to 
Yera  Cruz  and  the  west  coast,  and  troops  sent  south  from 
Texas  and  the  San  Francisco  presidio.  A German  vessel 
arriving  with  munitions  of  war  for  the  Mexican  govern- 
ment was  the  signal  for  landing  marines  and  seizing  the 
custom-house.  The  German  vessel  was  turned  back,  this  and 
another  which  followed,  but  only  to  effect  a quiet  landing  of 
their  stores  elsewhere  on  the  Mexican  coast.  Possession  of 
the  city  was  taken,  with  a loss  of  19  Americans  killed  and 
321  Mexicans  killed  and  wounded. 

With  the  seizure  of  Vera  Cruz  by  the  United  States,  out- 
rages against  foreigners  broke  forth  throughout  the  republic 
in  a fourfold  degree.  On  the  west  coast  particularly  federals 
and  rebel  leaders  alike  denounced  the  invasion,  and  swore 
revenge  on  the  Americans,  who  to  save  their  lives  swarmed 
by  the  hundreds  on  vessels  from  Guaymas,  Mazatlan,  Manza- 
nillo and  other  ports  of  the  Pacific  for  San  Francisco. 

And  in  the  war  between  Carranza  and  Huerta,  it  was 
becoming  monotonous  the  wholesale  slaughter  both  during 
and  after  battle,  as  was  it  also  for  the  federals  to  remain 
stolidly  at  their  post  and  be  slain;  wherefore  on  the  15th 
of  May  the  federal  garrison  of  4,500  men  evacuated  Mon- 
clova,  Villa  being  north  and  General  Francisco  Lurguia, 


544 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


commanding  at  Piedras  Ncgras,  advancing  from  the  south, 
while  federal  General  Gustavo  Maas  evacuated  Saltillo  with 
12,000  men  on  the  approach  of  Villa  with  25,000  on  the  night 
of  the  20th  of  May.  After  this  to  Villa  with  an  ever  increas- 
ing force  Queretaro  and  Mexico  seemed  easy. 

Again  in  Mexico  city  were  the  inhabitants  between  the 
devil  and  the  deep  sea,  fearing  at  the  same  time  a rising 
against  Huerta  as  the  cause  of  all  their  ills  and  the  coming 
of  Zapata  with  his  Indians,  the  tales  of  whose  prowess  and 
cruelties  filled  the  hearts  of  the  people  with  horror.  On  the 
18th  of  May  another  refugee  train  pulled  out  of  the  city  for 
Vera  Cruz  with  600  Americans  on  board. 

Then  fell  also  cities  in  the  central  and  western  parts,  both 
before  and  after  this  Zacatecas,  Tepic,  Guadalajara,  and  the 
rest. 

All  this  time,  and  previously,  as  before  stated,  there  were 
sufficient  outrages  upon  the  lives  and  property  of  foreigners 
in  various  parts  of  the  country  to  justify  intervention.  But 
it  was  fated  that  this  poor  incident,  the  mistake  of  a sense- 
less subaltern  at  the  Tampico  landing,  a mistake  quickly  and 
voluntarily  acknowledged  by  the  highest  authorities,  and  par- 
don begged,  should  stand  as  an  excuse  for  invasion  and 
slaughter. 

Is  then  the  honor  of  a great  nation  of  so  flimsy  a texture 
as  to  be  rent  to  shreds  by  so  frivolous  an  accident?  And 
while  considering  their  wounded  dignity  should  not  a humane 
and  superior  people  consider  also  the  poor  Mexicans,  some 
thousands  of  whom  through  no  fault  of  their  own  must  be 
slain  before  the  arch  offender  could  be  reached  at  all  ? Three 
special  years  of  infamous  treatment  they  had  had  at  the  hands 
of  their  own  countrymen,  and  now  the  foreign  invader  is  at 
their  door  to  bring  them  happiness  in  the  form  of  thirty 
years  more  of  war  and  bloodshed,  for  without  this  and  more 
the  promised  pacification  will  never  come  to  pass. 

Many  ultimata  were  promulgated  from  Washington,  while 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


545 


Huerta  placidly  sipped  his  cognac  at  the  clubs,  apparently 
alike  indifferent  to  assassination  plots  at  home  and  threats 
from  abroad.  In  vain  he  was  ordered  to  resign  and  give  place 
to  a better  man.  He  laughed  over  the  mandate  and  prevari- 
cated in  his  reply.  Interference  was  threatened;  he  laughed 
at  that  also;  he  courted  it.  With  the  able  Zapata  on  his 
southern  border  and  the  terrible  Pancho  Villa  coming  down 
upon  him  from  the  north  he  knew  his  time  was  short,  and  it 
were  less  humiliating  to  submit  to  a neighboring  republic 
than  to  a Mexican  bandit. 

Following  the  Baltimore  convention,  the  63d  congress 
shortly  after  taking  its  seat  at  Washington  presented  itself  as 
an  enigma  before  the  world.  Composed  for  the  most  part  of 
earnest  and  honest  men,  though  not  renowned  for  evenly  bal- 
anced mentalities,  who  would  faithfully  serve  their  country 
so  far  as  they  knew  how,  and  so  far  as  consistent  with  their 
retention  in  office,  they  formulated  a tariff  which  was  to 
increase  wealth  and  reduce  the  cost  of  living,  but  which 
brought  on  hard  times  for  all  and  ruin  for  many. 

Then  Japan  must  be  placated,  because  California  dared  to 
manage  her  affaire  in  her  own  way,  and  a high  official  sent 
to  lecture  the  legislature  in  matters  regarding  which  he  knew 
little  and  cared  less — a show  of  timidity  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States  the  surest  way  to  increase  the  arrogance  of 
the  Asiatics. 

Regardless  of  former  promises  there  next  appeared  in  this 
most  peculiar  of  legislative  bodies  a craving  to  yield  to  Eng- 
land and  the  railways  the  primary  benefits  of  the  Panama 
canal ; also  of  Hinging  to  Colombia  a gratuity  of  $25,000,000, 
the  giving  of  which  were  a criminal  waste  of  the  people’s 
money  and  an  unmerited  reflection  of  dishonor  upon  previous 
administrations. 

But  the  greatest  puzzle  of  all  was  the  invasion  of  Mex- 
ico. Why  was  it,  was  the  inquiry  at  home  and  abroad.  For 
what  purpose,  if  for  a purpose,  and  if  for  a purpose  why  not 
35 


546 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


go  forward  and  execute  it?  Huerta  had  been  ordered  to  elimi- 
nate himself,  which  ingenuous  command  he  declined  to  obey. 
War  was  threatened  not  on  the  people  of  Mexico  but  on 
Huerta;  was  it  expected  that  Iluerta  would  come  forth  and 
fight  the  invaders  alone? 

General  Funston  and  Admiral  Badger  were  directed  to 
hold  Vera  Cruz,  but  the  American  forces  were  not  to  pene- 
trate the  interior  without  further  orders.  They  might  land 
their  armies  and  with  hostile  front  seize  the  city,  seal  up  the 
custom-house,  shoot  any  that  opposed  them,  but  they  must 
not  make  war  on  Mexico,  whose  leaders  and  people  were  to 
be  won  over  to  peace  and  rectitude  by  moral  suasion,  but  only 
with  an  army  at  hand  to  give  emphasis  to  precept.  After 
capturing  the  capital,  should  Villa  attack  him  Funston  would 
doubtless  be  allowed  to  defend  himself. 

Simply  to  salute  the  flag!  All  that  was  required  in  the 
beginning ; if  only  this  slippery  Mexican  would  fire  some  guns 
the  invaders  would  retire  with  ships  and  soldiers  content  and 
honor  satisfied.  But  as  time  passed  by  and  no  satisfaction 
given  the  demand  increased  and  the  invaders  said,  now  we 
will  not  go  or  release  this  city  until  we  have  given  this  coun- 
try a good  republican  government,  and  fraternal  peace  to  the 
people. 

Again  the  American  government  pronounced  its  so-called 
final  ultimatum : — that  the  United  States  would  bring  about 
the  pacification  of  Mexico,  peaceably  if  possible,  forcibly  if 
necessary,  and  that  the  troops  at  Vera  Cruz  would  not  be 
withdrawn  until  this  was  accomplished,  which  easily  written 
words  augured  a long  stay  for  brave  men  in  this  ancient 
pest-hole  of  yellow  fever,  and  in  the  end  inglorious  retreat. 

Political  proselyting  buzzed  the  bee;  enforced  liberty,  fra- 
ternity; inquisitional  extension  with  Badger’s  battleships  in- 
stead of  Torquemada’s  rack  and  wheel  for  aid  and  argument. 
No  Diaz  might  dictate,  but  only  the  blessed  lambs  of  a su- 
perior civilization  fresh  from  Baltimore  protestations  and 
promises. 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  AN  ARC  U Y 


547 


"What  the  term  pacification  here  signifies  is  not  stated, — if 
to  kill  the  people  and  possess  the  land,  that  is  one  form  of 
pacification : if  to  accept  a play  at  peace,  the  Mexicans  lying 
low  until  the  invaders  have  departed  only  to  rise  in  renewed 
force  and  fall  to  fighting  again,  this  is  what  may  be  expected; 
or,  to  remain  at  Vera  Cruz  for  a half  century  until  the  pres- 
ent generation  shall  have  passed  away  and  a new  people  ap- 
pear born  under  the  teachings  of  the  northern  nation  into  a 
clarified  atmosphere  of  self-control,  would  be  another  form 
of  military  mission  work. 

A peace  convention  was  held  at  Niagara  Falls  in  May, 
which  of  course  proved  a fiasco.  The  plenipotentiaries  of 
Brazil,  Argentine,  and  Chili  acted  as  mediators,  with  Lamar 
and  Lehmann  as  United  States  commissioners.  The  condi- 
tions imposed  upon  The  convention  by  the  Washington  gov- 
ernment were  the  retirement  of  Huerta;  the  so  vital  salute  to 
be  fired  by  his  successor  to  wipe  out  the  Tampico  insult; 
Carranza,  Villa  and  the  rest  to  lay  down  their  arms  and  join 
the  peacemakers;  while  Vera  Cruz  was  to  remain  held  by 
United  States  troops  until  perfect  pacification  was  accom- 
plished;— measures  on  their  face  impossible  of  accomplish- 
ment. 

Carranza  with  the  help  of  Villa  might  reach  the  capital, 
might  even  seat  himself  where  sat  Porfirio  Diaz,  in  which 
event  there  were  still  distress  in  store  either  for  Carranza 
or  for  his  constitution.  For  as  heretofore  the  people  would 
fail  to  appreciate  the  advantages  of  murder,  robbery,  and 
lands  laid  waste  under  a code  of  written  words  as  against  the 
placid  rule  of  a beneficent  despot  with  the  constitution  quietly 
reposing  under  the  dust  upon  the  top  shelf.  And  as  for  pure 
Mexican  republicanism,  because  an  election  is  held,  and  one 
of  two  is  fairly  chosen,  is  that  to  hold  in  check  the  uprising 
of  a score  of  aspirants  in  various  parts  each  waiting  his  oppor- 
tunity 1 

Logical  truly ! To  secure  an  election  void  of  coercion, 
coercion  of  a rarer  quality  is  used  than  any  ever  employed 


548 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


by  Porfirio  Diaz.  Iluerta,  repudiated  as  president,  is 
ordered  as  president  to  fire  some  guns.  Huerta,  who  is 
not  president,  is  ordered  as  president  to  resign,  to  make 
way — for  what,  for  a fair  election  by  the  people  for  the 
people?  Ah!  no,  not  yet.  It  could  be  only  for  that  scourge 
of  Satan  Venus.  Carranza,  and  his  arch  fiend  Villa,  who  even 
now  might  be  speculating  as  to  how  many  United  States’ 
generals  he  could  catch  and  kill  before  a change  of  adminis- 
tration at  Washington. 

Carranza  intended  to  be  master  of  Mexico  even  though 
Villa  were  master  of  Carranza.  Yet  in  the  late  Washington 
war  councils  it  was  assumed  that  both  Villa  and  Carranza 
would  regard  with  placidity  the  person  or  power  that  should 
coolly  request  them  to  step  down  and  out,  and  so  yield  to 
the  fantastic  idealism  of  a neighboring  nation  the  fruit  of 
all  their  victories;  wherefore  the  sapient  tribunal  at  Niagara 
Palls,  while  thus  ignoring  the  substance  in  pursuing  the 
shadow,  soberly  declares  the  mediatorial  efforts  successful, 
as  if  expecting  men  of  sense  to  believe  it. 

Madero  was  not  fool  enough;  Huerta  was  not  vile  enough. 
To  make  intervention  plausible  one  must  be  recognized  as  de 
facto  head  of  the  government  tenfold  more  the  child  of  perdi- 
tion that  ever  was  dreamed  on  in  the  days  of  Caesar  or  of 
Caligula.  Fresh  from  the  assassination  of  Benton,  fresh 
from  the  unprovoked  slaughter  of  thousands  of  his  country- 
men, Carranza  comes  to  England  and  America  asking  recog- 
nition. With  his  bloody  rag  of  ravage  he  would  spread  his 
constitutional  table  and  invite  all  the  world  to  a perpetual 
feast  of  peace  on  earth,  good  will  to  men ! 

While  with  only  half  the  area  of  the  republic  under  his 
control,  yet  expecting  soon  to  be  master  of  the  other  half, 
Carranza  had  set  himself  up  as  chief  executive,  with  officers, 
ministers  of  state,  and  a house  which  he  called  the  palace. 
Though  foisting  himself  into  power,  with  his  constitution  as 
an  emblem  in  his  political  rise  and  progress,  he  pays  no  more 
attention  to  the  rules  and  principles  he  promulgates  than 
does  any  of  the  others. 


FALL  OF  DIAZ  AND  ANARCHY 


549 


Villa  perhaps  might  be  reckoned  with.  He  might  prefer  to 
the  drudgery  of  office  work  a free  hand  in  a position  made 
permanent  as  prince  of  peace,  pacifier  of  the  republic,  and 
lord  high  executioner  to  Carranza  and  the  constitution,  and 
so  silence  contentious  factions,  and  secure  continuous  re- 
election  for  his  chief,  as  befits  a proper  government  by  the 
people  and  for  the  people,  forever. 

Or,  Villa  might  choose  to  reckon  for  himself,  as  also  might 
Zapata,  or  Natera,  or  any  one  of  twenty  other  generals  with 
a successful  army  at  command  who  would  be  in  no  haste  to 
deliver  up  for  the  asking  the  results  of  their  victories. 

But  for  lese  majesty,  complaints  over  the  anomalous  posi- 
tion of  the  American  government  would  be  louder  and  more 
general  throughout  the  land,  but  no  fear  of  such  imputation 
will  still  the  public  voice  when  after  years  of  conflict  and 
expenditure  of  human  life  and  treasure  beyond  belief,  affairs 
will  stand  very  much  as  at  the  beginning. 

First  it  was  to  discipline  Huerta;  then  it  was  to  restore 
the  prestige  of  the  flag;  then  it  was  said  that  the  army  should 
not  leave  Mexico  until  pacification  was  accomplished  and  a 
proper  government  established.  This  will  never  be.  The  idea 
of  eradicating  insurgency  and  forcing  upon  this  wild-eyed 
people  loyalty  and  obedience  to  fair  republicanism,  or  any 
other  form  of  stable  government,  at  the  hand  of  foreign  in- 
tervention is  chimerical.  “As  well  try  to  stop  a volcano  with 
a sheet  of  tissue  paper,”  says  Albert  J.  Beveridge.  Out  of 
the  predicament  there  appears  for  the  United  States  one  of 
two  courses,  open  inglorious  retreat,  or  conquest,  protection, 
and  dismemberment. 

Well  knowing  his  fate  should  he  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Villa,  on  the  15th  of  July,  1914,  Huerta  resigned  and  fled  the 
country,  Francisco  Carbajal  succeeding  him  under  title  of 
provisional  president.  And  while  negotiations  were  going 
on  for  placing  Carranza  in  possession  of  the  capital  the 
land  still  bristled  with  revolt. 


550 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


CHAPTER  LIII 

MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 

From  the  first  hour  of  Independence  Mexico  was  opposed 
to  the  renewal  of  kingcraft  in  any  form  or  by  whatsoever 
name  called.  Her  dream  and  aspiration  was  a republic  mod- 
eled after  that  of  her  northern  neighbor.  If  a republic  in 
name  only,  erected  upon  a substratum  of  despotism,  better 
that  than  open  imperialism. 

Yet,  even  after  national  independence  had  been  achieved, 
many  years  elapsed  before  the  Mexican  nation  was  finally  re- 
leased from  the  shackles  of  a restrictive  form  of  government. 
For  several  decades,  as  we  have  seen,  a struggle  was  carried 
on  between  the  champions  of  progress  and  popular  rights, 
and  those  of  class  privilege  and  superstition,  an  appeal  to 
arms  being  usually  the  only  method  of  arriving  at  a decision. 
Bitter  party  spirit,  caste  distinction,  and  tribal  differences 
long  deferred  the  advent  of  freedom,  which  was  ultimately  ac- 
quired rather  by  political  evolution,  though  aided  to  a great  ex- 
tent by  extraneous  influences.  The  aristocracy,  in  league  with 
the  clergy,  long  struggled  to  maintain  their  predominance. 
Through  their  efforts  the  unstable  and  short-lived  empire  of 
Iturbide  was  created,  and  after  his  fall,  when  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  two  distinct  parties  federalists  and  centralists 
severed  the  ranks  of  the  republicans,  the  aristocratic  element 
by  attaching  itself  to  the  former  still  maintained  its  ascend- 
ency and  held  control  of  the  most  valuable  offices. 

In  1835  the  centralists  aided  by  Santa  Anna  were  victori- 
ous, and  in  the  same  year  we  find  this  popular  leader  invested 
with  the  powers  of  a dictator,  soon  however  to  be  overthrown, 
banished,  and  recalled.  Again  he  figures  as  an  autocrat,  and 
again  he  is  dragged  from  his  self-created  pinnacle  of  fame, 
until  in  1857  comes  the  ultimate  triumph  of  federalism.  Dur- 
ing the  period  1821-57  Mexico  was  ruled  under  divers  forms 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


551 


of  government  with  at  least  fifty  different  administrations, 
these  incessant  changes  in  the  affairs  of  state  being  attended 
with  more  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  revolutions. 

The  last  effort  of  the  conservative  party  was  the  invitation 
extended  to  Maximilian  to  reestablish  the  Mexican  empire, 
and  the  failure  of  this  ill-judged  enterprise  in  1867  was  the 
death-blow  to  centralism.  Since  that  time  republican  princi- 
ples under  the  federal  system  gradually  gained  ground,  rep- 
resented it  is  true  by  various  political  parties,  but  all  more 
or  less  progressive  and  of  distinctive  character,  the  several 
factions  being  designated  after  their  respective  leaders,  as 
Juaristas,  Lerdistas,  and  Porfiristas.  Reforms  followed  in 
quick  succession.  From  the  church  was  wrested  some  portion 
of  her  power,  religious  tolerance  was  proclaimed,  and  mar- 
riage by  civil  contract  legalized,  while  vast  improvements  were 
made  in  the  material  condition  of  the  country,  which  during 
the  colonial  period  languished  under  oppressive  restrictions, 
and  in  later  days  was  depressed  by  chronic  internal  strife. 

From  the  twelve  Intendencias  and  the  northern  provinces 
of  the  colonial  period,  with  a population  in  1810  of  a little 
over  6,000,000,  the  political  divisions  of  Mexico  have  increased 
to  twenty-eight  states  and  two  territories,  with  a population 
estimated  in  1914  at  more  than  15,000,000. 

In  their  several  constitutions  the  states  differ  from  each 
other  in  many  features,  as  in  the  number  of  legislative  cham- 
bers, sessions,  and  representatives,  and  all  of  them,  though 
enjoying  full  autonomy,  resemble  in  their  organization  the 
central  government.  Governors  usually  hold  office  for  four 
years,  assisted  in  some  instances  by  one  or  more  secretaries 
of  state.  Districts  are  under  charge  of  jefes  politicos,  or 
prefects,  and  municipalities  usually  elect  annually  their  local 
boards,  with  one  regidor  for  each  thousand  inhabitants,  and 
with  an  alcalde  and  one  or  two  sindicos.  Hitherto  municipal 
positions  have,  as  a rule,  been  in  the  hands  of  men  who  used 
them  for  their  own  purposes;  and  though  the  people  are 
gradually  taking  a great  interest  in  local  affairs,  it  is  prob- 


552 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


able  that  as  yet  not  more  than  one  in  ten  of  those  who  are 
qualified  care  to  exercise  the  suffrage. 

The  Federal  Congress  consists  of  a house  of  deputies  and 
a senate,  both  elected  by  indirect  popular  vote,  the  former 
for  two  years,  in  the  proportion  of  one  deputy  to  every 
40,000  inhabitants.  The  senate,  abolished  in  1853  and  re- 
stored in  1874,  is  composed  of  two  members  for  each  state, 
half  of  the  entire  number  retiring  each  year.  Two  sessions 
are  held  yearly,  the  second  one,  commencing  on  the  1st  of 
April,  being  occupied  mainly  with  financial  matters. 

The  president  of  the  republic  is  elected  for  four  years,  his 
term  of  office  commencing  on  the  1st  of  December.  In  case 
of  his  disability  or  resignation,  the  chief  justice,  or,  as  he 
is  termed,  the  president  of  the  supreme  court,  still  becomes 
his  substitute.  With  his  right  of  conferring  appointments, 
especially  in  the  army,  which  regards  him  as  its  chief,  with 
the  control  of  large  funds,  and  with  a preponderating  influ- 
ence in  many  of  the  states,  through  the  power  of  influencing 
elections,  installing  officials,  and  granting  concessions,  the 
chief  magistrate  may  become  virtually  an  autocrat ; for  con- 
gress can  be  readily  manipulated  by  party  intrigue  and  by  a 
judicious  distribution  of  money. 

The  functions  of  the  executive  are  divided  among  six  sec- 
retaries; namely,  those  of  foreign  affairs,  justice  and  public 
instruction,  the  interior,  the  treasury  and  public  credit,  war 
and  navy,  and  public  works.  The  first  of  these  officials  be- 
comes ex-officio  premier  of  the  republic,  and  holds  possession 
of  the  great  seal.  An  interior  ministry  known  as  goberna- 
cion,  divides  with  the  public-works  department  the  control  of 
home  affairs  not  included  in  the  functions  of  other  ministers, 
the  secretary  of  the  latter  attending  to  matters  connected 
with  trade,  industries,  and  colonization,  public  roads,  build- 
ings, lands,  and  scientific  operations. 

Of  the  original  elements  which  are  blended  in  the  modern 
population  of  Mexico  from  the  contact  of  races,  extending 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


553 


over  a period  of  nearly  four  centuries,  have  arisen  innumer- 
able combinations  which  cannot  be  fully  traced  or  classified. 
Thus  the  offspring  of  a European  and  an  Indian  is  termed 
a mestizo;  of  a European  and  an  African  a mulatto;  of  an 
Indian  and  an  African  a zambo  or  chino.  A mestizo  union 
with  a European,  Indian,  or  African  produces  respectively  a 
castizo  or  trigueno,  a mestizo-claro,  and  a mulatto-obscuro ; 
from  a corresponding  mulatto  union  spring  a morisco  or 
terceron,  a chino-obscuro,  and  a zambo-negro;  and  from  a sim- 
ilar intermarriage  with  a zambo  come  a chino-blancho,  a 
chino-cholo,  and  a zambo-chino.  These  are  the  terms  most 
frequently  used,  though  varying  in  different  parts  of  the  re- 
public, and  for  practical  purposes  it  is  unnecessary  to  proceed 
further. 

As  before  remarked,  there  are  but  two  classes  of  society 
in  Mexico,  those  who  wrork  to  live  and  those  who  live  by  the 
labor  of  their  fellow-man,  the  one  including  all  the  wealth  and 
intelligence  of  the  country,  members  of  the  professions  and 
public  officials,  and  the  other  consisting  only  of  those  who 
serve.  Between  the  two  there  is  an  almost  impassable  gulf; 
for  the  poor  are  hopelessly  poor,  and  looked  upon  with  con- 
tempt, while  the  high-born  if  reduced  to  poverty  prefer  star- 
vation to  manual  labor,  which  is  considered  degrading.  At 
present  there  is  no  great  and  powerful  middle  class,  though 
such  an  element  is  being  gradually  evolved  through  the  so- 
cial and  material  progress  of  the  country.  There  is  not,  as 
in  most  of  the  countries  of  Europe  and  in  the  United  States, 
a great  body  politic  consisting  of  farmers,  traders,  and 
artisans,  many  of  them  owning  the  land  which  they  till,  the 
wrares  which  they  sell,  and  the  shops  and  dwellings  which 
they  occupy.  This  most  important  factor  in  the  community, 
forming  as  it  does  the  very  backbone  of  a nation,  is  still  in 
process  of  development.  Thus  the  term  lower  classes,  in 
whatever  sense  it  may  be  used,  signifies  in  Spanish  America 
something  different  from  its  meaning  elsewhere  on  this  con- 
tinent and  perhaps  elsewhere  in  the  world. 


554  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 

The  present  condition  and  status  of  the  lower  classes  are 
matters  easy  of  explanation.  Given  as  a base  the  conquered 
aboriginals,  merged  into  innumerable  castes  by  intermarriage 
with  Africans  and  Europeans;  steep  them  in  ignorance  and 
superstition ; grind  them  for  centuries  under  the  heel  of  polit- 
ical, ecclesiastical,  and  social  despotism,  and  the  result  is 
exactly  what  might  have  been  expected. 

In  physique  the  Mexican  peon  is  somewhat  below  medium 
stature  and  of  slender  build,  but  hardy  and  remarkably  pa- 
tient of  fatigue.  The  men  frequently  carry  for  a considerable 
distance  packages  of  two  or  three  hundred  pounds  weight, 
the  load  being  borne  on  the  back  and  shoulders  and  balanced 
by  a leathern  strap  around  the  forehead  and  chest,  while 
women  support  lighter  burdens  on  their  heads  after  the  fash- 
ion of  the  French  and  Italian  peasantry.  Their  condition  is 
pitiable  in  the  extreme;  for  in  the  cities  they  are  the  serv- 
ants of  servants,  and  in  the  country,  bound  by  debt  or  family 
ties,  they  live  almost  as  bondsmen  on  the  haciendas  or  in  the 
mines  where  dwelt  their  fathers  and  forefathers. 

The  lowest  grades  include  some  of  the  most  abject  crea- 
tures on  earth,  beings  who  are  a reproach  to  humanity,  or 
rather  to  the  European  civilization  which  placed  them  in  a 
condition  far  more  degrading  than  that  of  their  ancestors 
under  aboriginal  regime.  They  are  thinly  and  but  partially 
clad,  in  coarse  cotton  garments,  barefoot  and  bareheaded  as 
a rule.  Their  food  consists  of  whatever  they  can  pick  up, 
and  at  night  they  huddle  together  in  adobe  huts,  or  sleep 
on  the  ground  wherever  they  may  chance  to  be  when  night 
overtakes  them. 

Even  those  who  are  a little  higher  in  the  scale  are  utilized 
in  the  cities  as  pack-animals,  and  in  the  mines  in  place  of 
machinery;  and  yet  so  fearful  are  they  of  losing  their  em- 
ployment that  they  destroy  if  possible  all  labor-saving  im- 
plements, even  though  they  may  tend  to  relieve  them  of  a 
portion  of  their  burdens.  In  the  streets  and  on  the  high- 
ways they  may  be  seen  bearing  huge  timbers,  loads  of  adobes, 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


555 


and  boxes  and  packages  of  enormous  weight ; and  heavy  arti- 
cles, as  pianos  and  iron  safes  are  carried  for  miles  across 
barrancas  almost  impassable  for  vehicles. 

But  degraded  as  is  the  conditon  of  the  lower  classes  in 
Mexico,  it  has  vastly  improved  since  the  era  of  the  revolution. 
Descriptions  which  have  been  handed  down  to  us  of  the  20,000 
leperos,  or  lazzaroni,  who  forty  years  ago  infested  the  suburbs 
of  the  capital,  represent  a scene  of  poverty,  filth  and  wretch- 
edness almost  beyond  belief.  Not  long  afterward  a law  was 
passed  requiring  vagrants  to  go  to  work  or  suffer  imprison- 
ment, and  this  regulation  produced  a wholesome  effect.  Not 
that  the  reform  proved  radical;  for  to  this  day  beggars  may 
be  seen  who  pass  their  lives  standing  like  statues  by  the  way- 
side  or  on  the  street  corners  rather  than  raise  a hand  to 
provide  themselves  with  food.  Others,  shockingly  deformed, 
obstruct  the  sidewalks,  and  exhibit  their  twisted  frames  in 
mute  appeal  for  aid. 

There  are  few  classes  of  laborers  who  do  more  work  for 
less  money  than  the  Mexican  peon.  There  are  few  Chinamen 
present  except  on  the  plantations  of  the  lowlands,  for  Mon- 
golians cannot  compete  with  them,  either  in  amount  or  qual- 
ity of  labor,  or  in  the  straitness  of  their  economy. 

The  employer  who  keeps  faith  with  his  Mexican  laborers, 
paying  them  promptly  according  to  agreement,  receives  faith- 
ful service,  being  acknowledged  as  master  by  divine  right; 
for  the  peons  and  their  ancestors  have  been  drilled  for  cen- 
turies in  the  school  of  servility.  So  accustomed  are  they 
to  kicks  and  curses  that  they  regard  this  species  of  abuse  as 
incidental  to  their  sphere  in  life.  Even  when  making  their 
purchases  at  the  stores  they  look  with  suspicion  on  the  shop- 
keeper who  addresses  them  politely ; for  such  treatment  is 
regarded  as  significant  of  dishonest  intent.  Expecting  to  be 
asked  an  exorbitant  price  for  goods,  and  then  to  obtain  a 
reduction,  if  a fair  equivalent  is  demanded,  from  which  there 
is  no  rebate,  they  seldom  purchase,  though  knowing  that  they 
can  do  so  at  cheaper  rates  than  they  must  pay  elsewhere. 


556 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


In  no  respect  are  the  several  classes  so  strictly  divided  as 
in  the  regulation  of  traffic.  The  tradesmen  who  receive  the 
patronage  of  the  rich  never  come  into  competition  with  the 
provision  stores,  or  bakeries,  or  pulque-shops  which  supply  the 
wants  of  the  poor.  The  latter  dwell  and  toil  apart;  they 
build  their  own  houses,  provide  their  own  food  and  clothing, 
and  even  when  sick  do  not  venture  to  seek  the  aid  of  a 
physician  of  aristocratic  repute.  On  the  one  side  there  is 
arrogance  and  contempt;  on  the  other  antipathy  and  indif- 
ference; and  there  is  no  powerful  middle  class  to  stand  be- 
tween these  opposing  elements.  And  yet  the  people  thor- 
oughly understand  each  other;  for  each  one  knows  his  place 
and  his  sphere  in  life.  Though  the  streets  of  the  capital  are 
usually  thronged,  there  is  neither  hustling  nor  crowding,  and 
there  are  few  of  those  unseemly  brawls  and  sickening  trag- 
edies which  occur  so  frequently  in  the  cities  of  the  northern 
republic.  There  is  little  scolding  or  altercation  among  the 
women,  and  there  is  little  violence  either  in  word  or  deed 
among  the  men.  Even  rival  journalists  are  urbane,  and 
politicians  are  seldom  turbulent,  however  fiercely  may  burn 
the  fires  which  underlie  the  surface. 

Among  the  upper  classes,  as  among  the  lower,  may  be 
found  all  gradations  of  caste,  in  addition  to  the  pure-blooded 
European  and  the  pure-blooded  American.  In  point  of  abil- 
ity, education,  wealth,  comfort,  and  refinement,  the  former 
far  excel  the  standard  to  which  in  the  estimation  of  foreign- 
ers they  are  entitled;  for  in  these  respects  they  are  by  no 
means  behind  other  nations.  Those  who  are  most  prominent 
in  society  and  in  politics  are  exclusive  and  reticent,  making 
no  parade  of  their  resources  and  accomplishments;  but  he 
who  attempts  to  impose  on  them  by  superior  subtlety  and 
shrewdness  will  surely  meet  with  disappointment.  Wealth, 
education,  and  gentility  are  the  principal  passports  to  soci- 
ety ; but  the  possession  of  wealth  alone  does  not  win  recogni- 
tion for  its  owner,  and  all  who  are  but  one  or  two  degrees  re- 
moved from  the  brute  condition  of  the  peon  have  rights  which 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


557 

are  duly  respected,  though  they  may  not  possess  a dollar  in 
the  world. 

Before  the  revolution,  nearly  all  the  wealth  of  the  country 
was  centred  in  the  church,  or  in  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards 
and  their  descendants.  Most  of  those  who  could  properly  be 
called  Spaniards  afterward  left  the  country,  taking  with 
them  all  the  money  and  valuables  that  they  could  collect,  or 
rather  all  that  they  were  permitted  to  remove.  As  for  the 
rest,  there  was  not  always,  and  there  is  not  to-day,  the  differ- 
ence which  the  abject  condition  of  the  poorer  classes  and  the 
extravagant  luxury  of  the  rich  would  seem  to  indicate. 
Among  all  classes  there  is  a lack  of  energy,  thrift,  and  fore- 
sight, and  except  for  the  low-born  there  are  few  avenues  of 
employment,  handicraft  in  whatever  shape  being  considered 
a degradation.  1 hose  who  have  retained  their  haciendas  or 
their  city  property  are  for  the  most  part  in  comfortable 
circumstances;  but  there  are  many  who  mortgaged  their  pos- 
sessions when  land  was  inflated  in  value  and  lost  all  when 
compelled  to  realize.  Many  families  there  are  who  from 
one  generation  to  another  struggle  merely  to  keep  themselves 
above  the  surface  beneath  which  their  respectability  would  be 
no  longer  recognized. 

The  number  of  Spaniards  in  Mexico  has  been  estimated  at 
20,000,  and  of  other  foreigners,  apart  from  Americans,  in 
1914,  at  26,000,  the  latter  being  variable  though  constantly 
increasing.  The  term  foreigner  is  applied  to  all  who  are 
not  born  in  the  country,  whatever  may  be  their  parent- 
age. On  the  other  hand,  a native  of  Mexico,  though  of 
foreign  descent,  is  called  a Mexican,  if  by  any  political  act  as 
voting  or  accepting  office  he  has  proclaimed  his  nationality. 
As  a rule  Europeans  are  not  in  sympathy  with  Mexican  in- 
stitutions, holding  themselves  apart,  frequenting  their  own 
clubs  and  places  of  resort,  and  regarding  the  natives  with 
offensive  superciliousness.  Moreover,  European  merchants 
have  sought  to  monopolize  the  trade  of  the  country  by  spread- 
ing false  reports,  by  smuggling  and  taking  advantage  of 


558 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


official  corruption,  and  by  helping  to  keep  the  masses  in  pov- 
erty and  ignorance,  while  charging  the  evils  produced  by 
their  own  baseness  to  the  faults  of  a government,  which  they 
openly  despise  in  common  with  everything  else  that  is  Mex- 
ican. 

Upon  the  central  and  southern  table-lands  are  stretches  of 
soil  as  fertile  and  beautiful  as  any  in  the  world,  producing 
with  irrigation  three  crops  a year,  while  towns  and  cities 
become  more  numerous,  some  of  them  owing  their  origin 
to  missionary  convents,  some  to  the  efforts  of  wealthy  land- 
owners,  and  some  to  the  course  of  trade. 

Travelling  by  stage,  one  used  to  pass  on  the  road  long 
trains  of  carts  piled  high  with  merchandise,  the  native  prod- 
ucts being  thus  conveyed  toward  the  sea-coast  and  foreign 
products  to  the  capital.  All  of  them  wTere  covered  with  light 
canvas,  giving  to  them  the  appearance  of  lime-kilns  on  wheels, 
and  wrere  drawn  by  mules  driven  by  swarthy  mozos,  at  whose 
side  was  the  conductor  or  owmer  on  horse-back  and  arrayed  in 
gaudy  trappings. 

In  the  carrying  trade  the  arrieros,  or  drivers  of  trains, 
played  an  important  part,  conveying  merchandise  from  one 
city  to  another  with  scrupulous  care.  On  account  of  the 
roughness  of  the  roads,  which  pass  through  numerous  and 
deep  ravines,  pack-animals  are  still  often  preferred  to  vehicles. 
In  former  times  thousands  of  pack-mules  might  be  seen  start- 
ing from  Mexico,  or  from  a sea-port,  laden  for  a journey  of 
1,500  or  2,000  miles.  The  treasure  trains,  which  bore  the  prod- 
uct of  the  mints  and  the  coin  of  the  merchants  to  the  capital, 
frequently  carried  several  millions  in  specie  and  bullion,  and 
were  escorted  by  a strong  guard  of  soldiers,  the  wealthier 
citizens  and  their  families  travelling  with  them  for  protec- 
tion. With  the  advent  of  railroads  and  express  companies 
this  mode  of  conveyance  along  the  lines  has  of  course  become 
a thing  of  the  past,  and  with  it  has  departed  the  prosperity 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


559 


of  many  of  the  interior  towns,  which  depended  largely  for 
their  existence  on  the  trade  of  the  caravans. 

At  the  national  capital  already  the  waters  of  the  lake  of 
Mexico  are  nearly  a league  distant  from  the  city ; canals  have 
given  way  to  roads  and  streets;  pyramid  temples  to  domes 
and  spires ; and  palaces,  with  their  hanging  gardens  and  ter- 
raced lawns,  to  the  less  romantic  structures  of  modern  times. 

The  modern  capital  of  Anahuac  occupies  a site  nearly  three 
miles  square,  its  six  hundred  streets  and  lanes  being  well  de- 
fined and  regularly  laid  out,  while  its  population  may  be 
estimated  at  somewhat  more  than  a quarter  of  a million.  All 
the  principal  thoroughfares  converge  on  the  main  plaza,  which 
covers  an  area  of  fourteen  acres,  and  around  which  are 
grouped  the  principal  public  buildings.  Prominent  among 
them  is  the  cathedral,  acknowledged  as  one  of  the  finest  archi- 
tectural structures  on  the  continent,  founded  in  1573  and 
finished  nearly  a century  later,  on  the  site  of  the  temple  of 
Huitzilopochtli,  the  Aztec  god  of  war.  Near  by  are  the  gov- 
ernment palace,  the  museum,  the  libraries,  the  art  galleries, 
the  school  of  mines  and  a number  of  ecclesiastical  and  be- 
nevolent institutions.  At  a short  distance  to  the  westward 
is  the  alameda,  a park  of  some  ten  acres. 

The  city  of  Mexico  in  common  with  other  places  has  been 
termed  the  Paris  of  America.  Although  situated  in  the  heart 
of  the  country,  it  is  no  less  cosmopolitan  in  character  than  are 
New  York  and  San  Francisco,  containing  as  it  does  a large 
percentage  of  foreigners  and  of  citizens  who  have  resided 
and  travelled  in  foreign  countries. 

The  capital  has  been  subject  to  remarkable  changes,  as  well 
of  a physical  as  of  a social  and  political  character.  Once 
it  was  the  Venice  of  the  continent,  enthroned  amid  the  lake, 
and  surrounded  with  a sheltering  circle  of  forest-crowned 
heights  and  green  meadows,  among  which  were  tributary 
settlements  bright  with  garden  foliage. 

Canals  intersected  the  city  in  every  direction,  filled  with 
swiftly  gliding  canoes  and  stately  barges,  and  on  gala  days 


560 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


the  expanse  was  crowded  with  spectators,  intent  on  witness- 
ing the  imposing  ceremonies  at  the  temple  of  the  war-god. 
Now  unsightly  marshes  fringe  the  ever-narrowing  surface  of 
the  lake,  while  the  forests  have  been  wantonly  destroyed,  and 
ancient  structures  razed  to  the  ground  by  the  early  conquer- 
ors or  defaced  by  the  ravages  of  civil  war. 

To  the  west  are  the  remnants  of  the  floating  gardens,  and 
beyond  the  famed  castle  of  Chapultepec.  In  the  midst  of 
the  cypress  forest  which  surrounds  it  were  the  abodes  of 
Aztec  sovereigns,  of  Spanish  viceroys,  and  of  Mexican  presi- 
dents. Many  strange  scenes  these  venerable  groves  have  wit- 
nessed, scenes  unwritten  and  never  to  be  recorded,  of  wars 
and  state  craft,  of  love-makings  and  merry-makings;  for  in 
the  days  when  Quauhtemotzin  was  offered  by  Cortes  in  Chris- 
tian sacrifice  to  the  lust  of  gold  they  were  hoary  and  with 
aged  arms. 

The  site  of  the  capital  is  somewhat  below  the  level  of  the 
lakes,  and  digging  anywhere  through  some  three  or  four  feet 
of  century  debris  and  mouldering  Aztec  ruins,  water  is 
reached.  In  winter  the  streets  are  covered  with  a fine  dust, 
and  the  climate  resembles  somewhat  that  of  San  Francisco, 
with  the  seasons  reversed,  and  with  slight  difference  between 
the  winter  and  summer  temperature. 

During  the  viceregal  period  the  church  grew  rich  through 
its  fees  and  gifts,  and  the  increase  in  the  value  of  its  landed 
property,  until  as  was  alleged  it  possessed  nearly  one-third 
of  the  wealth  of  the  country.  The  revenue  of  its  nine  sees, 
together  with  that  of  Chiapas,  was  estimated  at  the  close  of 
the  eighteenth  century  at  $13,000,000  a year,  of  which  nearly 
one-third  belonged  to  the  archbishop.  At  this  epoch  the 
power  of  the  clergy  was  sustained  by  many  privileges,  as 
by  exemption  from  the  jurisdiction  of  other  tribunals  than 
their  own,  by  the  influence  wielded  through  the  confessional, 
and  by  the  dread  torture-chambers  of  the  Inquisition,  which 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


561 


like  the  wings  of  a fallen  angel  still  cast  the  dun  spectre  of 
its  huge  eclipse  athwart  the  hemispheres. 

With  the  triumph  of  republicanism  the  church  sustained 
a severe  blow,  the  effect  of  which  was  greatly  increased  by  its 
pronounced  attitude  in  favor  of  Spain,  sustained  by  an  en- 
cyclical letter  from  the  Vatican.  The  hostility  this  engen- 
dered served  to  lower  its  influence  as  well  as  that  of  the  pope. 
Moreover,  the  corruption  pervading  the  republican  ranks  ex- 
tended to  the  clergy,  members  of  the  cloth  being  accused 
of  avarice  and  sensualism,  and  being  dragged  more  and  more 
into  the  field  of  politics  to  be  bespattered  with  the  abuse  and 
ridicule  of  the  press  and  indecorously  buffetted  by  contend- 
ing factions. 

The  result  was  a growing  disposition  on  the  part  of  the 
people  to  restrict  their  privileges,  to  render  them  subject  to 
civil  law,  to  prevent  the  further  accumulation  of  their  wealth, 
and  to  withdraw  from  them  the  control  of  educational  mat- 
ters which  had  thus  far  been  entirely  in  their  hands.  The 
religious  orders  wrere  the  first  to  suffer,  the  number  of  mem- 
bers of  the  Franciscan,  Dominican,  and  Augustinian  orders 
decreasing  from  7,000  or  8,000,  at  the  close  of  the  eighteenth 
century,  to  about  1,700  in  the  third  decade  of  the  nineteenth. 
In  1834  the  missions  were  secularized,  and  as  they  had  already 
outlived  their  usefulness  there  were  few  among  the  people 
at  large  who  regretted  this  measure  except  for  the  fact  that 
their  riches  were  absorbed  by  corrupt  administrators. 

The  constitution  of  1857  inflicted  a heavy  blow  on  the 
church,  permitting  entire  freedom  in  educational  matters, 
together  with  liberty  of  the  press,  subordinating  church  to 
state,  and  embodying  the  famous  laws  of  Juarez  and  Lerdo, 
which  abolished  the  legal  privileges  of  the  clergy,  and  their 
right  to  hold  real  estate,  thus  cutting  at  the  very  root  of 
their  political  influence.  Finally  confiscation  hastened  the 
blow,  their  tithes  being  seized  and  their  fees  reduced,  while 
church  and  state  were  virtually  severed,  though  an  allow- 
ance was  made  to  nuns  and  to  deserving  friars.  In  1859, 
30 


562 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


however,  church  property  was  still  valued  at  nearly  $200,- 
000,000,  with  tithes  and  fees  representing  annually  several 
additional  millions. 

Long  and  bloody  was  the  struggle  which  achieved  the  final 
result,  the  church  even  invoking  foreign  aid  and  helping  to 
establish  the  empire  of  Maximilian.  It  was  a time  of  puri- 
fication for  state  as  well  as  church,  and  it  was  only  after  a 
severe  contest  that  the  latter  yielded.  At  present  all  creeds 
and  societies  are  tolerated ; free-masons  perform  their  rites 
without  molestation,  and  free-thinkers  are  at  least  as  numer- 
ous in  Mexico  as  in  the  United  States  or  among  the  more 
enlightened  countries  of  Europe. 

Greed  and  godliness  were  the  two  incentives  which  induced 
the  Spaniards  to  overrun  and  occupy  the  lands  discovered  by 
Columbus.  These  two  qualities,  so  apparently  opposite  and 
yet  in  this  people  so  strongly  blended,  resulted  not  only  in 
the  partial  extermination  of  the  native  American  races  but 
reacting  on  themselves,  dimmed  the  ancient  glory  of  Spain 
and  caused  the  leading  power  in  Europe  to  become  a by- 
word of  the  nations.  “In  this  climate,”  says  the  historian 
Gomara,  “as  in  Peru,  the  people  turn  yellow.  It  may  be 
that  the  desire  for  gold  which  fills  their  hearts  shines  forth  in 
their  faces.”  It  has  been  related  that  within  a single  century 
after  the  conquest,  there  was  shipped  from  the  New  World 
to  Spain  enough  silver  to  build  a bridge  across  the  Atlantic 
a yard  and  a half  in  width  and  two  inches  in  thickness,  or 
that  if  piled  together  in  the  form  of  a pyramid  it  would 
overtop  the  mountains  of  Potosi. 

More  skilled  in  arms  than  in  arts,  the  conquerors  of  Mex- 
ico failed  to  invent  or  to  introduce  any  new  system  of  mining, 
adhering  simply  to  the  one  in  use  among  the  Aztecs.  Expert 
as  were  the  latter  in  the  manipulation  of  metals,  the  working 
of  the  mines  was  still  in  a primitive  condition,  consisting  of 
little  more  than  a skimming  of  the  surface,  or  washing  the 
sands  of  rivers.  Their  smelting  apparatus  was  also  of  the 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


563 


rudest  kind,  and  the  only  means  at  their  disposal  to  increase 
the  heat  of  their  small  furnaces  was  the  use  of  blow-pipes  of 
bamboo.  In  course  of  time  intelligent  miners  arrived  from 
Spain,  and  brought  with  them  improved  methods  of  opera- 
tion, such  as  smelting  by  the  aid  of  bellows.  Thenceforth 
new  mines  were  discovered  in  every  direction,  especially  in 
the  northern  districts,  which  proved  to  be  richer  in  minerals 
than  the  region  toward  the  south. 

In  1548  the  famous  silver  lodes  of  Zacatecas  and  San  Luis 
Potosi  were  discovered  and  profitably  worked,  and  soon  after- 
ward those  of  Pachuca  and  Guanajuato,  though  the  science 
of  mining  was  still  in  so  backward  a condition  that  only  the 
richest  ores  could  be  treated.  In  1557,  however,  one  Bar- 
tolome  de  Mediana,  a miner  of  Pachuca,  discovered  the  amal- 
gamation process,  a boon  of  which  Mexico  has  good  reason  to 
be  proud.  Ilis  plan  of  extracting  the  precious  metal  with  the 
aid  of  quicksilver  produced  results  so  satisfactory  that  few 
improvements  have  since  been  introduced.  Little  is  known 
of  the  discoverer,  a fact  which  implies  that  he  derived  but 
slight  benefit  from  an  invention  which  was  of  vast  importance 
to  the  mining  industry.  Ore-bodies  which  had  formerly  been 
considered  worthless  were  now  speedily  developed ; veins  held 
to  be  unproductive  were  worked  anew,  and  so  rapidly  was 
the  process  adopted  that  within  five  years  Zacatecas  alone  had 
no  less  than  thirty-five  reduction-works. 

The  most  remarkable  progress  in  gold  and  silver  mining 
occurred  during  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century, 
under  the  auspices  of  the  board  formed  by  I’epresentative  min- 
ers for  mutual  aid  and  protection,  and  authorized  to  maintain 
its  own  bank,  college,  and  tribunal,  the  last  privileges  almost 
as  exclusive  as  those  of  the  army  and  clergy.  The  conse- 
quence was  a large  increase  of  production,  reaching  at  the  be- 
ginning of  the  nineteenth  century  an  average  of  $23,000,000  a 
year.  To  this  a certain  percentage  must  be  added  for  bullion 
wrought  into  jewelry,  and  for  that  which  was  not  included  in 
the  official  returns.  These  results  were  due,  not  only  to  the 


564  HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 

influence  of  the  mining  board,  but  to  a reduction  in  the  price 
of  quicksilver,  and  to  a more  liberal  colonial  policy  on  the  part 
of  the  home  government. 

The  mining  region  of  New  Spain  covered  in  1800  an  area 
of  about  12,225  square  leagues,  and  was  divided  into  37 
departments  with  about  500  subdivisions  containing  approxi- 
mately 3,000  mines. 


Bled  of 5 


8.  ins  P O T O 8 I 

4 ij 

y v x»chu0 
S.Ui»a»UT*z%  C 


AQUAS  CaYiENTI 


illlera 


Jaramil’o 


r*f***?-Z'  ^ / 

y Cuu-Viejif  ) 

° $ o ^ n Tollman 

y jm.  Garavatil]o«y 

• P.Miiruel  ei  Gnn,!e  ^ | 

' ^.-OOjo  de  Agua  ^ ^ 

o Sta-Roea^ 

1 Chamucuero  t ** 


QUERETARO 


Pen  jam  o\ 

^ QU' 


* Yuri  rig  j-upfar 

Tuririapundaroj 


.Molinof  de  Caballero 


°je 

|oj  cam  haro 

°Sd*Uxg\ 


Puru&ndiro 


Central  Mining  District 


The  most  prominent  districts  were  those  of  Guanajuato 
and  Catorce  in  San  Luis  Potosi  and  Zacatecas,  and  all  of 
them  situated  between  latitude  21°  and  24°.  The  first  was 
discovered  in  the  middle  of  the  sixteenth  century  by  muleteers 
employed  on  the  route  between  Zacatecas  and  Mexico.  Official 
returns  give  the  aggregate  product  from  1701  to  1809  at 
37,290,617  marks  of  silver,  and  88,184  marks  of  gold,  valued 
at  $318,935,554.  A single  vein,  the  Valenciana,  yielded  in 


MEXICO  PAST  AND  PRESENT 


565 


less  than  five  years  about  $14,000,000,  and  in  1791  as  much 
silver  as  all  the  mines  of  Peru. 

Even  these  results  were  eclipsed  by  the  veins  in  the  Catorce 
district,  discovered  in  1773  and  worked  with  success  since 
1778.  One  mine  alone,  belonging  to  a priest  named  Flores, 
yielded  during  the  first  year  $1,600,000.  The  product  of  the 
whole  district  from  1778  to  1810  was  estimated  at  $4,000,000 
a year,  and  the  total  output  of  the  entire  intendencies  of  San 
Luis  Potosi  from  1556  to  1789  at  92,736,294  marks  of  silver, 
representing  $788,258,212.  Other  mines  in  this  region  also 
yielded  enormously,  giving  rise  to  the  belief  that  they  were 
practically  inexhaustible. 

A similar  impression  prevailed  concerning  the  disti’ict  of 
Zacatecas,  which  since  its  discovery  in  the  middle  of  the 
sixteenth  century  had  always  offered  a vast  field  for  enter- 
prise. That  it  was  not  unfounded  is  evident  from  the  fact  that 
for  180  years  ending  with  1732  the  total  product  was  esti- 
mated at  $832,232,880.  The  principal  vein,  the  Vcta  Grande, 
produced  in  eighteen  years  from  1790  to  1808  $11,317,792. 
Even  more  successful  for  a time  were  operations  in  the  dis- 
trict of  Sombrerete,  where  the  celebrated  Yeta  Negra  mine 
produced  within  six  months  more  than  700,000  marks  of  silver, 
the  ore  yielding  a net  profit  of  some  $4,000,000.  To  this 
period  belongs  the  story  of  the  rich  miner  of  Zacatecas,  who 
on  the  occasion  of  his  daughter’s  wedding  ordered  the  streets 
from  his  house  to  the  church  to  be  paved  with  bricks  of 
silver. 

At  the  time  when  prospects  seemed  brightest  the  revolu- 
tion broke  out,  and  within  a few  years  was  swept  away  the 
work  of  centuries.  Machinery  was  destroyed  and  the  mines 
filled  with  water  and  debris ; operations  ceased  in  many  local- 
ities; elsewhere  work  was  carried  on  in  a random  and  waste- 
ful manner,  and  the  output  was  decreased  by  one  half.  In- 
dependence achieved,  the  government  attempted  to  revive 
this  industry  by  inviting  foreign  capital  and  skill,  reducing 
taxes,  and  issuing  certain  regulations.  The  result  was  a rush 


5G6 


HISTORY  OF  THE  MEXICAN  PEOPLE 


of  foreign  adventurers,  who  under  heedless  and  unskilful 
management  for  the  most  part  retired  with  loss.  The  dis- 
couragement which  followed,  together  with  the  disturbing  in- 
fluence of  incessant  revolutions,  fitful  changes  of  administra- 
tions, and  forced  contributions,  counteracted  the  effects  of 
introducing  superior  methods  and  machinery,  so  that  during 
the  first  three  decades  of  republican  rule  there  was  little 
increase  in  the  yield  of  precious  metals.  The  total  returns 
for  the  period  1823-52  have  been  estimated  from  the  mint 
statistics  at  $401,000,000,  or  an  average  of  less  than  $14,000,- 
000  a year^  Zacatecas  taking  the  lead  with  over  $120,000,000 
and  Guanajuato  and  Mexico  following  with  about  $90,000,000 
and  $60,000,000,  respectively;  next  come  San  Luis  Potosi, 
Durango,  and  Jalisco,  with  from  $19,000,000  to  $25,000,000, 
while  the  products  of  other  states  sink  greatly  below  these 
figures.  Later  the  yield  increased  considerably,  the  eleven 
mints  in  operation  in  various  parts  of  the  republic  reporting 
a total  coinage  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1885,  of 
$25,598,849,  the  amount  varying  but  slightly  during  several 
preceding  years. 

It  may  be  stated  approximately  that  during  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  a portion  of  the  eighteenth,  Mexico  has  fur- 
nished one  half  of  the  world’s  supply  of  silver,  in  addition 
to  a vast  amount  of  gold,  though  the  latter  is  by  comparison 
almost  insignificant.  The  total  yield  of  the  precious  metals  be- 
tween 1537  and  1880  has  been  valued,  according  to  a very  low 
estimate,  at  about  $3,100,000,000,  though  one  authority  gives 
the  amount  of  coinage  almost  at  that  figure,  and  another 
calculation,  based  on  a report  of  the  Mexican  mint,  places  the 
total  in  1914  at  over  $5,200,000,000.  Accepting,  however,  the 
smallest  estimate,  and  taking  silver  at  the  low  average  price  of 
one  dollar  an  ounce,  the  weight  of  this  huge  mass  of  bullion,  if 
the  bars  were  piled  together,  would  reach  nearly  90,000  tons, 
and  would  require  a hundred  large  vessels  for  its  transporta- 
tion to  Europe.  Thus  we  may  gain  some  idea  of  the  enormous 
wealth  which  has  been  gathered  in  the  land  of  the  Montezu- 


MEXICO  PAST  AXD  PRESENT 


567 


mas,  and  which  stated  merely  as  so  much  coin  is  almost 
beyond  the  grasp  of  human  comprehension. 

The  mines  of  Zacatecas,  San  Luis  Potosi,  Pachuca,  and 
Guanajuato,  old  and  new,  and  the  extensive  oil  developments 
at  Tehuantepec  and  Tampico  are  but  an  earnest  of  the  wealth 
a pacified  Mexico  will  give  forth  in  the  centuries  to  come. 
And  so  all  around  the  great  ocean,  from  Alaska  to  Australia, 
as  long  as  time  lasts  the  earth  will  continue  to  give  up  her 
treasures,  the  mountains  their  silver  and  gold  and  the  plains 
the  fruits  of  the  soil.  Across  from  Panama,  where  progress 
is  marked  by  one  of  the  world’s  great  achievements,  the  far- 
thest East  is  awakening,  throwing  aside  its  old  despotism 
for  a new,  the  despotism  of  enlightenment  and  culture. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


OF  THE 

RULERS  OF  MEXICO,  AND  DATES  UPON  WHICH 
THEY  ASSUMED  OFFICE. 


GOVERNORS. 

Hernan  Cortes,  governor  and  captain-general.  Oct.  15,  1522. 

Licenciate  Luis  Ponce.  July  2,  1526. 

Licenciate  Marcos  Aguilar.  Aug.  1,  1526. 

Alonso  de  Estrada  and  Gonzalo  de  Sandoval.  March  1,  1527. 

Alonso  de  Estrada.  Aug.  22,  1527. 

FIRST  AUDIENCIA. 

Nufio  de  Guzman,  president;  Matienzo,  Delgadillo.  Dec.  1528. 

SECOND  AUDIENCIA. 

Sebastian  Ramirez  de  Fuenleal,  president;  Lie.  Juan  de  Salmeron,  Alonso 
Maldonado,  Francisco  Ceinos,  Vasco  de  Quiroga.  1531. 

VICEROYS. 

Antonio  de  Mendoza,  commander  of  Socuellauos  in  the  order  of  Santiago. 
April  17,  1535. 

Luis  de  Velasco.  Nov.  1550. 

Gaston  de  Peralta,  marquis  of  Falces.  Oct.  16,  1566.  Visitador  Alonso 
Munoz  ruled  till  the  coming  of  the  fourth  viceroy. 

Martin  Enriquez  de  Almansa.  Nov.  5,  1568. 

Lorenzo  Suarez  de  Mendoza,  count  of  la  Coruna.  Oct.  4,  1580. 

Pedro  Moya  de  Contreras,  archbishop  of  Mexico  and  visitador.  Sept.  25, 
1584. 

Alvaro  Manrique  de  Zuniga,  marquis  of  Villa  Manrique.  October  17,  1585. 
Diego  Romano,  bishop  of  Puebla.  Visitador. 

Luis  de  Velasco,  second  of  the  name.  Jan.  27,  1590. 


570 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


Gaspar  dc  Zufiiga  y Acevedo,  count  of  Monterey.  From  Nov.  5,  1595,  to 
Oct.  1(503,  when  lie  departed  for  Peru. 

Juan  de  Mendoza  y Luna,  marquis  of  Montesclaros.  From  Oct.  27,  1603, 
when  he  made  his  public  entry  accompanied  by  his  wife  Ana  de  Mendoza, 
to  July  1607,  when  he  went  off  to  Peru. 

Luis  de  Velasco,  second  of  the  name,  for  the  second  time.  From  July  2, 
1607,  to  June  1611. 

Friar  Garcia  Guerra,  of  the  order  of  Preachers,  archbishop  of  Mexico. 
From  June  19,  1611,  to  Feb.  22,  1612,  date  of  his  death.  Oidor  Otalora  ruled 
till  Oct.  28,  1612. 

Diego  Fernandez  de  Cordoba,  marquis  of  Guadalcazar.  Came  with  his  wife 
Marla  Riederer;  ruled  from  Oct.  28,  1612,  to  March  14,  1621.  The  audiencia 
then  governed  a few  months. 

Diego  Carrillo  de  Mendoza  y Pimentel,  marquis  of  Gelves  and  count  of 
Priego.  From  Sept.  12,  1621,  to  Jan.  15,  1624.  He  tied  from  the  enraged 
populace  to  a church,  leaving  the  government  in  the  hands  of  the  audiencia, 
which  ruled  till  his  successor  arrived. 

Rodrigo  Pacheco  Osorio,  marquis  of  Cerralvo.  From  Nov.  3,  1624,  to  Sept. 
16,  1635. 

Lope  Diaz  de  Armendariz,  marquis  of  Cadereita.  From  Sept.  16,  1635,  to 
Aug.  28,  1640. 

Diego  Lopez  Pacheco  Cabrera  y Bobadilla,  marquis  of  Villcna,  and  duke  of 
Escalona,  a grandee  of  Spain.  From  Aug.  28,  1640,  to  June  10,  1642. 

Juan  de  Palafox  y Mendoza,  bishop  of  Puebla.  From  June  10,  1642,  to 
Nov.  23d  of  the  same  year. 

Garcia  Sarmiento  de  Sotomayor,  count  of  Salvaticrra,  marquis  of  Sobroso. 
From  Nov.  23,  1642,  to  May  13,  1648,  when  he  was  transferred  to  the  viceroy- 
alty of  Peru. 

Mdrcos  de  Torres  y Rueda,  bishop  of  Yucatan.  Though  commissioned  not 
as  viceroy,  but  merely  as  governor,  he  is  placed  in  the  series  of  viceroys, 
in  order  not  to  cause  interruption  therein.  He  began  his  rule  upon  the  de- 
parture of  his  predecessor  for  Peru  on  the  13th  of  May,  1648,  and  retained 
the  office  until  the  22d  of  April,  1649,  when  he  died,  and  was  interred  in  the 
church  of  San  Augustin. 

Luiz  Enriquez  dc  Guzman,  count  of  Alba  de  Liste,  marquis  of  Villaflor. 
From  June  28,  1650,  when  he  took  the  oath  of  office,  making  his  public  entry 
on  the  3d  of  July,  to  Aug.  1653;  he  then  went  off  to  Peru,  having  filled  the 
three  years’  term  as  viceroy  of  Mexico. 

Francisco  Fernandez  de  la  Cueva,  duke  of  Alburquerque,  grandee  of  Spain. 
Entered  Mexico  on  the  15th  of  August,  1653,  accompanied  by  his  wife  Juana 
dc  Armendariz,  marchioness  of  Cadereita,  and  ruled  till  Sept.  16(50,  being 
promoted  to  the  viceroyalty  of  Sicily. 

Juan  de  Leiva  y de  la  Cerda,  marquis  of  Leiva  ami  of  Ladrada,  count  of 
Banos.  His  rule  was  from  Sept.  16,  16(50,  to  June  16(54. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE. 


571 


Diego  Osorio  de  Escobar  y Llamas,  bishop  of  Puebla.  From  June  29,  1664, 
to  Oct.  15th  of  the  same  year. 

Antonio  Sebastian  (le  Toledo,  marquis  of  Mancera.  From  Oct.  15,  1664,  to 
Dec.  8,  1673.  He  brought  his  wife  Leonor  Carreto,  who  died  at  Tepeaca  on 
her  journey  back  to  Spain. 

Pedro  Nuuo  Colon  de  Portugal,  duke  of  Veraguas,  marquis  of  Jamaica, 
grandee  of  Spain,  and  knight  of  the  Golden  Fleece.  From  Dec.  8,  1673,  when 
he  made  his  public  entry,  to  the  13th  of  the  same  month  and  year,  when  he  died. 

Payo  Enriquez  de  Rivera,  of  the  order  of  Saint  Augustine,  archbishop  of 
Mexico.  From  Dec.  13,  1673,  to  Nov.  30,  1680. 

Tomas  Antonio  de  la  Cerda  y Aragon,  count  of  Paredes,  marquis  of  La 
Laguna.  From  Nov.  30,  1680,  to  a similar  date  in  1686. 

Melchor  Portocarrero  Laso  de  la  Vega,  count  of  la  Monclova.  From  Nov. 
30,  1686,  to  Nov.  1688,  when  he  left  for  Peru. 

Gaspar  de  Sandoval,  Silva  y Mendoza,  count  of  Galve.  He  arrived  in  Clia- 
pultepec  on  the  11th  of  Nov.,  1688;  took  possession  of  the  office  at  the  hands 
of  the  royal  council  on  the  20th  of  that  month,  and  made  his  public  entry  on 
the  4th  of  December.  He  ruled  until  February  1696.  With  him  came  his 
wife  Elvira  de  Toledo,  a daughter  of  the  marquis  of  Villafranca. 

Juan  de  Ortega  Montanes,  bishop  of  Michoacan.  From  Feb.  27  to  Dec.  18, 
1696. 

Jose  Sarmiento  Valladares,  count  of  Moctezuma  and  of  Tula.  From  Dec. 
18,  1696,  to  Nov.  1701.  He  brought  his  wife  Maria  Andrea  Moctezuma, 
Jofre  de  Loaisa,  3d  countess  of  Moctezuma,  a granddaughter  in  the  fourth 
line  of  the  second  emperor  of  Mexico  of  this  name,  through  his  son  Don 
Pedro  Johualicahuatzin  Moctezuma.  He  was  created,  on  the  25th  of  Nov., 
1704,  duke  of  Atlixco,  and  a grandee  of  Spain. 

Juan  Ortega  Montanes,  a second  time.  From  Nov.  4,  1701,  when  the  com- 
mand was  surrendered  to  him  by  the  count  of  Moctezuma,  to  Nov.  27tli  of 
the  next  following  year. 

Francisco  Fernandez  de  la  Cueva  Enriquez,  duke  of  Alburquerque.  From 
Nov.  27,  1702,  to  Jan.  15,  1711.  He  had  with  him  his  wife  Juana  de  la  Cerda. 

Fernando  de  Alencastre,  Norona  y Silva,  duke  of  Linares,  marquis  of 
Valdefuentes.  From  Jan.  15,  1711,  to  Aug.  15,  1716. 

Baltasar  de  Zuniga,  marquis  of  Valero,  duke  of  Arion.  From  Aug.  16, 
1716,  when  he  made  his  public  entry,  until  Oct.  1722,  when  he  was  promoted 
to  president  of  the  royal  council  of  the  Indies. 

Juan  de  Acuiia,  marquis  of  Casafuerte.  From  Oct.  15,  1722,  to  March  17, 
1734,  the  date  of  his  domise. 

Juan  Antonio  de  Vizarron  y Eguiarreta,  archbishop  of  Mexico.  From  March 
17,  1734,  to  Aug.  17,  1740,  when  he  delivered  the  office  to  his  successor. 

Pedro  de  Castro  y Figueroa,  duke  of  la  Conquista,  and  marquis  of  Gracia 
Real.  From  Aug.  17,  1740,  when  he  took  charge  of  the  viceroyalty  at  Gua- 
dalupe, to  Aug.  22,  1741,  the  day  of  his  death. 


572 


CHRONOLOGIC  A L TA  RLE. 


Pedro  Cebrian  y Agustin,  count  of  l’  uenclara.  From  Nov.  3,  1742,  to  July 
1746.  Tlie  royal  audiencia  had  ruled  from  Aug.  22,  1741,  until  his  arrival. 

Francisco  de  Guemes  y Horcasitas,  first  count  of  Revilla  Gigedo.  From 
July  9,  1746,  to  Nov.  9,  1755. 

Agustin  de  Ahumada  y Villalon,  marquis  of  Las  Amarillas,  a lieutenant- 
general  of  the  royal  armies.  From  Nov.  10,  1755,  to  Feb.  5,  1760,  the  date 
of  his  death. 

Francisco'Cagigal  de  la  Vega.  From  April  28  to  Oct.  5,  1760. 

Joaquin  de  Montserrat,  marquis  of  Cruillas.  From  Oct.  6,  1760,  to  Aug. 
24,  1766. 

Carlos  Francisco  de  Croix,  marquis  of  Croix.  From  Aug.  25,  1766,  toSept. 
22,  1771. 

Antonio  Marfa  de  Bucareli  y Urstia,  a knight-commander  of  the  order  of 
Saint  John.  From  Sept.  23,  1771,  to  April  9,  1779,  when  he  died.  The  au- 
diencia ruled  till  the  arrival  of  a successor. 

Martin  de  Mayorga.  From  Aug.  23,  1779,  to  April  28,  1783. 

Matfas  de  Galvez.  From  April  29,  1783,  to  Nov.  3,  1784,  when  he  died. 
The  audiencia  again  had  charge  of  the  government. 

Bernardo  de  Galvez,  count  of  Galvez,  a son  of  the  preceding.  From  June 
17,  1785,  to  Nov.  30,  1786,  when  his  death  occurred.  The  audiencia  re- 
assumed the  government. 

Alonso  Nunez  de  Haro  y Peralta,  archbishop  of  Mexico.  From  May  8 
to  Aug.  16,  1787. 

Manuel  Antonio  Flores.  From  Aug.  17,  1787,  to  Oct.  16,  1789. 

Juan  Vicente  de  Giiemez  Pacheco  de  Padilla,  second  count  of  Revilla 
Gigedo.  From  Oct.  17,  17S9,  to  July  11,  1794. 

Miguel  de  la  Grua  Talamanca  y Branciforte,  marquis  of  Branciforte.  From 
July  12,  1794,  to  May  31,  1798. 

Miguel  Jose  de  Azanza.  From  May  31,  1798,  to  April  30,  1S00. 

Felix  Berenguer  de  Marquina.  From  April  30,  1800,  to  Jan.  4,  1803. 

Jose  de  Iturrigaray.  From  Jan.  4,  1S03,  to  Sept.  16,  1808. 

Pedro  Garibay.  Sept.  16,  1808,  to  July  19,  1809. 

Francisco  Javier  de  Lizana  y Beaumont,  archbishop  of  Mexico.  From  July 
19,  1809,  to  May  8,  1810. 

Francisco  Javier  Venegas.  From  Sept.  14,  1810,  to  March  4,  1813. 

Felix  Marfa  Callcja.  From  March  4,  1813,  to  Sept.  20,  1816. 

Juan  Ruiz  de  Apodaca.  From  Sept.  20,  1816,  to  July  5,  1821. 

Juan  O’Donojti.  He  recognized  the  independence  of  Mexico  on  Sept.  28, 
1821. 

REGENCY  AND  EMPIRE. 

Agustin  do  Iturbide,  Manuel  de  la  Barcena,  Juan  O’Donojti,  and  at  his  death 
Bishop  Perez,  Jose  Isidro  Yaffez,  and  Manuel  Velazquez  de  Leon;  these  two 
last  named  and  Bishop  Perez  were  succeeded  by  the  Count  de  las  Hcras, 
Nicolas  Bravo,  and  Miguel  Valentin,  They  constituted  the  imperial  regency. 


CHRONOLOGIC  A L TAB  IE. 


573 


Sept.  28,  1821.  Agustin  de  Iturbide,  emperor,  June  21,  1822.  Abdicated 
March  20,  and  was  exiled  May  11,  1823.  Shot  at  Padilla,  July  19,  1824. 

EXECUTIVE  AUTHORITY. 

Guadalupe  Victoria,  Nicolas  Bravo,  and  Fedro  Gelestino  Negrete,  a trium- 
virate. Substitutes  Mariano  Michelena  and  Miguel  Dominguez.  March  31 
and  April  1,  1823.  Owing  to  resignations,  the  persons  who  finally  had  charge 
of  the  executive  authority  were  Bravo,  Victoria,  Vicente  Guerrero,  or  Do- 
minguez, until  the  republican  government  became  constituted. 

PRESIDENTS. 

Gen.  Guadalupe  Victoria.  Oct.  10,  1824. 

Gen.  Vicente  Guerrero.  April  1,  1829. 

Jose  M.  Boeanegra,  provisional.  Dec.  16,  1829. 

Pedro  Velez,  Lucas  Alaman,  and  Luis  Quintanar,  in  charge  of  the  govern- 
ment Dec.  1829. 

Gen.  Anastasio  Bustamante  y Oseguera,  vice-president  in  charge.  Jan.  1, 
1830. 

Gen.  Melchor  Mtizquiz.  Aug.  14,  1832. 

Lie.  Gomez  Pedraza.  Dec.  24,  1832. 

V alentin  Gomez  Farias,  vice-president;  Gen.  Santa  Anna,  president.  April 
1,  1833. 

Gen.  Barragan,  in  charge.  Jan.  28,  1835. 

Jose  Justo  Corro.  Feb.  27,  1836. 

Gen.  Anastasio  Bustamante.  April  19,  1837. 

Gen.  Santa  Anna,  provisional  president.  Oct.  7,  1841. 

Gen.  Santa  Anna,  president.  June  3,  1844. 

Gen.  Jose  Joaquin  Herrera,  provisional.  Dec.  5,  1844. 

Gen.  Jose  Joaquin  Herrera,  president.  Sept.  16,  1845. 

Gen.  Mariano  Paredes  y Arrillaga,  provisional.  Jan.  3,  1846. 

Gen.  Nicolas  Bravo,  provisional  vice-president.  July  28,  1846. 

Gen.  Jose  Mariano  Salas,  provisional  vice-president.  Aug.  22,  1846. 

Gen.  Santa  Anna,  provisional.  Dec.  23,  1846. 

Gen.  Pedro  Maria  Anaya,  substitute.  April  2,  1847. 

Lie.  Manuel  de  la  Pena  y Peiia,  provisional.  Sept.  26,  1847. 

Gen.  Pedro  M.  Anaya,  ad  interim.  Nov.  2,  1847. 

Lie.  Manuel  de  la  Peiia  y Pefia,  as  president  of  the  supreme  court.  Jan. 
8,  1848. 

Gen.  Jose  Joaquin  Herrera.  June  3,  184S. 

Gen.  Mariano  Arista.  Jan.  15,  1851. 

Lie.  Juan  B.  Ceballos,  president  of  the  supreme  court.  Jan.  6,  1853. 

Gen.  Martin  Carrera.  Aug.  1855. 

Gen.  Lombardini.  Feb.  7,  1853. 

Gen.  Santa  Anna,  dictator,  April  20,  1853, 


574 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


Gen.  Juan  Alvarez,  ad  int.  Oct.  4,  1855. 

Gen.  Ignacio  Comonfort.  Dec.  8,  1855. 

Licentiate  Benito  Juarez,  liberal,  president  of  the  supreme  court.  Jan.  19, 
1858. 

Gen.  F61ix  Zuloaga,  conservative.  Jan.  22,  1858. 

Gen.  Miguel  Miramon,  conservative.  Dec.  30,  1858. 

Maximilian,  emperor.  Aug.,  1863. 

Benito  Juarez,  constitutional  president.  Oct.,  1867. 

Benito  Juarez,  president,  reelected.  1870. 

Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  provisional.  July  18,  1872. 

Sebastian  Lerdo  de  Tejada,  constitutional.  Sept.,  1872. 

Gen.  Porfirio  Diaz,  provisional.  Dec.,  1876. 

Porfirio  Diaz,  constitutional.  April  2,  1877. 

Gen.  Manuel  Gonzalez.  Dec.  1,  1880. 

Gen.  Porfirio  Diaz.  Dec.  1,  1884. 

Francisco  de  la  Barra,  provisional  president.  May  25,  1911. 

Francisco  I.  Madero,  president.  Nov.  6,  1911. 

Victoriano  Huerta,  provisional  president.  Feb.  18,  1913. 

Venustiano  Carranza,  proclaimed  himself  constitutional  president.  Feb. 
19,  1913. 

Huerta  resigns  and  leaves  the  country;  Francisco  Carbajal  becomes  provi- 
sional president.  July  15,  1914. 


INDEX 


Acapulco,  captured  by  Morelos,  1813, 
352-3. 

Aculco,  affair  at,  1810,  310. 

Acxitl,  Toltec  king,  reign  of,  13-15. 

Administration  of  justice,  among  the 
Aztecs,  65-7. 

Agriculture,  Aztec,  68-9 ; on  the  table- 
land, 558. 

Ahuitzotl,  Mexican  monarch,  reign  of, 
26-7. 

Allende,  I.  de,  biog.,  etc.,  280-1;  por- 
trait, 280;  battle  of  Las  Cruces, 
1810,  303-6;  defence  of  Guanajuato, 
312-15;  capture  of,  329;  execution, 
330. 

Alvarez,  J.,  president,  1855,  458;  por- 
trait, 458. 

America,  ancient  races  of,  6-9;  dis- 
covery of,  138-40. 

Amusements,  of  the  Aztecs,  79-84. 

An&huac  (see  also  Mexico),  name,  3; 
early  records  of,  10-29;  myths  and 
traditions,  30-41;  sacrifices,  41-2. 

Antiquities,  109-21. 

Apodaca,  J.  R.  de,  viceroy,  1816,  365; 
deposed,  374. 

Arista,  Gen.,  president,  1851,  452; 
administr.,  453-4. 

Audiencias,  description  of,  202-5. 

Avila,  A.  de,  exped.  to  Yucatan,  218 
-20. 

Axayacatl,  Mexican  monarch,  reign 
of,  25-6. 

Aztecs  (see  also  Mexico),  annals  of 
the,  19-29;  myths  and  tradition, 
30-41;  sacrifices,  41-2;  empire  of 
the,  43;  govt.,  43-4;  royalty,  44- 
55;  royal  palaces,  etc.,  48-51;  no- 
bility, 56-60;  priesthood,  60,  63-4; 


slavery,  61-2;  land-tenure,  63-4; 
taxation,  64-5;  administr.  of  jus- 
tice, 65-7;  agric.,  68-9;  the  chase, 
69-70;  manufactures,  70-1;  fairs, 
72-3;  currency,  73-4;  traffic,  74-5; 
food,  etc.,  76-7 ; feasts,  77-9.  amuse- 
ments, 79-84;  dress,  etc.,  84-6;  lan- 
guage, 87-90;  hieroglyphics,  90-6; 
education,  96-9;  calendar,  99-103; 
war  and  weapons,  104-8;  cities,  122- 
3;  dwellings,  124-7;  temples,  127- 
30. 

Barra,  F.  L.  de  la,  prov.  pres.,  532. 

Barradas,  Brigadier,  invasion  of,  1829, 
413-15. 

Baudin,  Admiral,  capture  of  Ulua, 
etc.,  429-33. 

Bazaine,  Gen.,  capture  of  Oajaca,  1865, 
483-4. 

Benton,  William  S.,  details  of  assassi- 
nation, 541. 

Berrioz&bal,  Gen.,  battle  of  Cinco  de 
Mayo,  470-1. 

Bravo,  N.,  portrait  of,  402;  vice-presi- 
dent, 1823,  402. 

Bustamante,  A.,  revolution  of,  1829, 
416-17;  biog.,  etc.,  417-18;  presi- 
dent, 1830,  418;  1837, 427;  revolution 
against,  1832,  420-2;  1840,  435-8. 

Calderon,  battle  of,  1811,  319-23. 

Calleja,  Gen.  F.,  campaigns  of,  1810- 
11,  309-23;  1813-15,  350-65;  cap- 
ture of  Cuautla,  1812,  336-40;  vice- 
roy, 1813,  346;  administr.,  346-7. 

Caravel,  picture  of,  144. 

Carbajal,  Francisco,  prov.  pres.,  549. 

Carranza,  V.,  personality,  537 ; por- 
trait, 539;  successes  and  attitude 
of,  548-9. 


570 


INDEX 


Casas  Grandos,  ruins  of  the,  109-11. 

Celaya,  Hidalgo  at,  285. 

Ccnteotl,  Nahua  goddess,  worship, 
etc.,  of,  38-9;  picture  of,  39. 

Chalcans,  Nahua  nation,  wars  of  the, 
22-4. 

Ohalchiuh  Tlatonac,  Toltec  king, 
reign  of,  11. 

Chichimecs,  Nahua  nation,  annals  of 
the,  17-21. 

Chilpancingo,  congress  of,  353-5. 

Cholula,  city,  legend  of  Quetzalcoatl, 
36-7;  massacre  at,  1519,  166-9. 

Church  and  State,  551;  wrealth  of 
church,  560;  inquisition,  560;  mis- 
sions and  secularization,  561 ; greed 
and  godliness,  562. 

Cinco  de  Mayo,  battle  of,  470-3. 

Civilization,  definition,  etc.,  of,  7. 

Climate,  of  Mex.,  1-6. 

Coats  of  arms,  Mex.  republic,  199; 
Pueblo  de  los  Angeles,  206;  Gua- 
dalajara, 207;  Jalapa,  233;  Guana- 
juato, 288;  Valladolid,  300. 

Columbus,  C.,  biog.,  138;  voyages  of, 
138-9. 

Commerce,  Aztec,  74-5. 

Commerce,  travel  and  transportation, 
558. 

Comonfort,  I.,  portrait  of,  456;  presi- 
dent, 1855,  459;  administr.,  459- 
60. 

Congress,  national,  proceedings,  etc., 
of,  378-9,  395,  400-4. 

Congress,  representative,  established, 
etc.,  1813,  353-5;  seal  of,  354. 

C6poro,  Mount,  plan  of,  360;  Ra- 
yon's victory  at,  1815,  360-1. 

Corona,  Gen.  R.,  siege  of  Queretaro, 
1867,  495-8;  portrait,  499. 

Cort6s,  H.,  biog.,  etc.,  148-9;  exped. 
of,  1518,  150-4;  at  Vera  Cruz,  154- 
8;  defeat  of  the  Tlascaltecs,  etc., 
160-6;  massacre  at  Cholula,  166-9; 
meeting  with  Montezuma,  170-2; 
enters  Mex.,  171;  Montezuma’s  im- 
prisonment, etc.,  173-80;  la  noche 
triste,  180-4;  captures  Mex.,  1521, 
186-94;  returns  to  Spain,  200;  death, 
201. 

Cruz,  Gen.  .J.  de  la,  campaign  of,  1810, 
318-19. 

Cuautla,  siege  of,  1812,  336-40;  plan 
of,  336. 


Diaz,  F.,  revolutionary  attempts,  533; 
failure  and  imprisonment,  533; 
fighting  Madero  in  the  capital,  533- 
34. 

Diaz,  P.,  battle  of  Cinco  de  Mayo, 
470-3;  siege  of  Puebla,  etc.,  1863, 
474-8;  defence' of  Oajaca,  1865,  483 
-4;  escape  from  Puebla,  485;  recap- 
tures Puebla,  1867,  488-92;  recap- 
tures Mex.,  507;  revolution  of,  515 
-20;  president,  1877,  520;  1884, 
527;  character,  520-2;  portrait,  521; 
administr.,  522-5,  527;  resignation 
and  flight,  532. 

Dolores,  revolution  at,  1810,  282-3. 

Dress,  of  the  Aztecs,  84—6. 

Ech&varri,  Brigadier,  defection  of, 

391-2. 

Education,  among  the  Aztecs,  96-9. 

Encomienda  system,  origin,  etc.,  of, 
202-3. 

Escobedo,  Gen.,  siege  of  Querfetaro, 
etc.,  1867,  495-502. 

Escoceses,  party,  mention  of,  405-6. 

Europe,  affairs  in,  1776-1830,  260-7. 

Farias,  V.  G.,  portrait  of,  423;  acting 
president,  424;  revolution  against, 
424. 

Floating  gardens,  description  of,  68. 

Flon,  Gen.,  operations  at  Calderon, 

321-3. 

Food,  of  the  Aztecs,  76-7;  of  the 
Mexicans,  253-4. 

Forcy,  Gen.,  siege  of  Puebla,  1863, 
474-7. 

France,  war  with,  1838-9,  428-34; 
1862-7,  468-86;  Maximilian’s  em- 
pire, 481-506. 

Garza,  Brigadier,  arrest,  etc.,  of  Itur- 
bide.  396-7. 

Gonzalez,  M.,  president,  1880,  525; 
biog.,  525;  adminstr.,  526. 

Government,  among  the  Aztecs,  43-4; 
modern,  551-2. 

Grijalva,  J.  de,  exped.  of,  1518,  144-7. 

Guadalajara,  city,  Hidalgo  at,  315- 
17. 

Guanajuato,  city,  captured  by  revo- 
lutionists, 1810,  287-97;  recaptured 
by  Calleja,  312-15. 

Guatemala,  slavery  in,  209-10. 

Guerrero,  V.,  portrait  of,  372;  revo- 
lution of,  1828,  408-9;  president, 
409,  415;  biog.,  etc.,  415,  revolu- 


INDEX 


577 


tion  against,  416-17;  execution, 
1831,  419. 

Herrera,  Gen.  J.  J.,  acting  president, 
442;  portrait,  443;  president,  1848, 
451;  administr.,  451-2. 

Hidalgo,  M.,  appearance,  etc.,  of, 
278-9;  portrait,  279;  victory  at  Las 
Cruces,  1810,  303-7;  advance  on 
Mex.,  307-8;  at  Guadalajara,  315- 
17;  defeat  at  Calderon,  1811,  319- 
23;  capture  of,  328-9;  execution, 
330-1;  character,  331-2. 

Hieroglyphics,  Aztec,  90-6. 

Honduras,  slavery  in,  209. 

Huchuetzin,  Chichimec  chieftain,  wars 
of,  13-16. 

Huemac  II.,  Toltec  king,  reign  of, 
11-13. 

Huerta,  V.,  escorts  Diaz  to  Vera  Cruz, 
532;  ten  days'  fight  in  the  capital, 
534;  betrays  Madero,  534;  betrays 
F.  Diaz,  534;  prov.  pres.,  534;  por- 
trait, 535;  life  and  character,  534-6; 
attitude  of,  545;  resignation,  549. 

Huitzilopochtli,  Nahua  god,  name,  37; 
myth  of,  37-8;  picture  of,  38. 

Iglesias,  J.  M.,  chief  justice,  518;  por- 
trait, 519;  claims  the  presidency, 
1877,  522. 

Illustrations  (see  also  portraits,  maps, 
plans,  and  coats  of  arms),  summit 
of  Popocatepetl,  2,  of  Iztaccihuatl, 
3;  of  Orizaba,  4;  culture  hero,  Pa- 
lenque,  5;  vase,  Vera  Cruz,  9;  col- 
umn, Tula,  10-11;  monolith,  Teoti- 
huacan,  14;  fainting-stone,  Teoti- 
huacan,  15;  terra-cotta  head,  Teoti- 
huacan,  16;  coat  of  arms,  Cuerna- 
vaca, 21;  bas-relief,  Xochicalco,  29; 
Huitzilopochtli,  38;  Centeotl,  39; 
Mictlantecutli,  40;  burial-vase,  41; 
sculpture  on  sacrificial  stone,  42; 
terra-cotta  image,  Zachila,  62;  sculp- 
tured block,  Mapilca,  67;  aborigi- 
nal coin,  73;  pottery  from  Casas 
Grandes,  75;  terra-cotta  musical 
instrument,  79;  serpentine  hiero- 
glyphic block,  88;  tablet,  Palenque, 
89;  Tabilla  de  las  Cruces,  90;  edu-  ! 
cation  of  Aztec  children,  92;  the  Az- 
tec migration,  94-5;  Troano  manu- 
script, 97 ; Aztec  cycle,  99;  year,  100; 
month,  101;  calendar  stone,  102;  j 
sculptured  front  of  building  at  Ka-  ] 

37 


bah,  103;  Aztec  knight,  106;  Aztec 
weapon,  107;  ruins  of  Quemada,  109; 
Casas  Grandes,  Chihuahua,  110; 
temple  pyramid,  Cerro  delasJuntas, 
111;  earthen  vase,  Tula,  112;  pyra- 
mid of  Xochicalco,  113;  sculptured 
block,  Huahuapan,  114;  ruins, 
Monte  Alban,  114;  palace  at  Mitla, 
116-18;  ruins  at  Mitla,  117;  mosaic 
work,  117;  pyramid  near  Tehuante- 
pec, 118;  near  Papantla,  119;  near 
Puente  Nacional,  120;  of  Huatusco, 
120;  pyramid  at  Tusapan,  121;  stat- 
ues, Nophat,  121 ; Mexico  in  the  time 
of  the  Montezumas,  123;  palace  at 
Uxmal,  124;  carving  on  Gate  Mitla, 
125;  trace  of  original  structure  in 
wood,  Uxmal,  125;  palace  of  Palen- 
que, 126;  front  of  building  at  San- 
acte,  127;  caravel,  144;  bronze  bells 
— Christy  collection,  151;  brigan- 
tine, 152;  navfo,  153;  musical  in- 
strument from  Tlascala,  169;  pipe 
from  Casas  Grandes,  176;  skull  and 
cross-bones,  Nophat,  184;  valley  of 
Mex.,  187;  stone  in  plaza,  Mex., 
196;  Mex.  rebuilt,  1521,  197;  coat 
of  mail,  Mex.,  198;  vase,  Tlahuac, 
201;  globe,  Ococingo,  208;  Aztec 
tomb,  Chila,  Puebla,  213;  building 
at  Cozumel,  214;  serpent  balustrade 
at  Chichen  Itzd,  217 ; watch-tower, 
Yucatan,  220;  coast  of  Yucatan. 
222;  painted  boat,  Chichen  Itzd, 223; 
ancient  tomb,  Misantla,  233;  govt, 
palace,  Mex.,  239;  Mexican  beggar, 
245;  Pueblo,  247 ; mestiza,  248;  zam- 
bo,  249;  Spanish  creole,  252;  stage 
station,  253;  pulqueros,  257;  Mexi- 
can landscape,  259;  Querdtaro,  278; 
Alhondiga  de  Granaditas,  297; 
bridge  at  Huejutla,  332;  medal  of 
Apatzingan  congress,  363;  convent 
of  Santo  Domingo,  408;  plaza  of 
Oajaca,  488;  rural  guard,  505; 
Juarez’  residence,  509 ; city  of 
Oajaca,  517;  residence  of  Diaz,  522. 

Imperialism,  opposition  to,  550. 

I Intervention,  American,  543;  fancied 
insult,  543;  seizure  of  Vera  Cruz, 
543;  salute  demanded,  543;  attitude 
of  Washington  government,  545; 

j many  ultimata,  546. 

' Iturbide,  Gen.  A.  de,  biog.,  302;  oper- 


578 


INDEX 


ations  of,  1813,  357-61;  portrait, 
373;  defection  of,  373-4;  president 
of  junta,  376;  quarrel  with  congress, 
380-9;  proclaimed  emperor,  1822, 
383-5;  coronation,  etc.,  386-7;  re- 
volt against,  390-4;  abdication,  394 
-5;  exile,  396;  return  to  Mex.,  396; 
arrest  and  execution,  396-8;  review 
of  career,  398-9. 

Jalapa,  city,  description  of,  232;  coat 
of  arms,  233. 

Jaujilla,  fort,  capture  of,  1817,  370-1; 
plan  of,  370. 

Juarez,  B.  P.,  revolution  in  favor 
of,  461-5;  president,  466;  biog.,  466; 
portrait,  467;  administr.,  468-511; 
death,  1872,  511;  character,  512. 

La  decena  trdgica,  the  ten  days’  fight 
between  Madero  and  Felix  Diaz, 
534. 

Lamadrid,  Gen.,  battle  of  Cinco  de 
Mayo,  470-1. 

Las  Casas,  B.  de,  labors,  etc.,  of,  210- 
13;  character  of,  213. 

Las  Cruces,  battle  of,  1810,  303-7. 

Land-tenure,  Aztec,  63-4. 

Lopez,  Col.  M.,  treachery  of,  500-1. 

Lorencez,  Gen.,  battle  of  Cinco  de 
Mayo,  468—73. 

Lorencillo,  capture  of  Vera  Cruz,  226- 
30. 

Lozada,  M.,  revolt  of,  1872,  514. 

Madero,  F.  I.,  family  and  character, 
528;  portrait,  530;  political  career, 
531;  elected  president,  532;  injudi- 
cious measures,  533;  betrayed  by 
Huerta,  534;  assassination  of,  534; 
republican  ideals,  542. 

Manufactures,  Aztec,  70-1. 

Maps,  Martin  Behaim's,  1492,  137; 
Juan  de  la  Cosa’s,  1500,  139;  Jo- 
hann Ruysch’s,  1508,  140;  Peter 
Martyr’s,  1511,  141;  Ptolemy’s, 

1513,  142;  of  Yucatan,  143;  of 
Vera  Cruz,  231;  Guanajuato,  282; 
Hidalgo's  march,  302;  field  of  Hi- 
dalgo’s operations,  303;  field  of 
revolutionary  movements,  1810-11, 
311,  326;  campaigns  in  Puebla  and 
Vera  Cruz,  342;  Oajaca,  345;  dis- 
tricts occupied  by  the  revolutionists, 
1813,  348;  campaign  in  the  east, 
1813,  350;  eastern  district,  Barra- 
das’  campaign,  414;  Texas,  445; 


war  map  of  Mexico,  529;  central 
mining  district,  564. 

Marquez,  Gen.,  defence  of  Querfetaro, 
etc.,  1867,  494-6. 

Maximilian,  Ferdinand,  emperor  of 
Mexico,  1863,  479-82;  portrait  of, 
483;  Napoleon’s  desertion  of,  486; 
besieged  at  Querdtaro,  1867,  493- 
501;  surrender,  etc.,  of,  501-2;  trial, 
502-3;  execution,  504-5. 

Mejia,  Gen.,  defence  of  Querdtaro, 
1867,  493-9;  trial  and  execution, 
502-5. 

Mendoza,  Viceroy  A.  de,  rule,  etc., 
of,  206-8. 

Mescala,  Rock,  siege  of,  351-2. 

Mexico  (see  also  Andhuac),  ancient 
boundaries,  1;  climate,  1-6;  geog- 
raphy, 1-3;  flora,  3-6;  ancient 
races,  6-9;  the  Toltec  and  Chichi- 
mec  periods,  10-21;  the  Aztecs,  22- 
9,  43-108,  122-32;  mythology  and 
traditions,  30-41;  antiquities,  109- 
21 ; name,  122;  Grijalva’s  expedition, 
1518,  145-7;  conquest  of,  152-94; 
famine  in,  1691,  236;  population, 
etc.,  246-8;  society  and  castes,  248- 
53;  food,  253-4;  dress,  254;  cities 
and  dwellings,  255;  amusements, 
etc.,  255-8;  disaffection  in,  268- 
77;  war  of  independence,  278-375; 
national  congress  established,  1821, 
379-80;  constitution,  401-4;  foreign 
relations,  410-11,  427-8;  Spanish 
invasion  of,  1829,  413-15;  war  with 
France,  1838-9,  428-34;  1862-7, 
468-86;  Maximilian's  empire,  481- 
506;  war  with  U.  S.,  444-50;  for- 
eign intervention,  467-8;  claims 
of  U.  S.,  525;  government,  550-2; 
congress,  552;  the  executive,  552; 
church  affairs,  560-2 ; mining,  562-7 ; 
agriculture,  558. 

Mexico,  city,  founding  of,  20,  122-3; 
ancient  palaces,  etc.,  48-51;  Cortds 
at,  171-84;  destruction  of,  1521, 
188-94;  spoils  of,  195;  rebuilding, 
etc.,  of,  196-9;  floods  in,  234-5; 
riot  in,  1692,  237-45;  plan  of,  238; 
captured  by  Scott,  1847,  447-8; 
French  occupation  of,  1863,  478-9; 
recaptured  by  Diaz,  1867,  507 ; de- 
scription of,  559-60. 


IXDEX 


Mexico,  past  and  present,  550-67. 

Mictlan,  Nahua  hades,  39. 

Mietlantecutli,  Nahua  god,  39;  pic- 
ture of,  40. 

Mina,  biog.,  366;  exped.  of,  366-70; 
capture  and  execution,  370. 

Mines  and  Mining,  mineral  wealth, 
563-4;  remarkable  development, 
565;  enormous  yield,  566. 

Miramon,  Gen.  M.,  president,  1858, 
463;  portrait  of,  464;  defence  of 
Quer6taro,  1867,  493-9;  trial  and 
execution,  502-5. 

Mitla,  ruins  at,  1 15-18. 

Monte  Alban,  ruins  at,  114-16. 

Montejo,  F.  de,  conquest  of  Yucatan, 
214-23. 

Montezuma  I.,  reign  of,  22-4. 

Montezuma  II.,  accession  of,  1503,  28; 
authority,  44—5;  coronation,  etc.,  of, 
45-7;  palaces,  etc.,  48-51;  service, 
51-5;  meals,  52-3;  audience,  54; 
pastimes,  54;  household,  55;  reign, 
130-1;  news  of  Grijalva’s  expedi- 
tion, 131-2,  146-7;  character,  132; 
meeting  with  Cortes,  170-2;  im- 
prisonment, etc.,  of,  173-80;  death, 
1520,  179-80. 

Morelos,  J.  M.,  biog.,  333;  character, 
333-4;  campaigns  of,  1811-15,  335- 
60;  capture  of,  361-2;  trial,  362; 
execution,  1815,  363. 

Myths,  general  remarks,  30-1;  physi- 
cal, 31-3;  animal,  33;  religious,  33- 
40. 

Nauhyotl,  Toltec  king,  defeat  of,  18- 
19. 

New  laws,  code  of  the,  211-12. 

Nezahualcoyotl,  Acolhuan  monarch, 
reign  of,  25. 

Oajaca,  ruins  in,  114-16;  map  of, 
345. 

Oajaca,  city,  captured  by  Morelos, 
1812,  343-6;  by  Bazaine,  1865, 
483-4. 

O’Donoju,  Viceroy  J.,  surrenders 
authority,  1821,  374. 

Ordofiez,  Col.,  defeats  Villagran,  1813, 
349. 

Orizaba,  city,  description  of,  232-3. 

Orozco,  Pascual,  insurrection,  532; 
536. 

Ortega,  Gen.  J.  G.,  defence  of  Puebla, 
1863,  474-7;  portrait,  476. 


579 

Osorno,  Gen.,  campaign  of,  1813, 
350-1. 

Outrages  on  foreigners,  542. 

Palacio,  Gen.,  siege  of  Quer6taro, 
1867,  495-7. 

Palo  Alto,  battle  of,  1846,  446. 

Paredes,  Gen.,  revolution  of,  1843, 
442. 

Pedraza,  G.,  portrait  of,  407;  presi- 
dent elect  of  Mex.,  1827,  407 ; flight 
of,  409;  restored  to  power,  422-3. 

Pena  y Pefia,  president  ad  interim, 
1848,  451;  portrait,  451. 

Plans,  of  Teotihuacan,  112;  of  Mitla, 
115;  of  palace  of  Mitla,  116;  Vera 
Cruz,  225;  city  of  Mex.,  238;  battle- 
field of  Las  Cruces,  304;  affair  at 
Aculco,  310;  royalist  operations 
against  Guanajuato,  313;  battle- 
field of  Calderon,  320;  Cuautla,  336; 
Oajaca,  344;  Chapala  lake  and  the 
Mescala  rock,  352;  Mina’s  opera- 
tions, 367 ; fort  of  Los  Remedios, 
369;  fort  Jaujilla,  370;  Vera  Cruz 
harbor,  412;  Tampico,  419;  Puebla, 
422;  San  Juan  de  Uliia,  430;  Vera 
Cruz,  432;  seat  of  war,  1838-9, 
434;  Vera  Cruz  and  Ulua,  462; 
Puebla,  469;  field  of  Cinco  de  Mayo, 
470;  battle  in  front  of  Puebla,  472; 
Monterey,  487;  Queretaro,  494; 
Matamoros,  516. 

Politics,  party  spirit,  551;  natives  and 
foreigners,  556;  position  of  Span- 
iards, 557. 

Porter,  Commodore  D.,  operations  of, 
412. 

Portraits,  M.  Hidalgo,  279;  I.  de 
Allende,  280;  I.  L.  Rayon,  316;  J. 
M.  Morelos,  334;  G.  Victoria,  371; 
V.  Guerrero,  372;  A.  de  Iturbide, 
373;  N.  Bravo,  402;  G.  Pedraza, 
407;  V.  G.  Farias,  423;  A.  L.  de 
Santa  Anna,  425;  J.  J.  Herrera, 
443;  Pena  y Pena,  451;  I.  Comon- 
fort, 456;  J.  Alvarez,  458;  F.  Zulo- 
aga,  461;  M.  Miramon,  464;  B.  P. 
Juarez,  467;  J.  G.  Ortega,  476;  F. 
Maximilian,  483;  R.  Corona,  499; 
J.  N.  Mendez,  508;  L.  de  Tejada, 
513;  J.  M.  Iglesias,  519;  P.  Diaz, 
521;  F.  I.  Madero,  530;  V.  Huerta, 
535-  Pancho  Villa,  537 ; V.  Carranza, 
539;  E.  Zapata,  540. 


580 


INDEX 


Puebla,  city,  plans  of,  422,  409;  de- 
scription of,  468-9;  captured  by 
the  French,  1863,  474-7 ; recap- 
tured by  Diaz,  1867,  488-92. 

Quauhtemotzin,  King,  defence  of 
Mex.,  191;  capture,  etc.,  of,  193-4; 
execution,  200. 

Quemada,  ruins  of,  109-11. 

Queretaro,  picture  of,  278;  Maximil- 
ian besieged  at,  1867,  493-501;  plan 
of,  494. 

Quetzalcoatl,  Nahua  god,  name,  35; 
myth  of,  35-7 ; palace  of,  51. 

Races,  ancient  of  Amer.,  6-9;  classifi- 
cation of,  8;  mixture  of,  552-3. 

Rayon,  Gen.  I.  L.,  portrait  of,  316; 
biog.,  316-17;  operations,  1813, 
348-9. 

Rayon,  R.,  defence  of  Mount  Cdporo, 
360-1. 

Remedios,  fort,  siege  of,  1817,  369; 
plan  of,  369. 

Repartimiento  system,  origin,  etc., 
of,  202-3. 

Riano,  Intendente,  defence  of  Guana- 
juato, 288-97. 

San  Juan  de  Ulua,  fort,  name,  146; 
Cort6s  at,  154;  captured  by  the 
Mexicans,  1825,  411-12;  by  the 
French,  1838,  429-31;  plan  of,  430, 

San  Miguel,  Hidalgo  at,  284-5. 

Santa  Anna,  Gen.  A.  L.  de,  revolt  of, 
390-1;  campaign  against  Barradas, 
1829,  413-14;  dictator,  424;  por- 
trait of,  425;  character,  425-6;  affair 
at  Vera  Cruz,  1839,  432-3;  rev- 
olution against  Bustamante,  437-8; 
misrule  of,  440-1 ; overthrow,  442-3; 
war  with  U.  S.,  448-9;  honors  paid 
to,  455;  revolt  against,  456-7. 

Slavery,  among  the  Aztecs,  61-2;  in 
Cent.  Amer.,  309-10. 

Society,  politics  and  people,  550-1 ; 
classes  of,  553;  aristocrat  and  peon, 
553-7;  degraded  condition,  555. 

Sombrero,  siege  of,  1817,  368-9. 

Spain,  invasion  of  Mex.,  1829,  413-15. 

Spaniards  in  Mexico,  557. 

Spanish  history,  outline  of,  133-6, 
264-7. 

Suarez,  Josfi  Maria  Pino,  assassina- 
tion, 533. 

Taxation,  among  the  Aztecs,  64-5. 


Tecuhtlis,  Nahua  knights,  initiation, 
etc.,  of,  56-60. 

Tehuantepec,  city,  ruins  near,  117-19. 

Tejada,  S.  L.  de,  president,  1872,'  512; 
administr.,  518-19;  portrait,  513; 
flight,  519-20. 

Teotihuacan,  picture  of  monolith  at, 
15;  of  fainting-stone,  15;  of  terra- 
cotta head,  16;  ruins  of,  112-13; 
plan  of,  112. 

Teotl,  Nahua  god,  worship  of,  33. 

Texas,  American  colonization,  etc.,  in, 
444-5;  map,  445. 

Tezcatlipoca,  Nahua  god,  myth  of, 
34-6. 

Tezcuco,  city,  royal  palace  of,  49; 
aborig.  architecture  at,  113;  descrip- 
tion of,  123. 

Tlaloc,  Nahua  god,  myth  of,  38. 

Tlasealtecs,  Nahua  nation,  war  with 
the  Aztecs,  28;  conquered  by  Cor- 
tes, 159-66. 

Tollan,  city  (see  also  Tula),  founding 
of,  11;  abandoned,  17. 

Toltecs,  Nahua  nation,  name,  10;  an- 
nals of  the,  11-21;  palaces,  51. 

Tortillas,  preparation  of,  76. 

Trujillo,  Lieut-col.,  campaign  of, 
1810,  301-7. 

Tula  (see  also  Tollan),  pictures  of  ba- 
saltic column  at,  10-11;  ruius  at, 
111-12. 

Tultitlan,  city,  Toltecs  defeated  at, 
15. 

United  States,  war  with  Mex.,  444-50; 
claims  on  Mex.,  525. 

Urrea,  Gen.,  revolution  against  Busta- 
mante, 435. 

Valladolid,  Morelos’  defeat  at,  1813, 

356-8. 

Venegas,  Viceroy,  administr.  of,  276- 
346. 

Vera  Cruz,  ruins  in,  119-21;  map, 
231. 

Vera  Cruz,  city,  Cortfis  at,  154-5; 
sack  of,  1683,  225-30;  plans  of,  225, 
432;  description  of,  1777,  231-2; 
French  occupation  of,  1839,  432-3; 
American  occupation  of,  543. 

Victoria,  G.,  the  revolutionary  war, 
371;  portrait,  371;  president,  1824, 
402-7;  character,  404. 

Villa,  P.,  bandit  friend  of  Madero, 
536;  henchman  to  Carranza,  537; 


INDEX 


portrait,  537;  character  and  vil- 
lainous exploits,  537-40;  war  on 
Huerta,  540;  the  Benton  murder, 
541;  captures  many  cities,  540; 
hatred  of  Huerta,  542;  military 
successes,  543-4. 

Xuihtecutli,  Nahua  god,  recognition 
of,  32,  39. 

Xocliicaico,  picture  of  bas-relief  at,  29; 
ruins  at,  113-14. 

Xoloc  (Xolotl),  city,  founding  of, 
17. 


581 

Xolotl  I.  and  II.,  Chichimec  kings, 
reigns  of,  17-20. 

Yorkinos,  party,  mention  of,  405-6. 

Yucatan,  Cordoba’s  expedition,  1517, 
141-4;  map  of,  143;  name,  144; 
conquest  of,  214-23. 

Zapata,  E.,  insurrection,  532;  por- 
trait, 540;  attitude,  541. 

Zapotecs,  Nahua  nation,  war  with  the 
Aztecs,  27. 

Zuloaga,  Gen.  F.,  revolution  of.  460-1 ; 
president,  1858,  461;  portrait,  461. 


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